Journal articles on the topic 'Port Jackson shark – Reproduction'

Restricted gene flow and reproductive philopatry are increasingly being described in marine predators such as sharks. However, observing shark reproductive behaviour in situ is problematic because of issues associated with sampling in the marine environment. As such, molecular tools have become fundamental to unravelling complex mating behaviours. In this study, we examined patterns of genetic structure in the oviparous Port Jackson shark (Heterodontus portusjacksoni) using 10 microsatellite loci and the mitochondrial (mt)DNA control region. Patterns of genetic structure were investigated between breeding aggregations in Sydney and Jervis Bay, as well as between two sites within Jervis Bay. Significant genetic differentiation was detected between Sydney and Jervis Bay using mtDNA, but no structure was observed within Jervis Bay. No significant genetic differentiation was found with microsatellites within or between aggregations. Mean assignment index values were significantly higher for females than males in Jervis Bay, but not in Sydney. Both females and males migrate inshore during the Austral winter for breeding, but it appears females may exhibit higher levels of reproductive philopatry than males. This is the first study to document reproductive philopatry in an oviparous shark, highlighting the importance of conserving and appropriately managing breeding sites for H. portusjacksoni and potentially other oviparous shark species.

one of 353 port jackson sharks, heterodontus portusjacksoni, caught off the southern coast of western australia, was a hermaphrodite. the female reproductive tract consisted of a large (functional) right ovary with three large yolked ova, a small non-functional left ovary and two well-developed uteri and oviducal glands. the male tract comprised two conspicuous but undeveloped testes, two vas deferens and two calcified claspers with grooves. this individual represents the first published example of hermaphroditism in the order heterodontiformes and is a rare example of an elasmobranch with a complete suite of both male and female reproductive structures.

Demographic analyses are used to assess the status and vulnerability of elasmobranchs but their accuracy is often affected by limited basic biological information. Although the Port Jackson shark Heterodontus portusjacksoni (Meyer) is currently not considered at threat, there is insufficient data for eastern Australia to assess this rigorously. The present study determined vital demographic rates of adult and juvenile H. portusjacksoni at four locations on the central and southern coast of New South Wales, Australia from January 2002 to December 2005 using underwater visual census, tag–recapture and samples obtained from a commercial fishery. Natural mortality was low in adults (0.063–0.074 year–1) and juveniles (0.225 year–1), but substantial at the embryonic stage (0.783–0.896 year–1). Adult growth rates (31.4–32.7 mm year–1) were slightly less than that of juveniles (36.8–37.5 mm year–1). Males at both stages grew slightly faster than females. However, H. portusjacksoni had slower growth rates than many other elasmobranch species. Having a low intrinsic rate of increase (r = 0.069 year–1), long generation times (μ1 = 22.5 year) and a low rebound potential, adults are the stage with the greatest impact on population growth. Hence, their life history strategy makes them susceptible to serious decline under exploitation, and management should strive to maintain the adult reproductive stock as a priority.

Knowledge of the broad-scale movement patterns of sharks is essential to developing effective management strategies. Currently there is a large bias in studies focusing on species that are either large apex predators or found in tropical to subtropical regions. There is limited knowledge of the movements and migrations of benthic and temperate shark species. The present study used passive acoustic telemetry to investigate the movement patterns of a benthic shark species, the Port Jackson shark (Heterodontus portusjacksoni). Individuals were tagged with acoustic transmitters between 2012 and 2014 and their movements were monitored within Jervis Bay and along the east Australian coastline for up to 4 years. Male and female Port Jackson sharks demonstrated high levels of philopatry to both Jervis Bay and their tagging location across multiple years. Although males and females did not differ in their arrival times, females departed from Jervis Bay later than males. Approximately half the tagged individuals migrated in a southward direction, with individuals being detected at Narooma, Bass Strait and Cape Barron Island. This study provides conclusive evidence of bisexual philopatry in a benthic temperate shark species, confirming previous hypotheses, and presents the most detailed migration route for Port Jackson sharks to date.

Commercial fisheries can discard a considerable volume of sharks and rays, which, as a group, are of high conservation concern. In Western Australia (WA), commercial shark fishing commenced in the 1940s; however, catch time series are not available for discarded species. The present study quantified catch (i.e. dead individuals) time series of discarded sharks and rays in WA’s shark fisheries using on-board observer information collected since 1993 and testing assumptions through sensitivity analysis. Overall, 18 shark and ray taxonomic groups were discarded, comprising ~20% of the observed catch by number. Port Jackson shark, southern eagle ray and spurdogs were the most commonly discarded elasmobranchs, followed by western wobbegong, angel sharks, stingrays, and guitarfish and shovelnose rays. For the base case scenario, the catch of these species was small, peaking at 12.6, 5.6, 1.3, 1.8, 4, 1.3 and 2.7 tonnes (Mg) respectively, given their low post-release mortality (PRM). Current catch levels were even lower (e.g. <5 Mg for Port Jackson shark). Other discarded elasmobranchs were rarely caught. Assuming 100% PRM resulted in higher annual catches, highlighting the need for further research on the PRM of sharks and rays. The reconstructed catch series will be used in risk assessments to determine the sustainability of discarded species.

Port Jackson sharks are distributed throughout southern Australia, with evidence suggesting that potential subpopulations exist. If subpopulations are evident, then phenotypic variation among groups should result in differences in life-history parameters. The present study tested for patterns of spatial variability of life-history parameters among regional Port Jackson shark populations. Rates of growth from Port Jackson sharks caught in the gulf waters of South Australia were calculated on the basis of counts of vertebral increments. Growth parameters were obtained by fitting the length-at-age data to von Bertalanffy and Gompertz growth functions. While the derived growth curves fit the length-at-age data well (r2 ranged from 0.87 to 0.91), parameters showed considerable differences between the two functions, with the von Bertalanffy function providing the more realistic estimates of growth (combined sexes: k = 0.081 year–1, L∞ = 1232 mm total length and t0 = –1.937 years). Life-history parameters for South Australian Port Jackson sharks were collated with the available data for the species, facilitating comparisons among regional populations. Growth curves among populations varied significantly; however, considerable overlap in the length ranges of size at birth and sizes at maturity among populations were evident. Overall, the data presented here do not provide definitive support for the presence of subpopulations across the distribution of the Port Jackson shark, suggesting that molecular analysis maybe required to directly test for structuring.

SCUBA observations show that Port Jackson sharks repeatedly visit specific resting sites on ocean reefs at South Bondi (New South Wales) and, when disturbed, move directly from one site to another. The sharks also use specific resting sites in Sydney Harbour and, when transferred by boat to different localities within the harbour, up to 3 km away, return to their original resting sites. The sharks migrate from as far south as Tasmania to Sydney Harbour to lay their eggs in specific sites. Speculative extrapolation from the above observations suggests that Port Jackson sharks must have a highly developed spatial memory.

