Journal articles on the topic 'Porcelain, japanese – collectors and collecting'

The study of Korean ceramics in the modern period was initiated by the discovery of Koryŏ celadon. The first collectors were mainly Europeans and Americans but it was not long before Japanese scholars, namely Yamayoshi Moriyoshi(1859-?) and Yagi Shozaburo(1866-1942), attempted to establish the history of Korean ceramics, introducing Chosŏn dynasty into the history for the first time. Thereafter, Japanese scholars and collectors dominated the study and collection of Korean ceramics. In the 1920s, the Asakawa Noritaka(1884-1964) and Takumi(1891-1931) brothers and Yanagi Muneyoshi(1889-1961) pioneered the collection, evaluation, and study of Chosŏn white porcelain. The collecting, academic research, and public interest were the three main elements that were closely connected to strengthen the understanding of Korean ceramics.</br>The pioneering activities of the Asakawa brothers and Yanagi did not have a large impact at first, but the high price attained by Goshomaru, a Koryŏ tea bowl, in an auction in 1925, and the so-called Gyerongsan uproar of 1926 attracted public attention, resulting in the 1930s craze for Chosŏn crafts including Chosŏn white porcelain. Large amounts of Chosŏn craft items were shipped from Korea to Japan in the 1930s.</br>From the 1930s to the 1940s, a new social class emerged in Korea that valued culture and refinement, and collections by Koreans rapidly increased. Although the early role of Japanese collectors and scholars in modern collection and study of Korean ceramics cannot be disputed, by the 1930s, Koreans were starting to take over the role.

The paper is dedicated to the collection of Japanese art objects, which were bought by the famous Russian artist V.V. Vereshchagin during his travelling to Japan in 1903. The paper represents the main information about the travel and excerpts from Vereshchagins memories about the country and art objects he bought. The description of the Vereshchagins collection was made on the base of the memories of Vereshchagins son and the catalogue of the collection which was published for the trade-exhibition in Moscow in 1910. Japanese collections part of the catalogue consists of the objects № 76-355. Some groups were distinguished among those artifacts: interior items, textile, clothes, accessories, enamel, bronze, turtle, porcelain, faience and different trivia. The description of the collection was made in connection with those groups. Some thoughts are represented about the main reasons of the collections trade-exhibition and its fate after the trade-exhibition. Analyzing the art objects, which were brought by Vereshchagin from Japan could help to understand what artists interest was in Japanese life.

Resumen Los numerosos objetos de exportación japoneses llegados a Europa desde la apertura de la era Meiji (1868-1912) propiciaron el fenómeno del Japonismo y el coleccionismo de obras artísticas que hoy forman parte de numerosos museos. Este artículo analiza un conjunto excepcional de veintiuna piezas de porcelana de Kutani (Japón) conservadas en el Museo de Artes y Costumbres Populares de Sevilla procedentes de la colección de Joaquín Soria, cuya decoración son distintos episodios del Genji Monogatari, la gran obra clásica de la literatura japonesa, que sigue los diseños del artista de la estampa ukiyo-e Ogata Gekkō (1859-1920). En concreto, las escenas representadas en las cerámicas proceden de la serie Los cincuenta y cuatro capítulos del Genji realizada entre los años 1892 y 1895 en Tokio. Este conjunto de obras muestra que las estampas ukiyo-e de la era Meiji formaron parte de los repertorios decorativos de las porcelanas japonesas, proyectando una imagen de Japón basada en su rica tradición literaria y cultural. Abstract Numerous Japanese export objects arrived in Europe from the beginning of the Meiji era (1868-1912), giving rise to the phenomenon of Japonisme and the collections of works of art that today form part of several museums. This article analyses an exceptional set of twenty-one pieces of Kutani porcelain (Japan) from the Joaquín Soria collection in the Museo de Artes y Costumbres Populares in Seville. These pieces are decorated with different episodes from the Genji Monogatari, the great classic work of Japanese literature, which follows the designs of the ukiyo-e print artist Ogata Gekkō (1859-1920). The scenes depicted on the ceramics derive from the serie Fifty-four Chapters of the Genji, produced between 1892 and 1895 in Tokyo. This group of Kutani pieces shows that Meiji-era ukiyo-e prints formed part of the decorative repertoire of Japanese porcelain, projecting an image of Japan based on its rich literary and cultural tradition. Keywords Japan, Kutani, Porcelain, Genji, Ogata Gekkō.

Abstract During the Meiji period, following the opening of Japan's borders to foreign trade, not only did the Japanese lacquer trading system and the market undergo a marked change but so too did almost all the factors affecting collecting activities: the European reception of the aesthetics and history of Japanese lacquer art, the taste of the collectors, the structure of private collections, the systematization of museum collections, along with changes in the art canon in the second half of the nineteenth century. The patterns of collecting Japanese lacquer art in the second half of the nineteenth century cannot be understood in depth without discussing shortly its preliminaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, focusing also on the art historical reception of Japanese lacquer in Europe. Supplementary material relating to this article in the form of a list of dealers and distributors of lacquer in Japan during the Meiji period (1868–1912) is available online.

