Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Populism'

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A proposta desta dissertação é abordar o potencial do populismo na organização política ou, mais precisamente, na constituição de corpos eficazes. O trabalho apresenta os principais conceitos mobilizados pela teoria do populismo, de Ernesto Laclau e, num diálogo com autores como Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon e Espinosa, tem como objetivo aprofundar a discussão acerca dos aspectos afetivos envolvidos na construção do discurso populista, bem como investigar a possível relação entre a recente explosão populista, sobretudo nos Estados Unidos e na Europa, e determinadas características do chamado capitalismo tardio.
The purpose of this dissertation is to address the potential of populism in political organization or, more precisely, in the constitution of effective bodies. The paper presents the main concepts mobilized by Ernesto Laclau s theory of populism and, in a dialogue with authors such as Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon and Espinosa, aims to deepen the discussion about the affective aspects involved in the construction of a populist discourse, as well as investigating the possible relationship between the recent populist explosion, especially in the United States and Europe, and certain characteristics of so-called late capitalism.

This thesis attempts to understand the reasons behind Hungary’s surge in populism in the years following the 2008 financial crisis. In particular it looks at the two major political parties in Hungary, Fidesz and Jobbik, and how they continue to maintain control over the Hungarian government despite the common theory that populist support deteriorates overtime. A key component of Populism is that it usually grows in times of crises. Particularly in Hungary I focus on the many crises that arose during Hungary’s turbulent history of occupation, especially their transition out of Communism. Along with the devastation caused by the 2008 financial crash. Hungary’s inability to completely transition into a full-fledged Democracy as well as the economic devastation they witnessed following 2008 has created an environment where Populism can thrive indefinitely.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

The term ‘populism’ has only been applied to three different types of political actors: politicians, parties and social movements. But I argue that corporations are equally capable of populist politics. Corporate populism is corporations using populist discourse to frame politicians as corrupt elites who are defying the general will of the pure people. Corporate populists position themselves as political outsiders, standing among the pure people and representing their interests against their constructed mutual enemy: the unresponsive political insiders. In order to test the theory of corporate populism, the thesis develops a rubric of four elements – dualistic logic, direct rhetoric, patriotic imagery and mood of crisis – derived from Cas Mudde’s (2007) ideational definition of populism, and applies it to four Australian case studies of corporations launching populist campaigns against a state/federal government: the mining industry; Qantas; the gambling industry; and the tobacco industry. The thesis argues that the causal factors identified by Mudde and Kaltwasser (2017) to explain the rise of populism are equally applicable to corporate populism, except that in order to explain the latter we also need to incorporate Wendy Brown’s (2015) theory of neoliberal ideology. Throughout the thesis, the impact of corporate populism on representative democracy is debated, with both the positive and negative implications considered.

ABSTRACT THE POPULISM OF THE VILLAGE INSTITUTES: A CONTRADICTORY EXPRESSION OF KEMALIST POPULISM Aytemur, Nuran Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz March 2007, 217 pages This thesis analyzes the populism of the Village Institutes by comparing it with Kemalist populism. In this context it is worth to say that throughout the thesis populism is defined as government by the people and discussed in relation to democracy. In order to do so &ndash
as a first step - the democratic structure and function(ing) of the Village Institutes are discussed with reference to their fundamental principles, organizational structure, and educational program. Secondly, the contradictory conceptualization of the &ldquo
people&rdquo
and the separation between the &ldquo
intellectual&rdquo
and the &ldquo
people&rdquo
is tried to be analyzed with reference to the writings of ismail Hakki Tonguç
(who is called as the architect of the Village Institutes), the memoirs of the graduates of the Village Institutes, and indepth interviews made with their graduates. The question hereby is to what extent this understanding of populism involve in itself what can be called the &ldquo
paradoxical elitism&rdquo
of the populist ideology, which arises out of the tensive relation between &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
and &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
aspects of populism. It is claimed that despite the similarities with Kemalist populism, the Village Institutes shifted the emphasis from the &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
to the &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
aspect of populism and surpassed the boundaries of Kemalist populism by implementing democratic principles like &ldquo
equality&rdquo
and &ldquo
self-government&rdquo
, and encouraging participation and by attempting to create a new kind of intellectual through &ldquo
education within work&rdquo
. Keywords: The Village Institutes, Populism, Elitism, Kemalist Populism, Democracy

This study aims at exploring a new phenomenon labelled here as green populism. Building on modern theories of populism and green ideology, this case-study is focused on finding which elements of green populism are present, if any, in Greta Thunberg’s discourse. Using a Qualitative Content Analysis methodology and what is known as a coding process, it was possible to determine that all six subcategories of green populism, defined by this study as a) ecological crisis of cosmic proportion, b) victimisation of "the people", c) blame attribution to "the elite", d) green radicalisation, e) trust in science, and finally, f) intergenerational justice, can be identified in Greta Thunberg’s speeches. The analysis leads to the conclusion that Greta Thunberg is a populist actor which combines both populism thin-centred ideology and green ideology into a new phenomenon: green populism.