Sharks are an interesting group of vertebrates, as many species swim continuously to “ram” oxygen-rich seawater over their gills (ram ventilators), whereas other species “pump” seawater over their gills by manipulating buccal cavity volume while remaining motionless (buccal pumpers). This difference in respiratory physiology raises the question: What are the implications of these differences in lifestyle for circadian rhythms? We investigated the diel activity patterns of 5 species of sharks, including 3 ram ventilating species: the school shark ( Galeorhinus galeus), the spotted estuary smooth-hound ( Mustelus lenticulatus), and the spiny dogfish ( Squalus acanthias); and 2 buccal pumping species: the Port Jackson ( Heterodontus portusjacksoni) and draughtsboard ( Cephaloscyllium isabellum) sharks. We measured the amount, duration, and distance traveled while swimming over multiple days under a 12:12 light:dark light regime for all species and used modified light regimes for species with a clear diel rhythm in activity. We identified a surprising diversity of activity rhythms. The school shark and smooth-hound swam continuously; however, whereas the school shark swam at the same speed and covered the same distance during the day and night, the smooth-hound swam slower at night and traversed a shorter distance. A similar pattern was observed in the spiny dogfish, although this shark swam less overall. Both the Port Jackson and draughtsboard sharks showed a marked nocturnal preference for swimming. This pattern was muted and disrupted during constant light and constant dark regimes, although circadian organization of this pattern was maintained under certain conditions. The consequences of these patterns for other biological processes, such as sleep, remain unclear. Nonetheless, these 5 species demonstrate remarkable diversity within the activity rhythms of sharks.

The genital ducts of Heterodontus portusjacksoni are lined by a ciliated epithelium. In the ductuli efferentes the epithelium is low and contains numerous intraepithelial leucocytes which often contain large dense bodies. All epithelial cells are ciliated and are characterised by apical vesicles, vacuoles and glycogen granules, some rough endoplasmic reticulum, dense bodies and lipid droplets, and a Golgi apparatus. The initial segment of the ductus epididymidis is lined by a very tall epithelium of ciliated and non-ciliated cells. The non-ciliated cells contain numerous apical vesicles, a large Golgi apparatus and numerous mitochondria and secretory granules in close association with an extensive endoplasmic reticulum. The terminal segment of the ductus epididymidis is lined by a low columnar epithelium. A proximal region, occupying part of the head of the epididymis, is similar to the epithelium in the ductuli efferentes. Distally, all the epithelial cells are ciliated. They are characterised by considerable dilated endoplasmic reticulum, a Golgi apparatus, apical vesicles, and numerous mitochondria and secretory granules. The secretory tubules of Leydig's glands are lined by a very tall epithelium with non-ciliated cells containing extensive, dilated, rough endoplasmic reticulum, a large Golgi apparatus, and numerous mitochondria and secretory granules. The significance of the structural differentiation of the duct is discussed in relation to the evolution of the mammalian epididymis.

Movement ecology has traditionally focused on the movements of animals over large time scales, but, with advancements in sensor technology, the focus can become increasingly fine scale. Accelerometers are commonly applied to quantify animal behaviours and can elucidate fine-scale (<2 s) behaviours. Machine learning methods are commonly applied to animal accelerometry data; however, they require the trial of multiple methods to find an ideal solution. We used tri-axial accelerometers (10 Hz) to quantify four behaviours in Port Jackson sharks (Heterodontus portusjacksoni): two fine-scale behaviours (<2 s)—(1) vertical swimming and (2) chewing as proxy for foraging, and two broad-scale behaviours (>2 s–mins)—(3) resting and (4) swimming. We used validated data to calculate 66 summary statistics from tri-axial accelerometry and assessed the most important features that allowed for differentiation between the behaviours. One and two second epoch testing sets were created consisting of 10 and 20 samples from each behaviour event, respectively. We developed eight machine learning models to assess their overall accuracy and behaviour-specific accuracy (one classification tree, five ensemble learners and two neural networks). The support vector machine model classified the four behaviours better when using the longer 2 s time epoch (F-measure 89%; macro-averaged F-measure: 90%). Here, we show that this support vector machine (SVM) model can reliably classify both fine- and broad-scale behaviours in Port Jackson sharks.

This study investigated the behaviour of two Elasmobranch species; Southern fiddler ray (Trygonorrhina dumerilii, n = 1) and Port Jackson shark (Heterodontus portusjacksoni, n = 4) and two teleost species; moonlighter (Tilodon sexfasciatus, n = 1) and banded morwong (Cheilodactylus spectabilis, n = 1) living within a single enclosure. For this study, two treatments were compared, the original enclosure design, and then after the enclosure had been renovated to more closely represent the species natural habitats, with a raised front viewing glass to prevent visitor interaction. Behaviours such as resting, swimming and abnormal behaviours such as surface and perimeter swimming (elasmobranchs only) were recorded as well as location within the enclosure, for 10 days pre and 10 days post renovation. The Port Jackson sharks significantly reduced the performance of abnormal behaviours after renovation, and significantly increased the time spent near the exhibit front. The Southern fiddler ray increased resting post renovation, while the teleost species also spent more time near the exhibit front. Although a small sample size was used, the results suggest that a more naturalistic environment with multiple micro-habitats and effective visitor barriers allows for a greater proportion of the day spent exhibiting natural behaviours, greater space use and reduced stereotypes.

Elasmobranch fishes (sharks, skates and rays) possess a highly sensitive electrosensory system that enables them to detect weak electric fields, such as those produced by potential prey organisms. Despite several comparative anatomical studies, the functional significance of interspecific variation in electrosensory system morphology remains poorly understood. In the present study, we directly tested the electrosensitivity of two benthic elasmobranchs that share a similar habitat and feed on similarly sized prey items (Port Jackson sharks, Heterodontus portusjacksoni, and western shovelnose rays, Aptychotrema vincentiana), but differ significantly in their electrosensory system morphology. Aptychotrema vincentiana possesses almost five times the number of electrosensory pores of H. portusjacksoni (~1190 and ~239 respectively), yet both species are able to initiate feeding responses to electric-field gradients below 1 nV cm–1, similar to other elasmobranch species tested. However, A. vincentiana showed a greater ability to resolve the specific location of electrosensory stimuli, because H. portusjacksoni would more often overshoot the target and have to turn around to locate it. These results suggested that differences in abundance and distribution of electrosensory pores have little to no effect on the absolute electrical sensitivity in elasmobranchs, and instead, may reflect species-specific differences in the spatial resolution and directionality of electroreception.

Four methods for counting growth bands using vertebrae and dorsal-fin spines of the Port Jackson shark, Heterodontus portusjacksoni, are compared. Both calcified structures presented observable growth bands, allowing cross comparison among structures for the first time in a shark species. Whole and sectioned vertebrae and dorsal fin-spines possess highly visible growth bands and intra-reader band counts resulted in similar precision indices with little systematic bias. However, inter-reader growth band count plots showed possible biases in counts from sectioned vertebrae and sectioned dorsal-fin spines. Sectioned vertebrae and whole and sectioned dorsal-fin spines produced similar growth band counts, whereas whole vertebrae produced significantly lower counts. The similar readability, precision indices, growth band counts and apparent absence of biases between counts for a single reader would indicate that sectioned vertebrae and whole and sectioned dorsal-fin spines are both potentially useful and acceptable methods for band counting. However, inter-reader comparisons are necessary to avoid acceptance of biased estimations, resulting in over- or under-estimations of age. Validation for all age classes is essential to determining accurate age estimations for this and other species.