The article is devoted to the analysis of a typical Chinese figurative motif — a dragon, in porcelain objects of the Ming and Qing dynasties and in works of Japanese ceramic art of the Meiji era. The approach to the study of decorative and applied art from the point of view of the motive has been repeatedly tested by the author when compiling typological series of antique motifs in the decorative and applied art of Russian classicism. The novelty of this article is that for the first time more than fifty Chinese and Japanese objects with dragons dating from the 14th — early 20th centuries originating from the National Museum of Chine, the Shanghai and Nanjing Museums, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the National Museum in Tokyo, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the State Hermitage Museum, as well as from several private collections. The following features were compared: posture, body position, color scheme, the nature of the background, as well as whether the dragon image is single or paired, the painting is made underglaze or overglaze, in the form of a flat or relief image. The early stage of the 14th–16th centuries it does not allow us to find prototypes of dragon images in the past, but still the author has collected certain information about cases of reflection of the dragon theme in Chinese cultural monuments. The objects of the 18th and, especially, the 19th centuries serve as a good material to find in the art of the bygone eras of the Celestial Empire the previous artistic interpretations of dragons. In the final part of the article, an overview of dragon images in Japanese ceramic art is presented, the reasons for the migration of this motif caused by the victory of Japan, as a competitor, in the Far Eastern porcelain market are substantiated.

The Topkapĭ Saray holds one of the world's largest collections of Chinese ceramics, but at the same time one of the least well known. It consists of over ten thousand pieces, of which roughly fifteen percent are on permanent display; only a few hundred items have ever been published, and not more than twenty-five objects have been on exhibition outside Turkey. To compare this collection with the even larger one in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, is quite instructive: the pieces are completely different and have almost no item in common in spite of the fact that they cover largely the same period. What is housed in the National Palace Museum is a substantial part of the former Imperial collection or, at any rate, had once belonged to the holdings of the Imperial palace in Beijing (Peking). It had then been packed up in 1931 when the Japanese invaded Manchuria, and after a sixteen-year trip through China from one supposedly safe place to another, had finally been transported from the mainland to Taiwan when Chiang Kaishek established his government there. It represents a superb cross-section of those ceramics that were produced for the Chinese home market, in particular for the Imperial court and the scholar-official elite with its high standards of artistic perfection.

Among countries like Germany, France and England, Denmark took part in the ‘japanomania’ that swept the West in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Key figures in promoting Japanese art were art historian Karl Madsen and artist and museum director Pietro Krohn. Both played a significant role in trying to establish Denmark in the field of Japanese art on a par with serious international art collectors and connoisseurs. Their connections to Justus Brinckmann in Hamburg and Siegfried Bing in Paris enabled them to put on exhibitions that would introduce to a Danish audience a, so far, relatively unknown and ‘exotic’ art and culture. Often perceived in the West as expressing an innate understanding of nature, Japanese art became a source of inspiration for Danish artists and designers, such as Arnold Krog, who would create a synthesis between the Nordic and Japanese in his porcelain works.

The settlement of molluscs’ larvae of and other biofouling organisms on experimental collectors was studied, with particular reference Great Mediterranean scallop, Pecten jacobaeus. Three types of experimental collector made from vegetable sacks, modelled based on the collectors used in Japan, were placed in four existing fish and shellfish farms located in the Boka Kotorska Bay. The experimental collectors were placed in the periods June–October and June–December 2017 and the period August 2017–February 2018 and monitored after immersion of four to six months, respectively. In total, 18 species of molluscs and also 28 species of biofouling organisms were determined. The most abundant ones found on the collectors were the following shellfish species (68 %) Talohlamys multistriata, Mytilus galloprovincialis, Modiolarca sp., Anomia ephippium and Limaria hians. The most abundant group of biofouling organisms were crustaceans (18 percent) with a species of porcelain crab, Pisidia longicornis, and tunicates (5 percent) with the species Phallusia mammillataand Ascidia mentula. The main target species, Great Mediterranean scallop, was most abundant on collector Type II,with 28 individuals. From three types of experimental collectors used in the process of collecting larvae of shellfish and biofouling species, collector type-I and type-II proved to be a more suitable basis for receiving larvae of shellfish due to the unimpeded flow of sea water that allows their successful growth and development. Species Talochlamys multistriata, were found in great abundance and it could be good candidate to diversify the aquaculture production, thus potentially offering farmers an additional source of income.

The settlement of molluscs’ larvae of and other biofouling organisms on experimental collectors was studied, with particular reference Great Mediterranean scallop, Pecten jacobaeus. Three types of experimental collector made from vegetable sacks, modelled based on the collectors used in Japan, were placed in four existing fish and shellfish farms located in the Boka Kotorska Bay. The experimental collectors were placed in the periods June–October and June–December 2017 and the period August 2017–February 2018 and monitored after immersion of four to six months, respectively. In total, 18 species of molluscs and also 28 species of biofouling organisms were determined. The most abundant ones found on the collectors were the following shellfish species (68 %) Talohlamys multistriata, Mytilus galloprovincialis, Modiolarca sp., Anomia ephippium and Limaria hians. The most abundant group of biofouling organisms were crustaceans (18 percent) with a species of porcelain crab, Pisidia longicornis, and tunicates (5 percent) with the species Phallusia mammillataand Ascidia mentula. The main target species, Great Mediterranean scallop, was most abundant on collector Type II,with 28 individuals. From three types of experimental collectors used in the process of collecting larvae of shellfish and biofouling species, collector type-I and type-II proved to be a more suitable basis for receiving larvae of shellfish due to the unimpeded flow of sea water that allows their successful growth and development. Species Talochlamys multistriata, were found in great abundance and it could be good candidate to diversify the aquaculture production, thus potentially offering farmers an additional source of income.