Contact: ac222sd@student.lnu.se

La presente investigación doctoral en un estudio comparado de dos casos de gobiernos latinoamericanos, Venezuela y Bolivia, en el marco de los estudios de los movimientos populistas. Se dirige a indagar en los factores que potencian o debilitan la discrecionalidad de la representación populista. Se dirige a indagar en los factores que potencian o debilitan la discrecionalidad de la representación populista encarnada en el líder y el Ejecutivo Nacional bajo la perspectiva de que los movimientos y rupturas populistas son una posibilidad en la política democrática. La hipótesis que se sostiene es la siguiente: la discrecionalidad del líder y sus estrategias de concentración de poder -creación de instituciones paralelas y discurso maniqueo que fusiona la voz del pueblo con la del líder- para alcanzar las promesas redentoras son potenciados o debilitados por la presencia o no de un tercer elemento, la existencia o no de la mediaciones organizacionales entre el líder y el movimiento de base previas, que actúan como freno de cara a la resolución de los conflictos sociopolíticos. La investigación se centra en el análisis de cinco dimensiones- condiciones sociopolíicas macro, constitución y origen del partido oficialista, trayectorias de la acción colectiva organizada, institucionalizad de las políticas de participación y discurso gubernamental ante un conflicto minero- dando por resultado la aceptación de la hipótesis propuesta. Junto con la observación de que las rupturas populistas responden a graves problemas en el ámbito de la representación política, las necesidades de emancipación e igualdad, y de las consecuencias para las clases y grupos marginados derivadas de los ajustes estructurales y la hegemonía del discurso neoliberal, el análisis y las conclusiones indican diferencias importantes entre ambos casos en el resto de las dimensiones analizadas. Por una parte, resalta la militarización de Venezuela junto a la concentración de poder en la figura del líder carismático y un discurso que se sitúa en el ámbito del conflicto entre enemigos, e el marco de aisladas experiencias de acción colectiva autónomas. Por otra parte, se observa en Bolivia la capacidad de la acción colectiva organizada de larga data para mantener y ampliar el pluralismo del sistema más allá a las apelaciones a la representación univoca del pueblo por parte del gobierno. Es así, como Venezuela se encuentra en los bordes problemáticos de la democracia, mientras que Bolivia exhibe la experiencia de una participación social cuyas trayectorias, objetivos y alcances han permitido impulsar la ruptura populista para avanzar significativamente en los problemas derivados de la imposición de formas política y económicas de la tradición occidental, generando una nueva articulación de relaciones sociopolíticas que toma elementos de las tradiciones indianistas y occidentales, dando lugar a un nuevo horizonte politico y un proceso emancipatorio.
This doctoral research is a comparative study of two cases of Latin American governments, Venezuela and Bolivia, as part of populista movements studies. It aims to investigate the factors that enhance or weaken the discretion of populist representation embodied in the leader and the National Executive under the prospect of populist moviments and ruptures are a possibility in democratic politics. The hypothesis holds is: the discretion of the leader and his concentration of power strategies ( Creation of parallel institutions and Manichean discourse) merges with the voice of the people of the leader-to achieve the redemptive promises are enhanced or weakened by presence or not of a third element, the existence of organizational mediations between the leader and the movement of previous base, acting as a brake towards the resolution of socio-political conflicts. The research focuses on the analysis of five macro-conditions sociopolitical dimensions, constitution and origin of the ruling party, paths organized collective action, institutions of political participation and government speech to a miner conflict resulting in the acceptance of the proposed hypothesis. Together with the observation that the populist ruptures respond to serious problems in the area of political representation, needs emancipation and equality, and the consequences for classes and marginalized groups derived from structural adjustment and the hegemony of neoliberal discourse, analysis and findings indicate significant differences between the two cases in the rest of the dimensions analyzed. On the one hand, it highlights the militarization of Venezuela by the concentration of power in the figure of a charismatic leader and a speech which is situated in the area of conflicte between enemies, in the context of isolated experiences of autonomous collective action. Moreover, Bolivia is seen in the ability of organized collective action to maintain long-standing pluralism and expand the system beyond appeals to the unambiguous representation of the people by the government. Thus, as Venezuela is located on the problemàtic edges of democracy, while Bolivia exhibits the experience of a share whose trajectories, objectives and scope have allowed boost populista rupture to significantly advance the problems arising from the impositionof political forms and economic of the Western tradition, generating a new articulating sociopolitical relations that takes elements of indianistas and Western traditions, leading to new political horizon and an emancipatory process.

The rise of populist politicians has been the subject of vibrant scholarly research in the social sciences for the past decade. From Donald Trump to Jair Bolsonaro, the success of populist politicians at the polls has led to voluminous scholarship documenting and explaining this phenomenon. Yet there has been little research analyzing why some populist politicians lose the national election. This dissertation seeks to advance the study of populism by focusing on the conditions under which populist politicians succeed and fail by examining Southeast Asian populists Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit in Thailand, and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. The thesis advances the concept of programmatic populism to explain the rise of populist leaders in Thailand and the Philippines. It argues that these populist politicians focused their electoral programs to align with the views of most voters. The thesis demonstrates that Shinawatra and Duterte were programmatic rather than clientalistic in their respective election campaigns meaning that programmatic populism became a sufficient condition of their election victories. The research makes two contributions. Firstly, populism can be understood as a simple and direct communication. The study shows that ‘simplicity’ and ‘directness’ feature prominently in populism in Thailand and the Philippines. Secondly, the study contributes to the understanding of why populists win or lose national elections.