Reconstructing movements and environmental histories of sharks may be possible by using the element composition of vertebrae, but unlocking such possibilities requires an understanding of the effects of extrinsic and intrinsic factors on element composition. We assessed water temperature and pH effects (independently and in combination) on vertebral chemistry of Port Jackson sharks while accounting for intrinsic factors (condition and sex) using indoor aquaria and outdoor mesocosm environments, where the latter may better reflect natural field conditions. We analysed eight element:Ca ratios (7Li, 8B, 24Mg, 55Mn, 65Cu, 88Sr, 138Ba and 238U) by laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry and found positive temperature-dependant responses for multiple elements, including B:Ca, Mn:Ca, Sr:Ca and Ba:Ca (r2=0.43, 0.22, 0.60 and 0.35 respectively), whereas pH had a minor effect on vertebral Mg:Ca and Li:Ca (r2=0.10 and 0.31 respectively). As shown for teleost otoliths, condition affected element composition (Mn:Ca), suggesting potential physiological influences on element uptake. The suitability of vertebral chemistry as a natural tag appears to be element specific, and likely governed by a suite of potentially codependent extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Overall, variations in vertebrae chemistry show promise to reconstruct movements and habitat use of cartilaginous fishes. Yet, further research is required to understand the ubiquitous nature of the findings presented here.

Dietary studies are essential for an understanding of elasmobranch ecology and their role in marine ecosystems. The diet, head morphology and dentition of Heterodontus portusjacksoni, an abundant, epibenthic shark in the coastal waters of temperate eastern Australia, were examined in 2004–2005. The stomach contents of the juvenile, subadult and adult stages of 136 males and 100 females were examined. Diets were broad (32 prey taxa), but dominated by molluscs, teleosts and cephalopods. Analyses of stomach contents data demonstrated that diet differed significantly by ontogenetic stage, but not by sex. Juveniles and subadults consumed mainly benthic infauna and epifauna, with subadults ingesting greater amounts of diogenid crustaceans, and adult diets dominated by demersal/pelagic prey. Trophic level differed ontogenetically, from secondary consumers as juveniles and subadults to tertiary consumers as adults. The mainly tricuspidate juvenile dentition changed with maturity to a greater proportion of large molariform distal teeth, whereas the snout and jaw lengthened and broadened. Adult males retained a greater proportion of anterior S-family teeth than females, which was most likely related to copulation. The ontogenetic variation in dietary composition, facilitated by differences in dentition and mouth morphology, demonstrated that dietary resources were partitioned ontogenetically.

The field of animal personality has received considerable attention in past decades, yet few studies have examined personality in the wild. This study investigated docility, a measure of boldness, in two Port Jackson shark (Heterodontus portusjacksoni) populations using field tests, and if laterality differences explained docility levels. We developed a struggle test as an assay for docility, which is particularly amenable to field studies. The struggle test was effective, and repeatable inter-individual docility differences were observed. Sex, but not population, influenced docility scores, with male sharks being less docile than females. This difference is likely due to the contrasting role each sex plays during mating. We also found individualized lateralization. However, no individual-level relationship between lateralization and docility was detected. Despite reported links between laterality and some personality traits, the relationship between laterality and boldness remains inconclusive in sharks. Further studies will prove essential to clarify the mechanisms behind personality traits in vertebrates.

AbstractThe teeth of all vertebrates predominantly comprise the same materials, but their lifespans vary widely: in stark contrast to mammals, shark teeth are functional only for weeks, rather than decades, making lifelong durability largely irrelevant. However, their diets are diverse and often mechanically demanding, and as such, their teeth should maintain a functional morphology, even in the face of extremely high and potentially damaging contact stresses. Here, we reconcile the dilemma between the need for an operative tooth geometry and the unavoidable damage inherent to feeding on hard foods, demonstrating that the tooth cusps of Port Jackson sharks, hard-shelled prey specialists, possess unusual microarchitecture that controls tooth erosion in a way that maintains functional cusp shape. The graded architecture in the enameloid provokes a location-specific damage response, combining chipping of outer enameloid and smooth wear of inner enameloid to preserve an efficient shape for grasping hard prey. Our discovery provides experimental support for the dominant theory that multi-layered tooth enameloid facilitated evolutionary diversification of shark ecologies.

Abstract. Introduction: Mustelus higmani is one of the shark species most commonly caught in the northeastern region of Venezuela; however, this species has been poorly studied. Objective: to evaluate the age and growth of M. higmani on the basis of the optical analysis of vertebrae. Methods: Between August 2016 and July 2017, the vertebral samples were collected in the fishing port of Juan Griego, Margarita Island. The growth study was based on a sample of 238 individuals, 86 males (24.1-59.5 cm TL) and 152 females (24.4-69.5 cm TL) and the use of growth modeling approaches. Results: The RMI analysis indicated an annual periodicity for the deposition of growth rings. Ages assigned varied between 0 and 5 years in males, and between 0 and 6 years in females. The estimates of growth parameters obtained were L∞ = 60.8 cm TL, k = 0.54 years-1 and t0 = -1.04 years in males; and L∞ = 72.4 cm TL, k = 0.40 years-1 and t0 = -1.31 years in females. The ages at maturity and longevities resulted respectively in 2.5 and 6.4 years for males; and in 2.0 and 8.7 years for females. Conclusions: In general, results indicate that M. higmani has a rapid growth, early maturity, short longevity, and continuous reproduction, characterizing it as a biologically productive species. Key words: Caribbean; ecology; elasmobranchs; fishery; sharks.

The high economic value of fisheries was historically associated to commercial teleost fishes. Since the 1970s, despite some elasmobranchs becoming an important target or a bycatch, relatively little research has been carried out on this group because of their low economic value. Due to their specific life history characteristics, sharks and rays are particularly vulnerable to overexploitation, taking several decades to recover after reaching an overexploitation status. In Portugal elasmobranch fishery results mainly from targeted longlining and bycatch from different fishing gears. During the last decade, the Total Allowable Catches (TACs) of rays have been decreasing, the European Union (EU) banned the capture of some ray species, the Portuguese government implemented both a closed season and a minimum landing size for some rays, and the EU prohibited target fishing for sharks. All these measures may have been highly responsible for the national and local landings reduction. Official landings from the last decade were analyzed, the landed species conservation status was consulted, and structured interviews using a questionnaire were conducted in the most important fishing port in the Portuguese mainland, the port of Sesimbra. Results led us to conclude that fishers’ answers and landings data did not match. It also revealed a lack of awareness by fishers about the state of shark and ray populations, and about some aspects of their biology and ecology, like reproduction season and method. The present study highlights the need to fill in this existing gap in knowledge through the transfer of scientific knowledge and sharing of management responsibilities. Also, we aimed to demonstrate the necessity for awareness and education activities within fishing communities, an essential step to elasmobranch conservation.