The International Exhibition of Chinese Art that took place in London’s Burlington House from November 1935 to March 1936 is recognised as the major exhibition of ancient and classical Chinese art of the twentieth century. Over two hundred collectors and institutions from 14 countries provided their objects of art to the exhibition. None of the previous exhibitions had had as many items: the number of objects was extraordinary with 3,080 entries in the catalogue of the London exhibition. Moreover, it was the first foreign exhibition presenting items from the former imperial collection of the Forbidden City (Gugun Museum since 1925). In addition to numerous porcelain and bronze items from private and museum collections, the exhibition contained about 300 paintings (monumental painting, scrolls, album sheets, and fans). While it is generally believed that western collectors only started being seriously interested in painting after World War II, the exhibition contained over a hundred paintings of non-Chinese provenance. Due to its scale, the International Exhibition of Chinese Art of 1935 could be considered a representative example of trends in the Chinese art collecting of the 1930s. For this reason, a close analysis of the catalogue may help enrich our idea of the formation of collections of Chinese art, the formation of taste, and its evolution over time. Data related to the paintings from the catalogue are analysed and then compared to the current descriptions from museum databases and catalogues.

The article deals with collecting in Utz (1989), by Bruce Chatwin. I read the fascination with collectors and collecting in the novel from and across two theoretical questions: (1) can objects enfold both a material status and an intangible effect as well as create an alternate narrative that would draw us away from commodification, objectification, and pathology? and (2) can the object confront us more with remnants of human life, with fragments of the representation of desire, and less with the residue of human labor? Kaspar Utz is a great collector of Meissen porcelain who the adverse events of history lead to living in Prague with his fragile treasures, under the malevolent eyes of a police state. Utz knows that a collector is almost an occult “theologian”, and his relationship with the Harlequins and the Colombines of Meissen has something idolatrous. Utz wages a silent war against the enemies that surround him, against the background noise of history, which would like to swallow forever these object-figures made of a substance refined by time. Utz’s lonely and manic life will become a game against the enemies, whose stake is the collection itself, an army of beings that must be removed from the brutal fingertips of tyrannical authority.

Abstract The present study defines the connection between Japonisme and the Greek diplomat and donor-collector Gregorios Manos (1851–1928). Manos collected Japanese pieces during the reign of Japonisme in Europe, was a pioneer of the study of Japanese art in Greece, and the first donor of Chinese and Japanese artifacts to the Greek State in 1919. The donation resulted in the foundation, in 1926, of the Sino-Japanese Museum (renamed in Museum of Asian Art in 1973) in Corfu. The present research is based on primary and secondary sources and seeks to present unpublished data as well as re-examine Manos’ connection to Japonisme. In addition, this micro-perspective research aims to reveal Manos’ studies, diplomatic carrier, collecting practices, and donating vision. At the same time, it hopes to enrich macro-perspective study by outlining the circumstances under which collectors founded museums of Asian art in peripheral places, such as Greece, during the first half of the twentieth century under and beyond the allure of Japonisme.

The object of this research is contemporary Chinese art in the context of the latest trends in the development of the global and national art market. The subject of the study is the problem of underestimation of modern ceramic art in China and its potential from the standpoint of the art market. The history of the issue is considered, the analysis of the main directions of research development in this subject area is carried out. In addition, the article clarifies the existing concept of "modern ceramic art" in China. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the most significant modern objects of Chinese ceramics presented in the domestic art market of the country. The features of the artistic originality of the masters Li Jiusheng, Wang Silyan, Zhang Songmao, Guo Aihe are revealed. The scientific novelty of the research is connected with the development of ideas about the modern ceramic art of China, its role in the modern art market, both at the national and international levels. For the first time, the criteria for the demand for modern porcelain are revealed; the idea is stated that the problem of collecting modern Chinese ceramics remains on the periphery of scientific discourse. A special contribution is the establishment and justification of the artistic value of a number of works carried out for the first time in science, which were sold at various auctions for fabulous money. The main conclusions of the study are the following. Currently, the development of the art market indicates that experts are beginning to realize the artistic value of modern Chinese ceramics art. The greatest interest among collectors is aroused by works in the spirit of "ceramic painting" with the use of modern technologies that allow expanding the expressive possibilities of painting on porcelain. The boom in collecting modern Chinese porcelain, observed since the beginning of the XXI century, testifies to the high level of artistic execution of objects of modern ceramic art in China, as well as such qualities as innovation and non-standardness in terms of choosing themes, visual effects, expression of the author's idea, rethinking academic traditions.

Inspired by Japanese art and French eighteenth-century porcelain, the Rousseau-Bracquemond ceramic table service of 1866 blurred the line between the decorative and the fine arts. Exhibited at the 1867 World’s Fair in Paris, the service met with exceptional critical and commercial success. This paper focuses on the Rousseau-Bracquemond service to propose that cross-cultural encounters unsettled hierarchical relationships among media in nineteenth-century France. Through a visual and historiographical analysis of this case study, the paper offers a re-evaluation of the interrelationships among ceramics and modern painting. Challenging Eurocentric art historical narratives, the paper explores how the Rousseau-Bracquemond service connected Japonisme, historicism, and Republican thought. Politically charged and technically innovative, the service exemplified a new type of cross-media collaborations among a network of artists, dealers, critics, and collectors. At the intersection of ornament and realism, their radical work marked a major change in the relation between art and design.