La relació entre el populisme i la política feminista està rebent cada vegada més atenció científica, principalment a causa de l'ascens que experimenten els partits populistes a l’Amèrica Llatina i a Europa des de principis del segle XXI. No obstant això, aquesta literatura presenta dues grans febleses. Primer, fins ara no ha aconseguit establir una relació específica entre populisme i política feminista. Segon, la literatura s'ha centrat de manera desproporcionada en els partits populistes d'extrema dreta, fet que ha introduït un desequilibri en aquesta línia de recerca – la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista ha estat poc estudiada. La present tesi contribueix a omplir aquest buit analitzant la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista, centrant-se en el cas paradigmàtic del Moviment al Socialisme (MAS) i el govern d'Evo Morales a Bolívia entre 2006 i 2018. Algunes de les investigacions més influents sobre populisme i política feminista sostenen que tots dos projectes polítics són essencialment incompatibles: d'acord amb aquesta literatura, els partits populistes mai promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere ni mantenen bones relacions amb moviments de dones, al marge que siguin populistes d'esquerra o d'extrema dreta. En aquesta tesi, qüestiono aquesta afirmació analitzant tres aspectes específics de la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. Primer, investigo si els partits populistes d'esquerra promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere, qüestionant la idea d'una incompatibilitat general entre la ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En segon lloc, analitzo com aquests partits formen les seves coalicions per elaborar polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere. En tercer lloc, investigo quant impacte tenen els moviments de dones institucionalitzats en les polítiques públiques quan els populistes d'esquerra estan en el poder. L'anàlisi empírica realitzada en aquesta tesi està basada en l'anàlisi qualitativa de contingut de documents i entrevistes semi-estructurades amb activistes de moviments de dones, responsables polítiques i expertes i experts. Les troballes i conclusions de la tesi poden sintetitzar-se de la següent forma. En relació a la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern populista d'esquerres d'Evo Morales va promoure ambicioses polítiques d'igualtat de gènere sobre violència política contra les dones, violència masclista en l'àmbit domèstic i drets de les treballadores de la llar, entre altres àmbits. Aquesta troballa mostra que els populistes d'esquerra poden promoure polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. Això contradiu la literatura que sosté que hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre qualsevol ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En relació a la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern bolivià i el partit en el poder – el MAS – van experimentar una contradicció entre el seu discurs anti-elit i el seu pragmatisme en la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques públiques – van incloure ONGs feministes en les coalicions per a elaborar polítiques d'igualtat, encara que prèviament el govern havia qualificat a aquestes ONGs d'elitistes. Respecte a la relació entre partits populistes d'esquerra i moviments de dones, m'he centrat en el cas del moviment bolivià de treballadores de la llar. L'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern de Morales va mantenir una relació pròxima i col·laborativa amb el moviment. El govern va satisfer totes les demandes simbòliques del moviment (orientades a millorar la imatge social de les treballadores de la llar) però només algunes de les seves demandes substantives (les que tenien un impacte directe en les condicions laborals i de vida de les treballadores domèstiques). Les troballes esmentades ajuden a comprendre la complexa relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. No hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre populisme i política feminista. La ideologia associada al populisme en cada cas – i no el populisme en si mateix – sembla ser el factor explicatiu central de la posició de cada partit populista respecte a la política feminista. En resum, la present tesi convida a relativitzar la importància del caràcter més o menys populista d'un partit polític quan analitzem la seva posició sobre la política feminista, una conclusió que pot ser útil per a altres línies de recerca sobre populisme.
La relación entre el populismo y la política feminista está recibiendo cada vez más atención científica, en gran parte debido al ascenso de partidos populistas en América Latina y Europa desde principios del siglo XXI. Sin embargo, esta literatura presenta dos grandes debilidades. Primero, hasta ahora no ha conseguido establecer una relación específica entre populismo y política feminista. Segundo, la literatura se ha centrado de manera desproporcionada en los partidos populistas de extrema derecha, lo que ha introducido un desequilibrio en esta línea de investigación – la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista ha sido poco estudiada. La presente tesis contribuye a colmar este vacío analizando la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista, centrándose en el caso paradigmático del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) y el gobierno de Evo Morales en Bolivia entre 2006 y 2018. Algunos de los trabajos más influyentes sobre populismo y política feminista mantienen que ambos proyectos políticos son esencialmente incompatibles: de acuerdo con esta literatura, los partidos populistas nunca promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género ni mantienen buenas relaciones con movimientos de mujeres, al margen de que sean populistas de izquierda o de extrema derecha. En esta tesis, cuestiono esta afirmación analizando tres aspectos específicos de la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. Primero, investigo si los partidos populistas de izquierda promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género en algunos casos, cuestionando la idea de una incompatibilidad general entre la ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En segundo lugar, analizo cómo estos partidos forman sus coaliciones para elaborar políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género. En tercer lugar, investigo cuánto impacto en las políticas públicas tienen los movimientos de mujeres institucionalizados cuando los populistas de izquierda están en el poder. El análisis empírico realizado en esta tesis está basado en el análisis cualitativo de contenido de documentos y entrevistas semiestructuradas con activistas de movimientos de mujeres, responsables políticas y expertas y expertos. Los hallazgos y conclusiones de la tesis pueden sintetizarse de la siguiente forma. En relación a la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno populista de izquierdas de Evo Morales promovió ambiciosas políticas de igualdad de género sobre violencia política contra las mujeres, violencia machista en el ámbito doméstico y derechos de las trabajadoras del hogar, entre otros ámbitos. Este hallazgo muestra que los populistas de izquierda pueden promover políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, lo que contradice la literatura que mantiene que hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre cualquier ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En relación a la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno boliviano y el partido en el poder – el MAS – experimentaron una contradicción entre su discurso anti-élite y su pragmatismo en la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas públicas – incluyeron ONGs 9 feministas en las coaliciones para elaborar políticas de igualdad, aunque previamente el gobierno había calificado a estas ONGs de elitistas. Respecto a la relación entre partidos populistas de izquierda y movimientos de mujeres, me he centrado en el caso del movimiento boliviano de trabajadoras del hogar. El análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno de Morales mantuvo una relación cercana y colaborativa con el movimiento. El gobierno satisfizo todas las demandas simbólicas del movimiento (orientadas a mejorar la imagen social de las trabajadoras del hogar) pero solo algunas de sus demandas sustantivas (las que tenían un impacto directo en las condiciones laborales y de vida de las trabajadoras domésticas). Los hallazgos mencionados arrojan luz sobre la compleja relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. No hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre populismo y política feminista. La ideología asociada al populismo en cada caso – y no el populismo en sí – parece ser el factor explicativo central de la posición de cada partido populista respecto a la política feminista. En resumen, la presente tesis invita a relativizar la importancia del carácter más o menos populista de un partido político cuando analizamos su posición sobre la política feminista, una conclusión que puede ser útil para otras líneas de investigación sobre populismo.
The relationship between populism and feminist politics is increasingly receiving more scholarly attention, largely due to the rise of populist parties both in Latin America and in Europe since the beginning of the 21st century. However, this stream of literature presents two major shortcomings. First, it has so far failed to establish a specific relationship between populism and feminist politics. Second, the literature has overwhelmingly focused on right-wing populist parties, which has introduced an imbalance in this stream of research: the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics is understudied. The present thesis contributes to filling this gap by analysing the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics, focusing on the paradigmatic case of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) and Evo Morales’ government in Bolivia between 2006 and 2018. Some of the most influential works on populism and feminist politics uphold that these two political projects are essentially incompatible: according to this literature, (e.g. Blofield, Ewig, and Piscopo 2017, Shea Baird and Roth 2017, Kampwirth 2010), populist parties never promote gender equality policies or keep good relations with women’s movements, regardless of whether they are left-wing or right-wing populists. I challenge this assertion by analysing three specific aspects of the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. First, I investigate whether left-wing populist parties promote gender equality policies in some cases, against charges of a general inconsistency between populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. Second, I analyse how these parties form their policy-making coalitions in the field of gender equality. Third, I investigate how much impact on policy institutionalised women’s movements have when left-wing populist parties are in power. The empirical analysis carried out in this thesis is based on the qualitative content analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews with women’s movements’ activists, policy-makers and experts in women’s movements. The findings and conclusions of the thesis can be synthetized as follows. Regarding the promotion of gender equality policies, the analysis has revealed that Evo Morales’ leftwing populist government promoted ambitious gender equality policies on violence against women in politics, gender-based domestic violence, and domestic workers’ rights, among other fields. These findings show that left-wing populists can promote gender equality policies, and contradicts the literature that upholds that there is an essential incompatibility between any populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. In regards to populist governments forming policy coalitions in the field of gender equality, the analysis has shown that the Bolivian government and governing party MAS experienced a contradiction between their anti-elitist discourse and their pragmatism when forming policy coalitions – they included feminist NGOs in the coalitions for the formulation of gender equality policies, even though the government had previously labelled those NGOs as elitist. As far as the relationship between left-wing populist parties and women’s movements is concerned, I have focused on the case of the Bolivian domestic workers’ movement. The analysis has 5 revealed that Morales’ government kept up a close collaborative relationship with the movement. The government satisfied all the movement’s symbolic demands (oriented towards improving the social image of domestic workers), but only some of its substantive demands (those that had a direct impact on the domestic workers’ living and working conditions). The findings mentioned shed light on the complex relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. There is not an essential incompatibility between populism and feminist politics. The ideology attached to populism in each case – and not populism in itself – seems to be the key explanatory factor of the position of each populist party in relation to feminist politics. In a nutshell, the present thesis invites us to relativize the importance of the more or less populist orientation of a political party when we analyse its position on feminist politics, a conclusion that can be also useful for other streams of research on populism.