IntroductionIn 1802 George Howe (1769-1821), the recently appointed Government Printer, published Australia’s first book. The following year he established Australia’s first newspaper; an enterprise that ran counter to all the environmental factors of the day, including: 1) issues of logistics and a lack of appropriate equipment and basic materials to produce a regularly issued newspaper; 2) issues resulting from the very close supervision of production and the routine censorship by the Governor; and 3) issues associated with the colony’s primary purposes as a military outpost and as a penal settlement, creating conflicts between very different readerships. The Sydney Gazette was, critically for Howe, the only newspaper in the infant city for over two decades. Alternative voices would not enter the field of printed media until the 1820s and 1830s. This article briefly explores the birth of an Australian industry and looks at how a very modest newspaper overcame a range of serious challenges to ignite imaginations and lay a foundation for media empires.Government Printer The first book published in Australia was the New South Wales General Standing Orders and General Orders (1802), authorised by Governor Philip Gidley King for the purposes of providing a convenient, single-volume compilation of all Government Orders, issued in New South Wales, between 1791 and 1802. (As the Australian character has been described as “egalitarian, anti-authoritarian and irreverent” [D. Jones 690], it is fascinating that the nation’s first published book was a set of rules.) Prescribing law, order and regulation for the colony the index reveals the desires of those charged with the colony’s care and development, to contain various types of activities. The rules for convicts were, predictably, many. There were also multiple orders surrounding administration, animal husbandry as well as food stuffs and other stores. Some of the most striking headings in the index relate to crime. For example, in addition to headings pertaining to courts there are also headings for a broad range of offences from: “BAD Characters” to “OFFENSIVE Weapons – Again[s]t concealing” (i-xii). The young colony, still in its teenage years, was, for the short-term, very much working on survival and for the long-term developing ambitious plans for expansion and trade. It was clear though, through this volume, that there was no forgetting the colony of New South Wales was first, and foremost, a penal settlement which also served as a military outpost. Clear, too, was the fact that not all of those who were shipped out to the new colony were prepared to abandon their criminal careers which “did not necessarily stop with transportation” (Foyster 10). Containment and recidivism were matters of constant concern for the colony’s authorities. Colonial priorities could be seen in the fact that, when “Governor Arthur Phillip brought the first convicts (548 males and 188 females) to Port Jackson on 26 January 1788, he also brought a small press for printing orders, rules, and regulations” (Goff 103). The device lay dormant on arrival, a result of more immediate concerns to feed and house all those who made up the First Fleet. It would be several years before the press was pushed into sporadic service by the convict George Hughes for printing miscellaneous items including broadsides and playbills as well as for Government Orders (“Hughes, George” online). It was another convict (another man named George), convicted at the Warwick Assizes on March 1799 (Ferguson vi) then imprisoned and ultimately transported for shoplifting (Robb 15), who would transform the small hand press into an industry. Once under the hand of George Howe, who had served as a printer with several London newspapers including The Times (Sydney Gazette, “Never” 2) – the printing press was put to much more regular use. In these very humble circumstances, Australia’s great media tradition was born. Howe, as the Government Printer, transformed the press from a device dedicated to ephemera as well as various administrative matters into a crucial piece of equipment that produced the new colony’s first newspaper. Logistical Challenges Governor King, in the year following the appearance of the Standing Orders, authorised the publishing of Australia’s first newspaper, The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser. The publication history of The Sydney Gazette, in a reflection of some of the challenges faced by the printer, is erratic. First published on a Saturday from 5 March 1803, it quickly changed to a Sunday paper from 10 April 1803. Interestingly, Sunday “was not an approved day for the publication of newspapers, and although some English publishers had been doing so since about 1789, Sunday papers were generally frowned upon” (Robb 58). Yet, as argued by Howe a Sunday print run allowed for the inclusion of “the whole of the Ship News, and other Incidental Matter, for the preceeding week” (Sydney Gazette, “To the Public” 1).The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser Vol. 1, No. 1, 5 March 1803 (Front Page)Call Number DL F8/50, Digital ID a345001, State Library of New South WalesPublished weekly until 1825, then bi-weekly until 1827 before coming out tri-weekly until 20 October 1842 (Holden 14) there were some notable pauses in production. These included one in 1807 (Issue 214, 19 April-Issue 215, 7 June) and one in 1808-1809 (Issue 227, 30 August-Issue 228, 15 May) due to a lack of paper, with the latter pause coinciding with the Rum Rebellion and the end of William Bligh’s term as Governor of New South Wales (see: Karskens 186-88; Mundle 323-37). There was, too, a brief attempt at publishing as a daily from 1 January 1827 which lasted only until 10 February of that year when the title began to appear tri-weekly (Kirkpatrick online; Holden 14). There would be other pauses, including one of two weeks, shortly before the final issue was produced on 20 October 1842. There were many problems that beset The Sydney Gazette with paper shortages being especially challenging. Howe regularly advertised for: “any quantity” of Spanish paper (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Wanted to Purchase” 4) and needing to be satisfied “with a variety of size and colour” (P.M. Jones 39). In addition, the procurement of ink was so difficult in the colony, that Howe often resorted to making his own out of “charcoal, gum and shark oil” (P.M. Jones 39).The work itself was physically demanding and papers printed during this period, by hand, required a great deal of effort with approximately “250 sheets per hour … [the maximum] produced by a printer and his assistant” (Robb 8). The printing press itself was inadequate and the subject of occasional repairs (Sydney Gazette, “We Have” 2). Type was also a difficulty. As Gwenda Robb explains, traditionally six sets of an alphabet were supplied to a printer with extras for ‘a’, ‘e’, ‘r’ and ‘t’ as well as ‘s’. Without ample type Howe was required to improvise as can be seen in using a double ‘v’ to create a ‘w’ and an inverted ‘V’ to represent a capital ‘A’ (50, 106). These quirky work arounds, combined with the use of the long-form ‘s’ (‘∫’) for almost a full decade, can make The Sydney Gazette a difficult publication for modern readers to consume. Howe also “carried the financial burden” of the paper, dependent, as were London papers of the late eighteenth century, on advertising (Robb 68, 8). Howe also relied upon subscriptions for survival, with the collection of payments often difficult as seen in some subscribers being two years, or more, in arrears (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Sydney Gazette” 1; Ferguson viii; P.M. Jones 38). Governor Lachlan Macquarie granted Howe an annual salary, in 1811, of £60 (Byrnes 557-559) offering some relief, and stability, for the beleaguered printer.Gubernatorial Supervision Governor King wrote to Lord Hobart (then Secretary of State for War and the Colonies), on 9 May 1803: it being desirable that the settlers and inhabitants at large should be benefitted by useful information being dispersed among them, I considered that a weekly publication would greatly facilitate that design, for which purpose I gave permission to an ingenious man, who manages the Government printing press, to collect materials weekly, which, being inspected by an officer, is published in the form of a weekly newspaper, copies of which, as far as they have been published, I have the honor to enclose. (85)In the same letter, King wrote: “to the list of wants I have added a new fount of letters which may be procured for eight or ten pounds, sufficient for our purpose, if approved of” (85). King’s motivations were not purely altruistic. The population of the colony was growing in Sydney Cove and in the outlying districts, thus: “there was an increasing administrative need for information to be disseminated in a more accessible form than the printed handbills of government orders” (Robb 49). There was, however, a need for the administration to maintain control and the words “Published By Authority”, appearing on the paper’s masthead, were a constant reminder to the printer that The Sydney Gazette was “under the censorship of the Secretary to the Governor, who examined all proofs” (Ferguson viii). The high level of supervision, worked in concert with the logistical difficulties described above, ensured the newspaper was a source of great strain and stress. All for the meagre reward of “6d per copy” (Ferguson viii). This does not diminish Howe’s achievement in establishing a newspaper, an accomplishment outlined, with some pride, in an address printed on the first page of the first issue:innumerable as the Obstacles were which threatened to oppose our Undertaking, yet we are happy to affirm that they were not insurmountable, however difficult the task before us.The utility of a PAPER in the COLONY, as it must open a source of solid information, will, we hope, be universally felt and acknowledged. (Sydney Gazette, “Address” 1)Howe carefully kept his word and he “wrote nothing like a signature editorial column, nor did he venture his personal opinions, conscious always of the powers of colonial officials” (Robb 72). An approach to reportage he passed to his eldest son and long-term assistant, Robert (1795-1829), who later claimed The Sydney Gazette “reconciled in one sheet the merits of the London Gazette in upholding the Government and the London Times in defending the people” (Walker 10). The censorship imposed on The Sydney Gazette, by the Governor, was lifted in 1824 (P.M. Jones 40), when the Australian was first published without permission: Governor Thomas Brisbane did not intervene in the new enterprise. The appearance of unauthorised competition allowed Robert Howe to lobby for the removal of all censorship restrictions on The Sydney Gazette, though he was careful to cite “greater dispatch and earlier publication, not greater freedom of expression, as the expected benefit” (Walker 6). The sudden freedom was celebrated, and still appreciated many years after it was given:the Freedom of the Press has now been in existence amongst us on the verge of four years. In October 1824, we addressed a letter to the Colonial Government, fervently entreating that those shackles, under which the Press had long laboured, might be removed. Our prayer was attended to, and the Sydney Gazette, feeling itself suddenly introduced to a new state of existence, demonstrated to the Colonists the capabilities that ever must flow from the spontaneous exertions of Constitutional Liberty. (Sydney Gazette, “Freedom” 2)Early Readerships From the outset, George Howe presented a professional publication. The Sydney Gazette was formatted into three columns with the front page displaying a formal masthead featuring a scene of Sydney and the motto “Thus We Hope to Prosper”. Gwenda Robb argues the woodcut, the first produced in the colony, was carved by John W. Lewin who “had plenty of engraving skills” and had “returned to Sydney [from a voyage to Tahiti] in December 1802” (51) while Roger Butler has suggested that “circumstances point to John Austin who arrived in Sydney in 1800” as being the engraver (91). The printed text was as vital as the visual supports and every effort was made to present full accounts of colonial activities. “As well as shipping and court news, there were agricultural reports, religious homilies, literary extracts and even original poetry written by Howe himself” (Blair 450). These items, of course, sitting alongside key Government communications including General Orders and Proclamations.Howe’s language has been referred to as “florid” (Robb 52), “authoritative and yet filled with deference for all authority, pompous in a stiff, affected eighteenth century fashion” (Green 10) and so “some of Howe’s readers found the Sydney Gazette rather dull” (Blair 450). Regardless of any feelings towards authorial style, circulation – without an alternative – steadily increased with the first print run in 1802 being around 100 copies but by “the early 1820s, the newspaper’s production had grown to 300 or 400 copies” (Blair 450).In a reflection of the increasing sophistication of the Sydney-based reader, George Howe, and Robert Howe, would also publish some significant, stand-alone, texts. These included several firsts: the first natural history book printed in the colony, Birds of New South Wales with their Natural History (1813) by John W. Lewin (praised as a text “printed with an elegant and classical simplicity which makes it the highest typographical achievement of George Howe” [Wantrup 278]); the first collection of poetry published in the colony First Fruits of Australian Poetry (1819) by Barron Field; the first collection of poetry written by a Australian-born author, Wild Notes from the Lyre of a Native Minstrel (1826) by Charles Tompson; and the first children’s book A Mother’s Offering to Her Children: By a Lady, Long Resident in New South Wales (1841) by Charlotte Barton. The small concern also published mundane items such as almanacs and receipt books for the Bank of New South Wales (Robb 63, 72). All against the backdrop of printing a newspaper.New Voices The Sydney Gazette was Australia’s first newspaper and, critically for Howe, the only newspaper for over two decades. (A second paper appeared in 1810 but the Derwent Star and Van Diemen’s Land Intelligencer, which only managed twelve issues, presented no threat to The Sydney Gazette.) No genuine, local rival entered the field until 1824, when the Australian was founded by barristers William Charles Wentworth and Robert Wardell. The Monitor debuted in 1826, followed the Sydney Herald in 1831 and the Colonist in 1835 (P.M. Jones 38). It was the second title, the Australian, with a policy that asserted articles to be: “Independent, yet consistent – free, yet not licentious – equally unmoved by favours and by fear” (Walker 6), radically changed the newspaper landscape. The new paper made “a strong point of its independence from government control” triggering a period in which colonial newspapers “became enmeshed with local politics” (Blair 451). This new age of opinion reflected how fast the colony was evolving from