AbstractIn Korea green-glazed celadon ceramics were manufactured during the Koryŏ kingdom (ad 918–1392), but by the end of the fourteenth century their manufacture ceased and they virtually disappeared from view until the 1880s when they began to be unearthed from tombs and other sites. This led to increased interest in them from Koreans, and especially the Japanese, Americans and Europeans. Focusing on British collections, this article outlines the collecting practices of Korean celadon wares from the time of their discovery in the 1880s to the market boom of the 1910s, culminating in the decrease in their availability in the 1930s. It will be argued that the desire for celadon wares was socially conditioned and that celadon were collected for a range of different, though not unrelated reasons, ranging from collectors' pursuit of unique Korean artworks, to their want of genuine antiquities and aesthetic perfection.

Systematic entomology as the study and ordering of insect biodiversity is a material-based practice that relies on insect bodies as a resource. Especially large amounts of insect specimens were collected and traded globally in the decades surrounding the turn of the twentieth century, often relying on colonial infrastructures. Taking colonial-era Taiwan as a case study, this paper asks under which circumstances specific places became collecting sites. It takes a series of articles on the insect fauna of the island as a point of departure, titled H. Sauter’s Formosa-Ausbeute after the German naturalist who sent the specimens around the world in the early twentieth century. It explores how collecting specimens was entangled with colonial infrastructure projects, insect policies, and forest-based industries. After Taiwan became a Japanese colony in 1895, newly constructed railways, including push car lines and logging trains, gave naturalists access to inner frontiers. Conversely, insects moved into the spotlight by disrupting these same infrastructures. A rush into the mountains was brought on by the island’s abundance in old growth forests, as evergreen trees such as camphor laurels became valuable export resources. The location of insect collecting sites was determined not just by ecological factors but by forest-based industries and colonial policies as well. As ancient trees were felled and aboriginal peoples violently displaced, insect collectors followed colonial infrastructures into the mountains, resulting in what a German entomologist called the “mass fabrication” of articles about Taiwan’s insect fauna.