Thesis (M.A.)--Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2006.
"A thesis in history." Typescript. Advisor: John Herron. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Jan. 29, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-105). Online version of the print edition.

Although used very commonly, there is no consensus on defining populism in the academia. This study investigates the universality of two prominent approaches to defining populism. The dominant approach, the ideational approach argues that populism is a set of ideas that emphasizes on the notions of ‘the people,’ ‘the elite,’ and the will of the people. There are quantitative and qualitative methods developed for detecting and measuring populism in ideational approach. The second approach is the strategic approach, which argues that populism is a political strategy to build and maintain power. In order to differentiate it from other political strategies, scholars put forward different characteristics by studying different instances of populism. This study tests the universality of the two definitions by applying them with their own methods to Turkey’s Erdoğan. Erdoğan is considered populist by the both approaches. The result is that populism is not an ideology or a set of ideas, rather a political strategy to hold on to power, while it also disproves most of the characteristics strategic approach.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 474-491). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

This article analyzes the political proposal of ethno-cacerism from the books written and the fortnightly headed by its leader, Antauro Humala, to claim that it is a type of radical populismBased on the concepts of populism, radical populism and ethno-populism, analyzes thefeatures and constraints of ethno-cacerism The author argues that these concepts allow us tounderstand the sense and role of the eclectic components of the ethno-cacerism proposal
El presente artículo analiza la propuesta política etnocacerista, a partir de los libros escritos yel quincenario dirigido por su líder, Antauro Humala, para sostener que se trata de un tipo de populismo radical A partir de los conceptos de populismo, populismo radical y etnopopulismo, analiza las características y limitaciones del etnocacerismo Sostiene que estos conceptos permiten comprender el sentido y el rol de los eclécticos componentes de la propuestaetnocacerista
O presente artigo analisa a proposta política etnocacerista, a partir dos livros escritos e o quin-zenário dirigido pelo seu líder, Antauro Humala, para sustentar mesmo que é um tipo de popu- larização radical A partir desses conceitos de populismo, populismo radical e etno-populismo, analisa as características e limitações do etnocacerismo Sustenta o que estes conceitos permi- tirem compreender o sentido e a função dos ecléticos elementos da proposta etnocacerista

Avec l’arrivée de Rafael Correa, l’Équateur a tenté de consolider la démocratie par la voie du populisme, en tant que pratique politique. Le but de cette recherche est d’analyser le lien entre le populisme comme une pratique politique et la consolidation démocratique comme une aspiration des jeunes régimes. Le document est divisé en deux parties : la première étudie le populisme et la consolidation démocratique en tant que concepts. L’idée est de déterminer comment le populisme a été instrumentalisé afin de renforcer la démocratie durant les années 90. Dans la deuxième partie, la relation entre le populisme et la consolidation démocratique en Équateur est étudiée. Pour approfondir la notion de populisme en Équateur, nous l’avons analysé comme pratique politique pendant le XXe siècle, notamment dans le discours de José María Velasco Ibarra. Ensuite, les principales réformes entamées par Rafael Correa sont analysées. Cette recherche a pour but l’explication du lien complexe entre le populisme, (conçu comme une déviation de la démocratie pour les uns, et perçu comme un instrument légitime de consolidation démocratique pour les autres), et la consolidation démocratique. Cette relation devient un sujet inéluctable pour l’analyse de l’évolution complexe des démocraties andines
With the advent of Rafael Correa, Ecuador tried to consolidate democracy by resorting to populism as a political practice. The purpose of this dissertation lies in link between populism as a political practice and democratic consolidation as young democracies´ main aspiration. With this in mind, this investigation is divided into two parts: the first explores populism and democratic consolidation as concepts. The idea being to determine how, during the 90's, populism was used as a tool to strengthen democracy. The latter, studies the relationship between populism and democratic consolidation in Ecuador. Populism has been a recurrent practice throughout the twentieth century (especially with, José María Velasco Ibarra, Ecuador's main figure of populism). Accordingly so, this investigation seeks to understand the complex link between the populism -that some see as a deviation from democracy, and others as a legitimate mechanism of defense and democratic consolidation- and democracy. This relationship is an inexorable subject to understand the complex political evolution of Andean democracies

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party “The Sweden Democrats” will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study. Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being “The Social Democratic Party”, “The Moderate Party” and “The Sweden Democrats”. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric. The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that “The Sweden Democrats” to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties.