an antipodean gaol into a complex society. Also, two papers, without censorship restrictions, without registration, stamp duties or advertisement duties meant, as pointed out by R.B. Walker, that “in point of law the Press in the remote gaol of exile was now freer than in the country of origin” (6). An outcome George Howe could not have predicted as he made the long journey, as a convict, to New South Wales. Of the early competitors, the only one that survives is the Sydney Herald (The Sydney Morning Herald from 1842), which – founded by immigrants Alfred Stephens, Frederick Stokes and William McGarvie – claims the title of Australia’s oldest continuously published newspaper (Isaacs and Kirkpatrick 4-5). That such a small population, with so many pressing issues, factions and political machinations, could support a first newspaper, then competitors, is a testament to the high regard, with which newspaper reportage was held. Another intruder would be The Government Gazette. Containing only orders and notices in the style of the London Gazette (McLeay 1), lacking any news items or private advertisements (Walker 19), it was first issued on 7 March 1832 (and continues, in an online format, today). Of course, Government orders and other notices had news value and newspaper proprietors could bid for exclusive rights to produce these notices until a new Government Printer was appointed in 1841 (Walker 20).Conclusion George Howe, an advocate of “reason and common sense” died in 1821 placing The Sydney Gazette in the hands of his son who “fostered religion” (Byrnes 557-559). Robert Howe, served as editor, experiencing firsthand the perils and stresses of publishing, until he drowned in a boating accident in Sydney Harbour, in 1829 leaving the paper to his widow Ann Howe (Blair 450-51). The newspaper would become increasingly political leading to controversy and financial instability; after more changes in ownership and in editorial responsibility, The Sydney Gazette, after almost four decades of delivering the news – as a sole voice and then as one of several alternative voices – ceased publication in 1842. During a life littered with personal tragedy, George Howe laid the foundation stone for Australia’s media empires. His efforts, in extraordinary circumstances and against all environmental indicators, serve as inspiration to newspapers editors, proprietors and readers across the country. He established the Australian press, an institution that has been described asa profession, an art, a craft, a business, a quasi-public, privately owned institution. It is full of grandeurs and faults, sublimities and pettinesses. It is courageous and timid. It is fallible. It is indispensable to the successful on-going of a free people. (Holden 15)George Howe also created an artefact of great beauty. The attributes of The Sydney Gazette are listed, in a perfunctory manner, in most discussions of the newspaper’s history. The size of the paper. The number of columns. The masthead. The changes seen across 4,503 issues. Yet, consistently overlooked, is how, as an object, the newspaper is an exquisite example of the printed word. There is a physicality to the paper that is in sharp contrast to contemporary examples of broadsides, tabloids and online publications. Concurrently fragile and robust: its translucent sheets and mottled print revealing, starkly, the problems with paper and ink; yet it survives, in several collections, over two centuries since the first issue was produced. The elegant layout, the glow of the paper, the subtle crackling sound as the pages are turned. The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser is an astonishing example of innovation and perseverance. It provides essential insights into Australia’s colonial era. It is a metonym for making words matter. AcknowledgementsThe author offers her sincere thanks to Geoff Barker, Simon Dwyer and Peter Kirkpatrick for their comments on an early draft of this paper. The author is also grateful to Bridget Griffen-Foley for engaging in many conversations about Australian newspapers. ReferencesBlair, S.J. “Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser.” A Companion to the Australian Media. Ed. Bridget Griffen-Foley. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2014.Butler, Roger. Printed Images in Colonial Australia 1801-1901. Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 2007.Byrnes, J.V. “Howe, George (1769–1821).” Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography: 1788–1850, A–H. Canberra: Australian National University, 1966. 557-559. Ferguson, J.A. “Introduction.” The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser: A Facsimile Reproduction of Volume One, March 5, 1803 to February 26, 1804. Sydney: The Trustees of the Public Library of New South Wales in Association with Angus & Robertson, 1963. v-x. Foyster, Elizabeth. “Introduction: Newspaper Reporting of Crime and Justice.” Continuity and Change 22.1 (2007): 9-12.Goff, Victoria. “Convicts and Clerics: Their Roles in the Infancy of the Press in Sydney, 1803-1840.” Media History 4.2 (1998): 101-120.Green, H.M. “Australia’s First Newspaper.” Sydney Morning Herald, 11 Apr. 1935: 10.Holden, W. Sprague. Australia Goes to Press. Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1961. “Hughes, George (?–?).” Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography: 1788–1850, A–H. Canberra: Australian National University, 1966. 562. Isaacs, Victor, and Rod Kirkpatrick. Two Hundred Years of Sydney Newspapers. Richmond: Rural Press, 2003. Jones, Dorothy. “Humour and Satire (Australia).” Encyclopedia of Post-Colonial Literatures in English. 2nd ed. Eds. Eugene Benson and L.W. Conolly. London: Routledge, 2005. 690-692.Jones, Phyllis Mander. “Australia’s First Newspaper.” Meanjin 12.1 (1953): 35-46. Karskens, Grace. The Colony: A History of Early Sydney. Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2010. King, Philip Gidley. “Letter to Lord Hobart, 9 May 1803.” Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Governors’ Despatches to and from England, Volume IV, 1803-1804. Ed. Frederick Watson. Sydney: Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.Kirkpatrick, Rod. Press Timeline: 1802 – 1850. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2011. 6 Jan. 2017 <https://www.nla.gov.au/content/press-timeline-1802-1850>. McLeay, Alexander. “Government Notice.” The New South Wales Government Gazette 1 (1832): 1. Mundle, R. Bligh: Master Mariner. Sydney: Hachette, 2016.New South Wales General Standing Orders and General Orders: Selected from the General Orders Issued by Former Governors, from the 16th of February, 1791, to the 6th of September, 1800. Also, General Orders Issued by Governor King, from the 28th of September, 1800, to the 30th of September, 1802. Sydney: Government Press, 1802. Robb, Gwenda. George Howe: Australia’s First Publisher. Kew: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2003.Spalding, D.A. Collecting Australian Books: Notes for Beginners. 1981. Mawson: D.A. Spalding, 1982. The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser. “Address.” 5 Mar. 1803: 1.———. “To the Public.” 2 Apr. 1803: 1.———. “Wanted to Purchase.” 26 June 1803: 4.———. “We Have the Satisfaction to Inform Our Readers.” 3 Nov. 1810: 2. ———. “Sydney Gazette.” 25 Dec. 1819: 1. ———. “The Freedom of the Press.” 29 Feb. 1828: 2.———. “Never Did a More Painful Task Devolve upon a Public Writer.” 3 Feb. 1829: 2. Walker, R.B. The Newspaper Press in New South Wales, 1803-1920. Sydney: Sydney UP, 1976.Wantrup, Johnathan. Australian Rare Books: 1788-1900. Sydney: Hordern House, 1987.