RESUMEN: Al crecer entre cubanos de generaciones anteriores, muchos de nosotros no pudimos evitar la proverbial frase " más se perdió en la guerra ". Ya sea en respuesta a la caída accidental de la porcelana más preciada en el suelo de la cocina o al desempeño mediocre de un niño en un examen en la escuela, nuestras abuelas y tía-abuelas especialmente parecían encontrar consuelo en la comparación de decepciones relativamente menores con las profundas cicatrices sufridas cuando Cuba había estado en guerra. Sin duda, cuatro siglos de esclavitud, tres luchas independentistas contra España, intervenciones militares de Estados Unidos e innumerables protestas armadas para derrocar o transformar gobiernos no representativos, dejaron recuerdos imborrables de dolor y una sed de justicia política cuyo legado perdura. Después de más de dos años de aislamiento impuesto por la pandemia y de una innumerable serie de crisis que han ido engullendo a la isla de Cuba, compartimos esta pequeña colección de diez documentos inéditos y prácticamente desconocidos procedentes de dos de las colecciones de archivos y manuscritos más importantes de Cuba. Leídas en conjunto, estas voces olvidadas y poco escuchadas abarcan las múltiples formas en que la guerra, el militarismo y la violencia sumergieron las esperanzas e identidades individuales de los cubanos en la búsqueda colectiva de la salvación y en lo que podría llamarse "la tarea generacional de salvar al mundo salvando a la nación". A continuación se presentan ejemplos sorprendentes de cartas que ciudadanos anónimos escribieron al legendario general cubano Máximo Gómez, así como los escritos y la correspondencia personal que recibieron varias grandes patriotas femeninas como "la Cubanita" Ritica Suárez del Villar y Suárez del Villar (1862–1961), María Cabrales Viuda de Maceo (1842–1905) y "La Delegada" Magdalena Peñarredonda (1846–1937), capitana del Ejército Libertador de Cuba a la que José Martí designó para representar al Partido Revolucionario Cubano en la crucial provincia de Pinar del Río, así como operativa estratégica y amiga personal del general Antonio Maceo. En conjunto, estos documentos revelan no solo una politización integral que a algunos les puede resultar sorprendente, sino un sentido explícito de orgullo e igualdad de género ya alcanzado en la camaradería de la crisis, el activismo y la guerra. Aunque predominantemente extraídos del ciclo de luchas y traumas producidos durante la última Guerra de Independencia de Cuba en 1895 y la posterior ocupación militar de los Estados Unidos (1898–1902), también hemos incluido tres impactantes documentos de la colección personal de Ofelia Domínguez Navarro, militante del Partido Comunista y abogada de Cienfuegos conocida por su trabajo en favor de los derechos de la mujer y su elección para la Convención Constitucional de Cuba de 1940. Aunque se hizo famosa por su temprano activismo y persecución en la lucha para derrocar al presidente convertido en dictador de Cuba, Gerardo Machado, el período de tres años de Domínguez Navarro como Ministra de Propaganda de Fulgencio Batista durante la única presidencia elegida de Batista (1940–1944) ha sido borrado casi por completo de la historia. A partir de 1941, cuando Cuba se unió a las potencias aliadas para luchar contra los nazis y los japoneses, ningún soldado sirvió en ningún frente. Sin embargo, Domínguez Navarro no solo supervisó la organización y el entrenamiento de un cuerpo de Defensa Civil, sino que emitió programas de radio semanales en los que detallaba la naturaleza de las políticas genocidas del Tercer Reich y la amenaza radical que representaba el fascismo en este hemisferio. Uno de los aspectos más destacados de esta selección de documentos es un cartel diseñado bajo la supervisión de Domínguez Navarro que atribuye vínculos históricos directos entre la visión antirracista, antiimperialista y democrática de la nación que los cubanos abrazaron durante sus guerras de independencia del siglo XIX y el tipo de apoyo, incondicional a la causa aliada, necesario para derrotar al totalitarismo moderno. Hoy en día, pocos historiadores de Cuba discutirían los pronunciados cambios en las narrativas antes aceptadas que han marcado las últimas décadas en nuestro campo. Sorprendentes descubrimientos de nuevos conocimientos y audaces interpretaciones de archivos ocultos han abierto y, en ocasiones, derribado antiguos tabúes. Tal vez no se hayan producido mayores avances en la historiografía de Cuba que los relacionados con la centralidad, la agencia, el liderazgo, las contribuciones intelectuales, la resistencia y la represión de los cubanos negros, los esclavizados y otros afrodescendientes. Sorprendentemente, la experiencia de las mujeres cubanas, sea cual sea su clase, identidad racial o herencia, sigue siendo menos examinada, subsumida —algunos podrían argumentar— en la a menudo gargantuesca tarea de simplemente obtener acceso en Cuba a cualquier archivo o colección de fuentes primarias de la biblioteca. Esto es especialmente cierto cuando se trata de ciertos períodos de la historia, como de los años 30 a los 50, por no hablar de temas clave, como la historia poscomunista de Cuba de la reforma agraria, las relaciones industriales, el uso punitivo de los campos de trabajo, las confiscaciones de propiedades y similares. Por esta razón, a menudo es tan desafiante como tentador encontrar voces inesperadas del pasado que hablan de forma tan familiar como exótica y desconocida. Esperamos que este dossier de Voces Olvidadas inspire a los lectores a examinar más a fondo la fe incesante en la capacidad de Cuba para corregir los fallos del pasado y el optimismo permanente, incluso implacable, en el futuro que evocan sus palabras. ABSTRACT: Growing up among Cubans of older generations, many of us could not escape the proverbial phrase más se perdió en la Guerra (far more was lost in the war). Whether responding to the accidental crash of cherished porcelain on the kitchen floor or a child's lackluster performance on an exam at school, our abuelas and tía-abuelas especially seemed to find solace in comparing relatively minor disappointments with the profound scars suffered when Cuba had been at war. No doubt four centuries of slavery, three independence struggles against Spain, US military interventions, and countless armed protests intended to topple or transform nonrepresentative governments left indelible memories of pain and a thirst for political justice, the legacies of which live on. In the wake of more than two years of pandemic-imposed isolation and an innumerable array of crises that have steadily come to engulf the island of Cuba, we share this small collection of ten previously unpublished and virtually unknown documents from two of Cuba's most important archival and manuscript collections. Read together, these forgotten, seldom-heard voices encompass the many ways war, militarism, and violence immersed Cubans' individual hopes and identities in the collective search for salvation and what one might call "the generational task of saving the world by saving the nation." Below follow startling examples of letters that anonymous citizens wrote to Cuba's legendary general Máximo Gómez as well as the writings and personal correspondence received by several great female patriots like "la Cubanita," Ritica Suárez del Villar y Suárez del Villar (1862–1961), María Cabrales Viuda de Maceo (1842–1905) and "La Delegada" Magdalena Peñarredonda (1846–1937), captain of the Liberating Army of Cuba whom José Martí appointed to represent the Partido Revolucionario Cubano in the pivotal province of Pinar del Río as well as the strategic operative and personal friend of General Antonio Maceo. Together these documents reveal not only an all-encompassing politicization that some may find surprising but an explicit sense of pride and gender equality already achieved in the camaraderie of crisis, activism, and war. Although predominantly drawn from the cycle of struggle and trauma produced during Cuba's last War for Independence in 1895 and the subsequent US military occupation (1898–1902), we have also included three striking documents from the personal collection of Ofelia Domínguez Navarro, a Communist Party militant and lawyer from Cienfuegos known for her work on behalf of women's rights and her election to Cuba's 1940 Constitutional Convention. Although made famous by her early activism and persecution in the fight to oust Cuba's president-turned-dictator Gerardo Machado, Domínguez Navarro's three-year-stint as Fulgencio Batista's minister of propaganda during Batista's only elected presidency (1940–1944) is almost entirely erased from history. From 1941, when Cuba joined the Allied powers to fight the Nazis and Japanese, no soldiers ever served in any front. However, Domínguez Navarro not only oversaw the organization and training of a Civil Defense corps; she also broadcast weekly radio shows detailing the nature of the Third Reich's genocidal policies and the radical threat that fascism represented in this hemisphere. One of the highlights of this selection of documents is a poster designed under Domínguez Navarro's watch that ascribes direct historical links between the anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and democratic vision of nation Cubans espoused during their nineteenth-century independence wars and the kind of unconditional support for the Allied cause needed to defeat modern-day totalitarianism. Today, few historians of Cuba would dispute the pronounced shifts in once-accepted narratives that have marked the past few decades in our field. Astonishing discoveries of new knowledge and bold interpretations of hidden archives have cracked open and sometimes demolished long-standing taboos. Perhaps no greater strides have been made in the historiography of Cuba than those related to the centrality, agency, leadership, intellectual contributions, resistance, and repression of Black Cubans, the enslaved and others of African descent. Remarkably, female Cubans' experience, whatever their class, racial identity, or heritage, remains less examined, subsumed—some might argue—into the often gargantuan task of simply gaining access in Cuba to any archives or library's primary source collections. This is especially true when it comes to certain periods of history, such as the 1930s to the 1950s, let alone key topics, such as Cuba's postcommunist history of agrarian reform, industrial relations, punitive use of labor camps, property confiscations, and the like. For this reason, it is often as challenging as it is tantalizing to encounter unexpected voices from the past that speak in ways that are familiar while also exotic and unknown. We hope that this dossier of Forgotten Voices inspires readers to examine further the unceasing faith in Cuba's ability to correct the failings of the past and abiding— even relentless—optimism in the future that their words evoke.