This research explores the Populist era in Kansas and the life of the state's twelfth governor, Lorenzo D. Lewelling. Lewelling is an important figure in the Populist movement in Kansas and his rise to power, and subsequent fall, mimics that of the movement as a whole. Through close examination of primary and secondary sources, this research paints the picture of Lewelling's life before and during his political career to give a better understanding of the state's past. This research gives context to the broader Populist movement by examining the intricacies of one of the state's leading figures.
Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, Fairmount College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History.

viii, 64 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
Since assuming office in January 2006, Bolivian President Evo Morales has been hailed as a populist by media and academic sources alike. Yet, scholarly theories have indicated that populism is unviable in office. This thesis will utilize a case study of Morales' presidency to test hypotheses of populist routinization. After establishing a working definition of populism, it will compare a baseline sample of Morales' prepresidency discourse to a second sample taken after his transition to power to determine whether the "essence" of populism has indeed been compromised. Ultimately, this thesis argues that theories of routinization are incorrect: although the characteristics of Morales' populism change after assuming the presidency, his appeals to and identification with common sense and ordinary values actually grow stronger in office.
Committee in Charge: Craig Parsons, Chair; Anna P. Gruben; Cas Mudde; Derrick L. Hindery

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
A tese aqui apresentada almeja contribuir para a secular polêmica que recobre o ideal democrático. Com este propósito, buscar-se-á delinear, a partir das contribuições de Chantal Mouffe e Ernesto Laclau, o que poderia ser entendido como um modelo agonístico de democracia, operando, primeiramente, um breve resgate do espectro conceitual que o circunda, cujos extremos podem ser encontrados nas obras de Jürgen Habermas e Carl Schmitt, em relação às quais, segundo a hipótese perseguida ao longo do prólogo e do primeiro capítulo, tal modelo assumiria feições sintéticas. Em seguida, o agonismo será utilizado como ferramenta heurística mobilizada para responder à seguinte pergunta: o governo de Hugo Chávez representa uma ruptura ou uma continuidade, conquanto ao regime jurídico-político que o precedera? De acordo com este objetivo, no curso do segundo e do terceiro capítulos será construída uma narrativa que visa a atender ao desdobramento da hipótese central deste trabalho acerca da pertinência do modelo agonístico de democracia, entendido como ferramenta analítica particularmente adequada ao estudo do fenômeno chavista. Tal suposição, por sua vez, desdobrar-se-á em dois eixos intrinsecamente relacionados: um descritivo e outro normativo. No tocante ao primeiro, os esforços concentrar-se-ão na demonstração da adequação do conceito laclauniano de populismo para o entendimento do tipo de vínculo representativo estabelecido entre Hugo Chávez e seus eleitores. Quanto ao segundo eixo, espera-se ressaltar, através das considerações de Laclau mas, principalmente, Mouffe, os riscos inerentes a este tipo de representação, assim como possíveis formas de contorná-los.
The thesis presented here aims to contribute to the secular controversy covering the democratic ideal. To this end, I will seek to outline, based on contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, what might be understood as an agonistic model of democracy. This will be done, first, by rescuing the conceptual spectrum that surrounds this model, whose boundaries can be found in the works of Jürgen Habermas and Carl Schmitt, in respect of whom it acquires synthetic features, according to the hypothesis to be pursued in the prologue and the first chapter. Then agonism will be used as a heuristic tool mobilized to answer the following question: Concerning the legal-political order that precedes it, is Hugo Chavezs government a rupture or a continuation ? In accordance to this goal, through the second and third chapters, a narrative will be constructed aiming at the development of the central hypothesis of this study about the relevance of the agonistic model of democracy, perceived as an analytical tool particularly appropriate for the study of the chavist phenomenon. This assumption, in turn, shall be developed in two closely related axes: one descriptive, one normative. Regarding the first one, the focus will be on demonstrating the appropriateness of the Laclaunian concept of populism to the understanding of the type of representative bond established between Hugo Chavez and his voters. Finally, on the second axis, through considerations of Laclau, but mainly Mouffe, some risks inherent in this kind of representation will be pointed out, as well as possible ways to counteract them.

Orientador: Jair Pinheiro
Banca: Armando Boito Júnior
Banca: Anderson Deo
Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objeto de análise diferentes interpretações a respeito das políticas implementadas pelo governo Lula para as classes dominantes e para as classes dominadas. Seu objetivo consiste em realizar uma leitura crítica da bibliografia apresentada a fim de examinar como o atendimento de interesses seletivos das classes trabalhadoras foi funcional para o projeto de desenvolvimento deste governo, sendo estes interesses limitados à manutenção dos interesses fundamentais das classes burguesas. Deste modo, procuramos refletir sobre a ocorrência de algumas alterações sociais e econômicas durante o referido governo, entretanto, circunscritas às determinações do modelo neoliberal periférico. Com base no debate contido na bibliografia apresentada nesta pesquisa e na teoria de Estado de Nicos Poulantzas, buscamos, assim, expor as particularidades do cumprimento da função geral do Estado capitalista pelo governo Lula. Intentamos, ainda, demonstrar como as classes populares tornaram-se apoio do projeto neodesenvolvimentista que estava em curso por intermédio de uma ilusão ideológica com fundamentos materiais, resultando em uma relação do tipo populista destes setores sociais com o governo.
Abstract: This research has as object of analysis different readings about the policies implemented by the Lula government for the dominant classes and for the dominated classes. Its purpose is to present a critical review of the bibliography presented to demonstrate how the selective interests of the working classes served to the development project of the government and how these interest were limited to the maintenance of the fundamental interests of the bourgeois classes. Thus, we try to reflect about the occurrence of some social and economic changes during that government, however, circumscribed to the determinations of the peripheral neoliberal model. Through the discussion contained in the bibliography used in this work and based on the State theory of Nicos Poulantzas, we seek to expose the particularities of the fulfillment of the general function of the capitalist State by the Lula government. We also try to demonstrate how the popular classes have become the support of the neodevelopmentalist project through an ideological illusion with material foundations, resulting in a populist relationship between these social sectors and the government.
Mestre

In recent years, populism has spread around the world like wildfire. In some places, populist parties are growing in strength and several countries currently have populist leaders. In this essay, we use a qualitative content analysis to investigate whether populist rhetoric has seeped into state power in Sweden through examination of the speeches presented by Swedish party leaders during party leader debates in the Swedish Parliament in 2019 and 2020. The analyses of the party leader debates showed that several components of populist rhetoric could be found in speeches made in the Swedish parliament in 2019 and 2020, especially when it comes to anti-elitist rhetoric. However, the use of populist rhetoric is not widespread, but is mainly used by one of the eight Swedish party leaders, with some tendencies to a spillover-effect.