Introduction Negative stereotyping of alternative diets such as veganism and other plant-based diets has been common in Australia, conventionally a meat-eating culture (OECD qtd. in Ting). Indeed, meat consumption in Australia is sanctioned by the ubiquity of advertising linking meat-eating to health, vitality and nation-building, and public challenges to such plant-based diets as veganism. In addition, state, commercial enterprises, and various community groups overtly resist challenges to Australian meat-eating norms and to the intensive animal husbandry practices that underpin it. Hence activists, who may contest not simply this norm but many of the customary industry practices that comprise Australia’s meat production, have been accused of promoting a vegan agenda and even of undermining the “Australian way of life”.If veganism meansa philosophy and way of living which seeks to exclude—as far as is possible and practicable—all forms of exploitation of, and cruelty to, animals for food, clothing or any other purpose; and by extension, promotes the development and use of animal-free alternatives for the benefit of humans, animals and the environment. In dietary terms it denotes the practice of dispensing with all products derived wholly or partly from animals. (Vegan Society)then our interest in this article lies in how a stereotyped label of veganism (and other associated attributes) is being used across Australian public spheres to challenge the work of animal activists as they call out factory farming for entrenched animal cruelty. This is carried out in three main parts. First, following an outline of our research approach, we examine the processes of stereotyping and the key dimensions of vegan stereotyping. Second, in the main part of the article, we reveal how opponents to such animal activist organisations as Animals Australia attempt to undermine activist calls for change by framing them as promoting an un-Australian vegan agenda. Finally, we consider how, despite such framing, that organisation is generating productive public debate around animal welfare, and, further, facilitating the creation of new activist identifications and identities.Research ApproachData collection involved searching for articles where Animals Australia and animal activism were yoked with veg*n (vegan and vegetarian), across the period May 2011 to 2016 (discussion peaked between May and June 2013). This period was of interest because it exposed a flare point with public discord being expressed between communities—namely between rural and urban consumers, farmers and animal activists, Coles Supermarkets (identified by The Australian Government the Treasury as one of two major supermarkets holding over 65% share of Australian food retail market) and their producers—and a consequent voicing of disquiet around Australian identity. We used purposive sampling (Waller, Farquharson, and Dempsey 67) to identify relevant materials as we knew in advance the case was “information-rich” (Patton 181) and would provide insightful information about a “troublesome” phenomenon (Emmel 6). Materials were collected from online news articles (30) and readers’ comments (167), online magazines (2) and websites (2) and readers’ comments (3), news items (Factiva 13), Australian Broadcasting Commission television (1) and radio (1), public blogs (2), and Facebook pages from involved organisations, specifically Australia’s National Farmers’ Federation (NFF, 155 posts) and Coles Supermarkets (29 posts). Many of these materials were explicitly responsive to a) Animals Australia’s Make It Possible campaign against Australian factory farming (launched and highly debated during this period), and b) Coles Supermarket’s short-lived partnership with Animals Australia in 2013. We utilised content analysis so as to make visible the most prominent and consistent stereotypes utilised in these various materials during the identified period. The approach allowed us to code and categorise materials so as to determine trends and patterns of words used, their relationships, and key structures and ways of speaking (Weerakkody). In addition, discourse analysis (Gee) was used in order to identify and track “language-in-use” so as to make visible the stereotyping deployed during the public reception of both the campaign and Animals Australia’s associated partnership with Coles. These methods enabled a “nuanced approach” (Coleman and Moss 12) with which to spot putdowns, innuendos, and stereotypical attitudes.Vegan StereotypingStereotypes creep into everyday language and are circulated and amplified through mainstream media, speeches by public figures, and social media. Stereotypes maintain their force through being reused and repurposed, making them difficult to eradicate due to their “cumulative effects” and influence (Harris and Sanborn 38; Inzlicht, Tullett, Legault, and Kang; Pickering). Over time stereotypes can become the lens through which we view “the world and social reality” (Harris and Sanborn 38; Inzlicht et al.). In summation, stereotyping:reduces identity categories to particular sets of deeds, attributes and attitudes (Whitley and Kite);informs individuals’ “cognitive investments” (Blum 267) by associating certain characteristics with particular groups;comprises symbolic and connotative codes that carry sets of traits, deeds, or beliefs (Cover; Rosello), and;becomes increasingly persuasive through regulating language and image use as well as identity categories (Cover; Pickering; Rosello).Not only is the “iterative force” (Rosello 35) of such associative stereotyping compounded due to its dissemination across digital media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, websites, and online news, but attempts to denounce it tend to increase its “persuasive power” (29). Indeed, stereotypes seem to refuse “to die” (23), remaining rooted in social and cultural memory (Whitley and Kite 10).As such, despite the fact that there is increasing interest in Australia and elsewhere in new food norms and plant-based diets (see, e.g., KPMG), as well as in vegan lifestyle options (Wright), studies still show that vegans remain a negatively stereotyped group. Previous studies have suggested that vegans mark a “symbolic threat” to Western, conventionally meat-eating cultures (MacInnis and Hodson 722; Stephens Griffin; Cole and Morgan). One key UK study of national newspapers, for instance, showed vegans continuing to be discredited in multiple ways as: 1) “self-evidently ridiculous”; 2) “ascetics”; 3) having a lifestyle difficult and impossible to maintain; 4) “faddist”; 5) “oversensitive”; and 6) “hostile extremists” (Cole and Morgan 140–47).For many Australians, veganism also appears anathema to their preferred culture and lifestyle of meat-eating. For instance, the NFF, Meat & Livestock Australia (MLA), and other farming bodies continue to frame veganism as marking an extreme form of lifestyle, as anti-farming and un-Australian. Such perspectives are also circulated through online rural news and readers’ comments, as will be discussed later in the article. Such representations are further exemplified by the MLA’s (Lamb, Australia Day, Celebrate Australia) Australia Day lamb advertising campaigns (Bembridge; Canning). For multiple consecutive years, the campaign presented vegans (and vegetarians) as being self-evidently ridiculous and faddish, representing them as mentally unhinged and fringe dwellers. Such stereotyping not only invokes “affective reactions” (Whitley and Kite 8)—including feelings of disgust towards individuals living such lifestyles or holding such values—but operates as “political baits” (Rosello 18) to shore-up or challenge certain social or political positions.Although such advertisements are arguably satirical, their repeated screening towards and on Australia Day highlights deeply held views about the normalcy of animal agriculture and meat-eating, “homogenizing” (Blum 276; Pickering) both meat-eaters and non-meat-eaters alike. Cultural stereotyping of this kind amplifies “social” as well as political schisms (Blum 276), and arguably discourages consumers—whether meat-eaters or non-meat-eaters—from advocating together around shared goals such as animal welfare and food safety. Additionally, given the rise of new food practices in Australia—including flexitarian, reducetarian, pescatarian, kangatarian (a niche form of ethical eating), vegivores, semi-vegetarian, vegetarian, veganism—alongside broader commitments to ethical consumption, such stereotyping suggests that consumers’ actual values and preferences are being disregarded in order to shore-up the normalcy of meat-eating.Animals Australia and the (So-Called) Vegan Agenda of Animal ActivismGiven these points, it is no surprise that there is a tacit belief in Australia that anyone labelled an animal activist must also be vegan. Within this context, we have chosen to primarily focus on the attitudes towards the campaigning work of Animals Australia—a not-for-profit organisation representing some 30 member groups and over 2 million individual supporters (Animals Australia, “Who Is”)—as this organisation has been charged as promoting a vegan agenda. Along with the RSPCA and Voiceless, Animals Australia represents one of the largest animal protection organisations within Australia (Chen). Its mission is to:Investigate, expose and raise community awareness of animal cruelty;Provide animals with the strongest representation possible to Government and other decision-makers;Educate, inspire, empower and enlist the support of the community to prevent and prohibit animal cruelty;Strengthen the animal protection movement. (Animals Australia, “Who Is”)In delivery of this mission, the organisation curates public rallies and protests, makes government and industry submissions, and utilises corporate outreach. Campaigning engages the Web, multiple forms of print and broadcast media, and social media.With regards to Animals Australia’s campaigns regarding factory farming—including the Make It Possible campaign (see fig. 1), launched in 2013 and key to the period we are investigating—the main message is that: the animals kept in these barren and constrictive conditions are “no different to our pets at home”; they are “highly intelligent creatures who feel pain, and who will respond to kindness and affection – if given the chance”; they are “someone, not something” (see the Make It Possible transcript). Campaigns deliberately strive to engender feelings of empathy and produce affect in viewers (see, e.g., van Gurp). Specifically they strive to produce mainstream recognition of the cruelties entrenched in factory farming practices and build community outrage against these practices so as