In 1981, Mattel introduced America’s first Asian Barbie as “Oriental Barbie”, described as “dainty and elegant … [in a] long, slender yellow dress”, with hair “pulled back to display her lovely face” (“Oriental Barbie”). Oriental Barbie is purportedly from Hong Kong, yet she is simultaneously marketed to represent the entire Orient in a homogenising, stigmatising manner that exemplifies Robert Park’s concept of the “racial uniform”. The back of Oriental Barbie’s box provides vague, generalising descriptions of “the Orient” that imply the purported superiority of the Occident: “in this part of the world, we eat rice with our meals rather than bread or potatoes. We use chopsticks for eating instead of knives and forks . … Chinese is a picture language … . Below are some examples for you to try” (“Dolls of the World Oriental”). Particularly with the invitation to “try” Chinese, Mattel invites consumers to participate in what Kevin Powell calls the “cultural safari”, a term that, broadly construed, suggests a “fascination with a facet of another’s culture” (Kasulis). Michael Kimmel notes that such fascination is safe precisely because “you can ‘take [the cultural experience] off’”. Although Mattel begins to produce ethnically specific Asian Barbies in 1982, Ann duCille remarks, “these quick-and-dirty ethnographies only enhance the extent to which these would-be multicultural dolls treat race and ethnic difference like collectibles, contributing more to commodity culture than to the intercultural awareness they claim to inspire” (“Dyes and dolls” 52-53). Because of this blatant cultural marginalisation of race and ethnicity that has been produced for years as a site of foreignness from within the predominantly cisgender, heterosexual, white United States and Barbie universe, I seek to explore how Mattel has perpetuated Orientalism through the production and marketing of Asian Barbies within their Dolls of the World series. The cultural marginalisation that Mattel creates through the marketing of Asian Barbies is accomplished under the pretense of increasing public knowledge and prompting intercultural awareness, which is stated on the back of Oriental Barbie’s box in a very literal interpretation of Powell’s cultural safari: “come visit the Orient. I know you will find it exotic and interesting”. The back of the box also contains a “miniature cultural history and language lessons” (duCille, “Black Barbie” 341) for the consumer to “try” with each doll from the Dolls of the World series. The particular “language lesson” featured with Oriental Barbie are Chinese characters that Mattel deems a fitting example of Chinese as a “picture language”. Interestingly enough, an exceedingly domestic overtone is at play with the selected characters: 媽 (mother), 爸 (father), 你 (“you”, but the masculine version of the pronoun), 房 (house), 玩 (play), 愛 (love), 喜 (joy), and 吃 (eat). The image of playing house and of a presumably heteronormative nuclear family seems to be strongly insinuated with this choice of characters. Furthermore, Mattel equates the Orient with “joy” by featuring the character 喜 (joy) alongside the word “Orient” on the front of the box. In observing the Oriental Barbie box, which states “Meet Barbie from Hong Kong” on the front and depicts the Hong Kong Dollar as “the Oriental currency” on the side, it is worth considering why Mattel chose Hong Kong as the home of Oriental Barbie. For one, Oriental Barbie is not entirely Asian in the sense that Hong Kong was occupied at the time of the doll’s release in 1981, which further complicates the issue of authenticity of racial and ethnic representation. Recalling the United States’ political relations with various Asian countries from the 1970s to the early 1980s may further contextualise Mattel’s decision to make Hong Kong the home of Oriental Barbie, as well as their choices behind which Asian countries to make an ethnic Barbie for. In the 1970s, Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy had opened up previously fraught diplomatic relations between the U.S. and China. This change in diplomatic relations also facilitated increased cultural exchange between the two countries. In 1981—the year of Oriental Barbie’s debut and the year Reagan’s presidency began—Hong Kong was a popular U.S. tourist destination in Asia (Crouch 72-73). At the beginning of the 1980s, the Reagan administration’s decision to resist the Soviet Union also impacted on its diplomatic relations with Asian countries such as India, Japan, and China, each of which had varying opinions on how to deal with the U.S.S.R. (Greene 1). Despite differences in political stances, Mattel produced a Barbie for all three countries: India Barbie in 1982, Japanese Barbie in 1985, and Chinese Barbie over a decade later in 1994. Even 1994, the production year of Chinese Barbie, reflects the tensions between the U.S. and China in the early 1980s over the former’s arms sales to Taiwan and the two powers’ burgeoning partnership for “science and technology cooperation” in the 1990s (Minami 88). Contextualising Mattel’s potential reasoning for the particular production of these Asian Barbies allows us to understand why Mattel would want to offer educational content on these particular Asian “countries” (here a simulacrum with Oriental Barbie) to their primarily North-American based audience. Even then, Mattel’s intent to educate consumers through the reductiveness of their ethnographies contradicts itself, because the cultural marginalisation that results from the marketing and selling of Asian Barbies and the impact it has on the marginalised leads to a “self-contradiction inherent to the claims of civic functions (of furthering knowledge and enabling public enlightenment)—that accompany all imperialist establishments, even … apparently innocent ones” (Chow 95). Indeed, the “innocent” imperialist establishment of the child’s Barbie doll is not so innocent, as Jenny Wills reminds