Cette thèse vise à améliorer notre compréhension de deux phénomènes importants dans les démocraties contemporaines: l'inégale représentation électorale de la population et la montée du populisme. Pour ce faire, elle explore empiriquement plusieurs expériences naturelles dans différents pays et contextes.Le premier chapitre explore l'impact de l'élection d'un politicien dynastique sur les politiques publiques. Il montre que les politiciens dynastiques ont des caractéristiques différentes des autres politiciens, et qu’ils gèrent leur budget de façon plus opportuniste.Le deuxième chapitre met l'accent sur les discriminations de genre dues aux électeurs, en exploitant une expérience naturelle lors des élections départementales françaises de 2015, lors desquelles les candidats ont dû se présenter par binômes paritaires. En utilisant le fait que l'ordre d'apparition est déterminé de façon quasi-aléatoire, il montre que les bulletins de droite où la candidate était inscrite en premier ont reçu moins de voix et ont eu moins de chance d’accéder au second tour. Cette discrimination est essentiellement due aux bulletins sur lesquels aucune information n'est indiquée, ce qui suggère qu’elle est de nature statistique.Le troisième chapitre étudie le lien entre les flux d'immigration et la montée du populisme. En utilisant comme expérience naturelle le démantèlement du camp de migrants de Calais en France entre octobre 2015 et octobre 2016, il montre que les municipalités qui ont accueilli un petit nombre de migrants de façon temporaire suite à cet évènement ont eu un taux de croissance du vote Front National plus faible entre les élections présidentielles de 2012 et 2017
This dissertation aims at improving our understanding of two important phenomena in contemporary democracies: imbalanced electoral representation and the rise of populism. To do so, it explores empirically several natural experiments in different countries and settings.The first chapter explores the consequences of electing a dynastic politician on subsequent public policies. It shows that dynastic politicians have different characteristics compared to other politicians and that they manage their budget in a more opportunistic way.The second chapter focuses on gender-discrimination from voters in politics, by exploiting a natural experiment in the French départementales elections of 2015, where candidates had to run by gender-balanced pairs. Using the fact that the order of appearance of candidates on the ballot is as-good-as-random, it shows that right-wing ballots where the female candidate was listed first received lower shares of votes and were less likely to make it to the second round. This discrimination is driven by ballots on which no information is reported, which suggests that it is statistical.The third chapter studies the link between migration inflows and the rise of populism. Using as a natural experiment the dismantling of the Calais migrant camp in France between October 2015 and October 2016, it shows that municipalities which temporarily received a small amount of migrants following this event had a lower growth rate of Front National vote between the presidential elections of 2012 and 2017

The French personalist movement (1930-1938) finds its origins in French Neo-criticism and Thomism, and German existentialism. The contribution of Russian religious-populist philosophy has not yet been studied. Nikolai Berdyaev (1874-1948) incorporated this tradition in his philosophy. Exiled after the Russian Revolution, he brought his version of Russian "personalism" to France, where his works were seized as a manifesto by the French personalist movements L'Ordre Nouveau and Esprit. Alexandre Marc (1904-), another exile, and Emmanuel Mounier (1905-1950) tried to reconstruct the Russian mir as a French institution. Populism envisioned Russia as a decentralized federation of autonomous mirs; likewise, French personalists advocated a federalized European union in which communal patries would serve as the primary unit of government. Russian populism presented models for and was perpetuated by the French personalists. The influence of Russian ideas on French personalism offers a new dimension to the History of ideas.

This study attempts to answer the question of whether the propaganda of the Swedish political parties ”Socialdemokraterna”, and/or ”Sverigedemokraterna”, used for the election to the European parliament 2009, are to be viewed as populistic. Furthermore, is the propaganda to viewed as included in the ”Classical populism”, the ”New populism”, both, or none of the above genres? With a theoretical approach deriving from earlier works on the subject Classical/New populism from a number of writers, the study uses empirical and qualitative text analysis to study the parties propaganda. For each of the two genres of populism an ideal type is set up, which is used to define their core elements. The empirical material is then put in relation to these two ideal types as a reference point, so that it can be examined systematically. The main result of the study concludes that none of the two ideal types matches the information that can be read out from the party ”Socialdemokraterna”´s election propaganda, and that it therefore is to be regarded as neither ”Classical” nor ”New” populism. ”Sverigedemokraterna”´s propaganda on the other hand, displays all of the characteristics that are defined by the theory used in the study as ”New populism”.

Since the 1980s a growing number of populist parties have made a breakthrough in European party systems. Examples of these are the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the Netherlands or the German Die Linke (DL). All of these parties can considered to be populist because they share a thin centred ideology “that considers society ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde, 2004: 543). This thin centred ideology can be combined with other full ideologies such as the radical right but also democratic socialism. The main objective of this study is to explain why people vote for populist parties. Such a question is difficult to answer, however, because populism is mostly attached to other ideologies. To address this problem, this study draws on a comparative research design. By studying the electorates of a wide range of different populist parties, it is disentangled what is exactly the populist element, rather than elements related to the host ideology, that drives voters towards these parties.

The study begins with a careful investigation of all parties in Belgium, The Netherlands and Germany by means of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore which of them could be labelled populist. Support was found for at least the following cases: LPF, the Belgian Lijst Dedecker (LDD), the Dutch Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV), VB, the Dutch Socialistische Partij (SP) and DL. In a next step, the voters of these parties were analyzed by means of election survey data (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study, Partirep Survey and German Longitudinal Election Study).

The main finding of is that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more decision making through referendums are important and unique drivers for populist voting in general. On the demand side it is argued that a process of cartelization, i.e. increased reliance of parties on state subventions, more cooperation between government and opposition, and ideological moderation, combined with the growth of critical citizens has led to the questioning of political authority. On the supply side, an increasing group of well-organized populist parties have begun challenging mainstream parties by depicting them as a group of self-serving elites depriving the ordinary people of their sovereignty. Moreover, populist parties claim to restore the voice of the people through the introduction of direct democracy. Accordingly, a growing group of voters who share these concerns are attracted to the populist appeal.