to initiate industry change. Campaigns thus expressly challenge Australians to no longer support factory farmed animal products, and to identify with what we have elsewhere called everyday activist positions (Rodan and Mummery, “Animal Welfare”; “Make It Possible”). They do not, however, explicitly endorse a vegan position. Figure 1: Make It Possible (Animals Australia, campaign poster)Nonetheless, as has been noted, a common counter-tactic used within Australia by the industries targeted by such campaigns, has been to use well-known negative stereotypes to discredit not only the charges of systemic animal cruelty but the associated organisations. In our analysis, we found four prominent interconnected stereotypes utilised in both digital and print media to discredit the animal welfare objectives of Animals Australia. Together these cast the organisation as: 1) anti-meat-eating; 2) anti-farming; 3) promoting a vegan agenda; and 4) hostile extremists. These stereotypes are examined below.Anti-Meat-EatingThe most common stereotype attributed to Animals Australia from its campaigning is of being anti-meat-eating. This charge, with its associations with veganism, is clearly problematic for industries that facilitate meat-eating and within a culture that normalises meat-eating, as the following example expresses:They’re [Animals Australia] all about stopping things. They want to stop factory farming – whatever factory farming is – or they want to stop live exports. And in fact they’re not necessarily about: how do I improve animal welfare in the pig industry? Or how do I improve animal welfare in the live export industry? Because ultimately they are about a meat-free future world and we’re about a meat producing industry, so there’s not a lot of overlap, really between what we’re doing. (Andrew Spencer, Australian Pork Ltd., qtd. in Clark)Respondents engaging this stereotype also express their “outrage at Coles” (McCarthy) and Animals Australia for “pedalling [sic]” a pro-vegan agenda (Nash), their sense that Animals Australia is operating with ulterior motives (Flint) and criminal intent (Brown). They see cultural refocus as unnecessary and “an exercise in futility” (Harris).Anti-FarmingTo be anti-farming in Australia is generally considered to be un-Australian, with Glasgow suggesting that any criticism of “farming practices” in Australian society can be “interpreted as an attack on the moral integrity of farmers, amounting to cultural blasphemy” (200). Given its objectives, it is unsurprising that Animals Australia has been stereotyped as being “anti-farming”, a phrase additionally often used in conjunction with the charge of veganism. Although this comprises a misreading of veganism—given its focus on challenging animal exploitation in farming rather than entailing opposition to all farming—the NFF accused Animals Australia of being “blatantly anti-farming and proveganism” (Linegar qtd. in Nason) and as wanting “to see animal agriculture phased out” (National Farmers’ Federation). As expressed in more detail:One of the main factors for VFF and other farmers being offended is because of AA’s opinion and stand on ALL farming. AA wants all farming banned and us all become vegans. Is it any wonder a lot of people were upset? Add to that the proceeds going to AA which may have been used for their next criminal activity washed against the grain. If people want to stand against factory farming they have the opportunity not to purchase them. Surely not buying a product will have a far greater impact on factory farmed produce. Maybe the money could have been given to farmers? (Hunter)Such stereotyping reveals how strongly normalised animal agriculture is in Australia, as well as a tendency on the part of respondents to reframe the challenge of animal cruelty in some farming practices into a position supposedly challenging all farming practices.Promoting a Vegan AgendaAs is already clear, Animals Australia is often reproached for promoting a vegan agenda, which, it is further suggested, it keeps hidden from the Australian public. This viewpoint was evident in two key examples: a) the Australian public and organisations such as the NFF are presented as being “defenceless” against the “myopic vitriol of the vegan abolitionists” (Jonas); and b) Animals Australia is accused of accepting “loans from liberation groups” and being “supported by an army of animal rights lawyers” to promote a “hard core” veganism message (Bourke).Nobody likes to see any animals hurt, but pushing a vegan agenda and pushing bad attitudes by group members is not helping any animals and just serves to slow any progress both sides are trying to resolve. (V.c. Deb Ford)Along with undermining farmers’ “legitimate business” (Jooste), veganism was also considered to undermine Australia’s rural communities (Park qtd. in Malone).Hostile ExtremistsThe final stereotype linking veganism with Animals Australia was of hostile extremism (cf. Cole and Morgan). This means, for users, being inimical to Australian national values but, also, being akin to terrorists who engage in criminal activities antagonistic to Australia’s democratic society and economic livelihood (see, e.g., Greer; ABC News). It is the broad symbolic threat that “extremism” invokes that makes this stereotype particularly “infectious” (Rosello 19).The latest tag team attacks on our pork industry saw AL giving crash courses in how to become a career criminal for the severely impressionable, after attacks on the RSPCA against the teachings of Peter Singer and trying to bully the RSPCA into vegan functions menu. (Cattle Advocate)The “extremists” want that extended to dairy products, as well. The fact that this will cause the total annihilation of practically all animals, wild and domestic, doesn’t bother them in the least. (Brown)What is interesting about these last two dimensions of stereotyping is their displacement of violence. That is, rather than responding to the charge of animal cruelty, violence and extremism is attributed to those making the charge.Stereotypes and Symbolic Boundary ShiftingWhat is evident throughout these instances is how stereotyping as a “cognitive mechanism” is being used to build boundaries (Cherry 460): in the first instance, between “us” (the meat-eating majority) and “them” (the vegan minority aka animal activists); and secondly between human interest and livestock. This point is that animals may hold instrumental value and receive some protection through such, but any more stringent arguments for their protection at the expense of perceived human interests tend to be seen as wrong-headed (Sorenson; Munro).These boundaries are deeply entrenched in Western culture (Wimmer). They are also deeply problematic in the context of animal activism because they fragment publics, promote restrictive identities, and close down public debate (Lamont and Molnár). Boundary entrenching is clearly evident in the stereotyping work carried out by industry stakeholders where meat-eating and practices of industrialised animal agriculture are valorised and normalised. Challenging Australia’s meat production practices—irrespective of the reason given—is framed and belittled as entailing a vegan agenda, and further as contributing to the demise of farming and rural communities in Australia.More broadly, industry stakeholders are explicitly targeting the activist work by such organisations as Animals Australia as undermining the ‘Australian way of life’. In their reading, there is an irreconcilable boundary between human and animal interests and between an activist minority which is vegan, unreasonable, extremist and hostile to farming and the meat-eating majority which is representative of the Australian community and sustains the Australian economy. As discussed so far, such stereotyping and boundary making—even in their inaccuracies—can be pernicious in the way they entrench identities and divisions, and close the possibility for public debate.Rather than directly contesting the presuppositions and inaccuracies of such stereotyping, however, Animals Australia can be read as cultivating a process of symbolic boundary shifting. That is, rather than responding by simply underlining its own moderate position of challenging only intensive animal agriculture for systemic animal cruelty, Animals Australia uses its campaigns to develop “boundary blurring and crossing” tactics (Cherry 451, 459), specifically to dismantle and shift the symbolic boundaries conventionally in place between humans and non-human animals in the first instance, and between those non-human animals used for companionship and those used for food in the second (see fig. 2). Figure 2: That Ain’t No Way to Treat a Lady (Animals Australia, campaign image on back of taxi)Indeed, the symbolic boundaries between humans and animals left unquestioned in the preceding stereotyping are being profoundly shaken by Animals Australia with campaigns such as Make It Possible making morally relevant likenesses between humans and animals highly visible to mainstream Australians. Namely, the organisation works to interpellate viewers to exercise their own capacities for emotional identification and moral imagination, to identify with animals’ experiences and lives, and to act upon that identification to demand change.So, rather than reactively striving to refute the aforementioned stereotypes, organisations such as Animals Australia are modelling and facilitating symbolic boundary shifting by building broad, emotionally motivated, pathways through which Australians are being encouraged to refocus their own assumptions, practices and identities regarding animal experience, welfare and animal-human relations. Indeed the organisation has explicitly framed itself as speaking on behalf of not only animals but all caring Australians, suggesting thereby the possibility of a reframing of Australian national identity. Although such a tactic does not directly contest this negative stereotyping—direct contestation being, as noted, ineffective given the perniciousness of stereotyping—such work nonetheless dismantles the oppositional charge of such stereotyping in calling for all Australians to proudly be a little bit anti-meat-eating (when that meat is from factory farmed animals), a little bit anti-factory farming, a little bit pro-veg*n, and a little bit proud to consider themselves as caring about animal welfare.For Animals Australia, in other words, appealing to Australians to care about animal welfare and to act in support of that care, not only defuses the stereotypes targeting them but encourages the work of symbolic boundary shifting that is really at the heart of this dispute. 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