us: “sentimental, picturesque, and childhood playthings are not benign or devoid of serious racialized implications” (Wills 190). In fact, the name of “Oriental Barbie” or any other Asian Barbie “implies her difference, her not-quite-Barbieness”, which Wills first points out with the name of “Black Barbie”. Mattel demarcated a clear distinction between ethnic Barbies and white Barbies when it created and marketed the name of Oriental Barbie and other Asian Barbies. The positioning of Asian Barbies as an ethnic alternative thus creates what Wills calls a “scripted violence”, in which the relationship between white Barbie and ethnic Barbies “scripts racial inferiority upon those Other dolls and the subjects they are meant to celebrate and reflect” (Wills 189). The vitality of collecting ethnic Barbies as a business is deeply troubling, then, as it demonstrates both Mattel’s success in marketing Asian Barbies as an exoticised other and the many collectors who readily accept and contribute to this narrative. In fact, duCille reveals that “Mattel’s ethnic dolls — particularly those in its Dolls of the World series — are designed and marketed at least as much with adult collectors in mind as with little girls” (“Black Barbie” 339). Mattel media-relations director Donna Gibbs tells duCille that the ethnic dolls are actually marketed more towards adults, “‘although appropriate for children’” (“Black Barbie” 339). Gibbs lays out how Mattel strategically releases only “two or three different nations or cultures [for the Dolls of the World series] each year”, produces these “premium value” dolls in short supply in order to generate a competitive market for them, then retires them from the market after selling them for a mere one to two years (“Black Barbie” 339). Sure enough, Mattel’s marketing strategy proved successful: Westenhouser notes in The Story of Barbie that “the Oriental mold is a popular face mold to which collectors respond favorably” (Westenhouser 27). Because of Mattel’s strategic issuing of only two to three ethnic Barbies per year, “each year it becomes a collectors’ guessing game as to what countries will be this year’s additions” (Westenhouser 119). As a result, Mattel experienced a massive boost in sales through the marketing of the ethnic Barbie as a collectible. The treatment of race and ethnic difference as a commodified collectible rather than as genuine intercultural awareness is best evidenced by Mattel’s choice to produce Oriental Barbie—and all subsequent Asian Barbies, save for India Barbie—by using the same “Oriental Face Sculpt”. The “Oriental Face Sculpt” was introduced alongside the debut of Oriental Barbie in 1981, and although later productions of Asian Barbies in the Dolls of the World series expanded to specifically represent different Asian countries, such as Japan, China, and Korea, each Asian Barbie still used the same Oriental Face Sculpt. Augustyniak writes, “many new head molds have debuted since 1977, offering more variety and ethnic diversity” (8). When we observe the history of Barbie face sculpts, however, we find that many face sculpts have easily been produced of white Barbie over the years, with face sculpts even being made in honor of specific fashion designers or events, such as the 2013 Karl Lagerfeld, the 1991 Bob Mackie, and the 2008 Kentucky Derby. Meanwhile, the titular Barbie’s first two Asian friends both use the Oriental Sculpt: Miko (1986-1989), who is Pacific Islander (“Miko”) but was discontinued and replaced by Kira (1985-2001), who is allegedly of Japanese or Vietnamese heritage (“Kira”). These characters have only the Oriental Face Sculpt to represent their ethnic background, which itself remains ill-defined. With the plethora of face sculpts that have been produced over the years for white Barbies, one may be led to ponder why Mattel has not been willing to exert the same amount of effort to properly represent Asian Barbies. This is because for Mattel, profit always precedes any other motive, including racial and ethnic representation. As duCille explains, “the cost of mass-producing dolls to represent the heterogeneity of the world would be far greater than either corporation or consumer would be willing to pay” (“Black Barbie” 337). Hence, in order to generate profit, “racial and cultural diversity — global heterogeneity — must be reducible to … common, reproducible denominators” (“Black Barbie” 340). The Oriental Face Sculpt, then, is a result of all the “common, reproducible denominators” that Mattel deemed financially profitable enough to use as their attempt at racial and ethnic representation. The way that Mattel markets ethnic and cultural differences for Asian Barbies in addition to the use of the Oriental Face Sculpt, then, is through variations in skin colour and dress. For instance, Japanese Barbie, Korean Barbie, and Chinese Barbie all use the same Oriental Face Sculpt. The only notable differences between these dolls are the colour of their skin, the clothes that they wear, and their hairstyle. Indeed, duCille writes, while “today Barbie dolls come in a rainbow coalition of colors, races, ethnicities, and nationalities, all of those dolls look remarkably like the stereotypical white Barbie, modified only by a dash of color and a change of clothes” (Skin Trade 38). The uniformness of modularity with face sculpts, coupled with Mattel’s paltry efforts of merely altering the skin colour and clothing of each Asian Barbie, exemplifies Immanuel Wallerstein’s argument that “ethnicization must … be linked to the racism specific to the operations of modern capitalism with its twin objectives of maximizing profits and minimizing production costs” (qtd. in Chow 34). As a corporate giant, Mattel would not be enticed by the idea of adding “more complex, less easily commodified distinctions”, because these distinctions would require additional forms of manufacturing that complicate production and thus do not maximise profits