Another important finding of this study is that populist parties generally attract social groups that feel themselves deprived. In Eastern Germany of the 1990s these were the ‘losers of unification’, i.e. highly educated civil servants who had lost the social prestige that they enjoyed during the heydays of the DDR. Yet in contemporary ‘diploma democracies’ it appears that populist parties, regardless of their host ideology, are increasingly attracting the ‘losers of globalization’, which are the lower educated and lower social classes. While populism has mostly been considered a threat for democracy, the ability of populist parties to integrate excluded social groups into the political system certainly deserves notice.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Populismus ist eine politische Taktik, die überwiegend von rechtsorientierten Protestparteien angewandt wird. Ohne krisenhafte Entwicklungen ist die populistische Taktik jedoch nicht erfolgstüchtig. In der Dissertation werden die krisenhaften, sozioökonomischen politischen und kulturellen Koinzidenzen in Frankreich, Italien und Österreich unter dem Stichwort populistischer Moment analysiert.

The following paper focuses on the relatively new rise of populism which has seen a surge across states across the western world. Populism refers to governance of and for the people, as opposed to the ruling elites. As the sensation of democratic deficits and partisan cleavages increase, the reaction is populism which aims to restore the fundamental democratic values back to the people, advocating a more transparent form of democracy, where power moves away from the ruling elites, back to the people. We explore what populism entails through defining it through its theoretical identifiers and analyzing which political and social attitudes are present in supporters of populist parties. This study is meant to complement Staerkle and Greens study about the social representation of right-populists. By using the same research methodology as Staerkle and Green but also including left populists. This means looking at the social representation of left-right populist supporters and identifying mutual conventions and relations through a cross sectional case study of four countries which have seen a rise in populist parties. The findings lead us to see convergence in left-right populist parties toward institutional distrust and divergence in opinion towards globalism and multiculturalism. In essence, we compare and present the social representation of populist supporters of left-right populist parties and investigate which attributes cause the divergence in their political and social identities.

This thesis aims to examine if performative populism exists within the Sweden Democrats and if the level of populism has changed over time. By using a gradational approach when conceptualising populism, it seeks to address a case of ‘mixed bags’. Furthermore, this paper address questions regarding how to measure populism and how to operationalise populism into context. Populism is conceptualised as a political style, according to Benjamin Moffitt’s work on populism. Thus, the performative side of the leader is central. This includes content, rhetoric, gestures and the theatrical side of the leader’s performance. By using a twofold methodological approach, a quantitative content analysis, followed by a qualitative one, both frequency of populist indications and how they relate to each other can be accounted for. Results indicate that populism exists within the Sweden Democrats, and that the level of populism seems to be increasing over time. Moreover, while the methodological approach is sufficient for measuring the level in terms of less and more, it cannot account for degree in terms of index.

La présente recherche porte sur l'emploi des termes populisme et populiste lors de l'élection présidentielle française de 2012. Cette étude a été réalisée en traitant deux corpus : les discours politiques et complémentairement les discours journalistiques, recouvrant la période d'octobre 2010 à mai 2012. En se positionnant dans le cadre des théories de la sémantique discursive et de la praxématique, nous avons convoqué l'analyse du discours afin d'analyser la production de sens desdits termes.L'objectif étant de comprendre comment les candidats à la présidentielle de 2012 et les commentateurs dans la presse écrite emploient les termes en question dans leurs discours et de déterminer les procédés linguistiques qui interviennent dans ces discours afin de représenter ces termes.Les résultats obtenus illustrent qu'à partir du point de vue de la production de sens, il existe un jeu sur le sémantisme de ces termes : nous les recevons avec une production de sens majoritairement négative, même si certains locuteurs/écrivains essayaient d'injecter le sens positif dans son sens négatif antérieur
This research focuses on the use of the terms populism and populist during the French presidential election of 2012. This study had carried out by treating two corpuses : political discourses and additionally journalistic discourses, covering the period from October 2010 to May 2012. By positioning in the theories of discursive semantics and of praxématique, we convened the discourse analysis to analyze the production of the meaning of those terms.The goal is to understand how the presidential candidates of 2012 and commentators in the press use the terms in question in their discourses, and to determine the linguistic processes involved in these discourses to represent these terms.The results show that from the point of view of the production of meaning, there is a semantic act on these terms, which we receive mostly with a negative meaning, although some speakers / writers was trying to inject the positive direction in their previous negative meaning

A partir da apresentação dos contornos do conceito de populismo econômico, modelo de política econômica cuja pretensão é caracterizar experiências centradas no crescimento da economia em detrimento da estabilidade do nível de preços, elabora-se como objetivo central da pesquisa a investigação da aplicabilidade dessa categoria analítica em um momento histórico específico, qual seja, o governo João Goulart (1961-1964). Caracterizado como momento ímpar na história brasileira contemporânea, devido, principalmente, à grande mobilização social e ao acirramento da luta de classes, o debate na literatura econômica em torno da combinação de política implementada à época diverge quanto às origens do baixo desempenho então verificado: causas estruturais, conjunturais, “erros” dos policy-makers e “irracionalidade” da gestão econômica são alguns dos argumentos expostos. Nesse contexto, além do exposto, como objetivo secundário pretende-se, na medida em que se investiga a viabilidade da combinação de política, ou seja, sua congruência ou não com o modelo apresentado, analisar o próprio sentido da política econômica observada entre os anos de 1961 a 1964. Compreende-se que, mais do que resultado de determinada conjuntura política ou da exclusividade causal de fatores ligados à economia, variáveis políticas e econômicas interagem dialeticamente, construindo, nesse processo, o próprio sentido das medidas dos policy-makers. Dessa maneira, vislumbra-se não apenas a forma assumida pela gestão da economia, isto é, os ciclos então observados, mas, principalmente, seu conteúdo, compreendido como fruto de um cenário complexo em cujo cerne encontram-se as classes e as frações de classe em luta.
From the contours of the concept of economic populism, economic policy model characterized by experiments focused on economic growth at the expense of the stability of the price level, we analyze their applicability for specific historical moment, namely, the government of João Goulart (1961-1964). Characterized as unique moment in contemporary Brazilian history, mainly due to the great social mobilization and intensification of the class struggle, the debate in the economic literature around the combination of observed policy does not prepare a consensus regarding the origins of poor economic performance then checked: causes structural and conjunctural, "errors" of policy-makers and "irrationality" of economic policy are some of the arguments. In this context, it is intended, in that it investigates the feasibility of the combination of politics, that is, given its congruence or not to the model, analyze the very meaning of economic policy observed between the years 1961 to 1964 . It is understood that more than the result of particular political conjuncture or exclusive causal factors related to the economy, political and economic variables interact dialectically, building syntheses able to signify the historical process in which they operate. It is through this analysis that builds the reasons for adopting certain economic policy research and analytical validity of economic populism for the period considered.