for the corporate body (“Black Barbie” 340). Consequently, “ethnic reproductions [of Asian Barbies] ... simply [melt down and add on] a reconstituted other without transforming the established social order, without changing the mould” (“Black Barbie” 337-8). Mattel’s failure to provide racial and ethnic representation through Asian Barbies is best demonstrated, however, by a case study of India Barbie. India Barbie was released in 1982 as one of the first Asian Barbies, following the 1981 release of Oriental Barbie. Interestingly enough, India Barbie is the only Asian Barbie who was not created with the Oriental Face Sculpt. Instead, she has the Steffie face mold, which has been used with dolls such as: the titular Barbara Millicent Roberts, Midge, and Summer, who are all white; Teresa, who was introduced as Barbara’s first Latina friend in 1988; Christie, who became the first black Barbie in 1980 (“Steffie”); Hawaiian Barbie (1975) (Westenhouser 135); and Mexican Barbie (1989) (Westenhouser 121). Therefore, Mattel created India Barbie with a racially and ethnically ambiguous face sculpt that has also been used to depict white Barbies, which demonstrates the “relational proximity (or similarity) to [India Barbie’s] white doll counterparts” (Wills 189). The sari that India Barbie wears is additionally problematic in that it is worn inaccurately. Further, on the back side of the India Barbie (1982) box we see exoticising and othering language that insinuates the superiority of the Occident, as is the case for Oriental Barbie’s introduction. The way in which India Barbie is dressed with her sari is a far cry from how the sari is properly worn. What is also of interest is that India Barbie is wearing red and gold, which are colours typically only worn at Indian weddings. This sartorial choice may, at a first glance, be interpreted as yet another culturally insensitive blunder of Mattel’s, but when India Barbie’s outfit is considered alongside Japanese Barbie, who wears a red wedding kimono, and Malaysian Barbie, who also wears the semblance of a wedding garment, these choices of outfit begin to call into question why Mattel repeatedly decides to dress Asian Barbies in wedding attire. Mattel’s affinity for dressing Asian Barbies in bridal outfits can likely be explained by the corporation’s sales of wedding-affiliated Barbies, which have been some of the historically best-selling dolls in the Barbie universe. In the image caption for the Wedding Day Set (1959), which features the first Barbie wedding gown, Westenhouser notes, “always the top selling [Barbie] garment … is the wedding gown” (32). In Westenhouser’s view, Barbies wearing wedding gowns remain the best seller each year (32) because “every little girl dreams of the perfect romantic wedding and Barbie makes that fairytale come alive” (32). From a capitalist standpoint, then, Mattel is simply capitalising upon the supposedly widespread demand for Barbies in wedding dresses, and Mattel can only further ensure the financial success of Asian Barbies by choosing to dress Barbies such as India Barbie in semblances of wedding attire, even if these outfits are not culturally accurate or fully representative. Aside from the matter of dressing India Barbie in a red and gold sari, there is also the question of why Mattel chooses to focus on descriptions of Asian Barbies’ hair so heavily, including that of India Barbie. For instance, with the India Barbie and Japanese Barbie, Mattel uses nearly identical phrasing of the doll’s hair being pulled back to reveal the “delicate features” of her face. India Barbie’s description reads: “her long brown hair is pulled back, accenting her delicate features” (“India Barbie”), while Japanese Barbie’s description reads: “her black hair is pulled away from her face and tied with a red and white hairband” (“Japanese Barbie”). This diction first appears in Oriental Barbie’s product description, and it is especially interesting to consider why Mattel might emphasise the entirety of an Asian Barbie’s face being shown, almost as if to suggest that her face is so exotic that it needs to be fully on display for the consumer to get a proper look at the exotic “other’s” face. It seems that with Mattel’s emphasis on the entirety of the Asian Barbie’s face being revealed, ethnicity becomes “the site of a foreignness” that is a privileged society’s way of “projecting into some imaginary outside elements it seems foreign and inferior” (Chow 34-5). Throughout our case study of numerous Asian Barbies, Mattel’s portrayal of racial and ethnic difference has always been in a highly performative manner that has only been superficially signified through changes in skin colour and dress and the near-perpetual use of the exoticising Oriental Face Sculpt. These othering and fetishising attempts at multicultural representation create, as Wills argues, “exoticized difference, of deferred subjectivity; racial progressiveness [that] can be purchased and played with” (Wills 189) then cast off, as Powell’s notion of the cultural safari allows us to understand. Critically, Mattel markets these Orientalist depictions of racial, ethnic, and cultural identity as “marketable difference[s]” (Wills 189) that the white consumer can supposedly try on with ease and just as easily remove. Thus, with the production and marketing of Asian Barbies and other ethnic dolls, Mattel never truly accomplishes a healthy and helpful extension of the individual child as Ruth Handler envisioned all Barbies to be—instead, the corporate body only perpetuates a narrative of racial inferiority and the casting of Asian Barbie dolls (and, by extension, the Asian cultures, geographical locations, and populations that Mattel claims to represent) as the Other. References Augustyniak, J. Michael. Collector’s Encyclopedia of Barbie Doll Exclusives: Identification & Values, 1972-2004. Collector Books, 2005. 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