Peronism has been one of the most widely used terms in the context of Argentinean politics, history and culture over the last 60 years. In spite of the fact that there is no official definition of the term, many different political strategies in Argentina are referred to as Peronist. Why is it so complicated to define the concept of Peronism? What does it really mean when Argentinean presidents claim to be Peronists? This thesis is based on the hypothesis that Peronism is primarily brand of political populist projects. The first chapter classifies the concept of populism, the second chapter deals with the particular populism in Latin America and the third chapter analyzes the individual mandates of Peronist presidents. The analysis strongly supports the working hypothesis.

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Apresentamos uma versão do modelo padrão de equilíbrio geral com agentes heterogêneos e mercados incompletos para responder questões acerca do populismo e suporte político. A inovação é assumir que o governo pode expropriar parte dos recursos da economia. Destacamos um novo mecanismo de suporte político, onde o governo populista obtém a aprovação necessária para se manter no poder. Transferências para os mais pobres/menos produtivos aumentam a taxa de juros de equilíbrio, ao reduzir a poupança por motivo precaucional, beneficiando detentores de capital ricos e criando uma coalizão entre eles. Então, fazemos um exercício de calibração para a economia americana e conduzimos exercícios de estática comparativa em parâmetros chave para analisar a verossimilhança do arranjo.
We present a version of the standard general equilibrium model with heterogenous agents and incomplete markets to address matters of populism and political support of governments. The novelty is to assume that governments may expropriate part of the resources in the economy. We highlight a new mecanism in which a populist government can obtain the approval necessary to maintain power. Transfers to poorest/less productive households increases the equilibrium interest rates, by reducing precautionary savings, benefiting rich capital holders and creating a coalition between them. Further, we calibrate the model to a standard U.S economy and conduct some comparative statics in key parameters to address the likelihood of such arrangement.

In both Soviet and Western historiography, Russian populism (narodnichestvo) has been studied more or less in isolation from the broader socialist movement in Europe. The aim of this thesis is to show that although it undoubtedly possessed characteristics peculiar to Russia, the populist movement should be understood as part of the Europe-wide revolutionary movement. To accomplish this, the thesis is structured around chapters discussing individuals who were involved in both the Russian revolutionary movement and the European anarchist movement, with which populism shared many ideas, ideologies tactics and internal disputes. These individuals are Mikhail Bakunin, Zemfirii Ralli and Petr Kropotkin. Around these chapters are studies of groups or movements connected with those individuals in Russia or Europe. Central themes include consistency, or the social groups which the revolutionaries hoped to address; organisational forms adopted by anarchists and populists; tactics to be used to rouse their constituencies to action and to organise and achieve revolution; relations of the revolutionaries to the masses; the differing concepts of political and social/economic revolution; and the rise of terrorism in both movements.

Populism is on the rise, anti-globalism, nationalism, and xenophobia run rampant, andtraditional mainstream parties seem unable to curb the tide. Sweden is no exception, eventhough it in some cases seems like it should be, with the populist party the SwedenDemocrats gaining more support by each passing election. In this thesis, the rise of theSweden Democrats and the slow decline of the mainstream Social Democrats and ModerateParty are explored and explained through the use of the term issue alignment. The thesisexamines if the reason for mass migration from the established mainstream parties is due tothe Sweden Democrats being better aligned with voters’ stance on issues and policy.Furthermore, the thesis investigates if the mainstream parties’ voter loss is due to worseningalignment, but not finding any significant decline over time. Similarly, the thesis investigatesif the improving national vote results of the Sweden Democrats are due to improvingalignment between the party and the voters, again, finding no proof for this theory. TheSweden Democrats’ level of issue alignment with voters has not improved consistently overthe period, and similarly, the mainstream parties’ level of issue alignment has not decreasedconsistently over the period.

In this study I search for the real understanding of the Lauclanian concept of ”populism” from both the viewpoint of William Connollys essentially contested concepts and the conceptual historian Reinhart Koselleck. My starting point for the analysis takes its inspiration from the more contemporary notion of ”constructing the social” but tries to focus on a result that can be free from the highly abstract discourse theory put forward by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The result is a peculiar paradox in which the concept of populism reconstructed by Laclau not only is contested but contested in such way that even the meaning of the word could lose its contextual use in place of another – the political. At the same time, the concepts favorability through a more common usage (or in Koselleckian terminology, its more democratized meaning) must be acknowledged, and in relation to the leftist political parties that uses this theoretic, strategic and analytical conceptual category it instead becomes much clearer why its usage is applied but also favoured by Laclau. It could be said that it is the most effective concept in determining the strategic discursive landscape and to shape it in favour of a future left-wing populist movement. At the same time, the concepts claim of being more democratic is not entirely as convincing in regard to the signifier that must be as empty as possible to fulfill the populistic demands of its political subjects. This means that its value entirely comes from the political subjects meaningful projection, and in one way only can be said to engage with these subjects through the channeling of the already expected dissent and disaffection of the people behind the discursive and overdetermined identities.

This dissertation studies historical and contemporary conservative rhetoric to argue that the political right's variant of American populism defines the rhetorical figure of "the people" as ontologically opposed to the state. This state-phobic rhetoric poses a threat to democratic deliberation, I argue, because it presumptively cancels the very appeals to shared space that tend to make democracy thrive. By turns examining the new right, the 2008 financial crisis, the 2008 presidential campaign, and the rise of the Tea Party, this dissertation suggests American democracy is trapped in a populist feedback loop that creates tragic modes of melancholic democratic politics. This democratic melancholia contributes directly to contemporary political trends of hyper-partisanship.

Thesis advisor: Stephen Pfohl
This work addresses the globally urgent need to understand the social origins of the recent surge in authoritarian and populist social movements across Europe and the Americas. It analyzes how themes of tribalism, confidence in medical science, and confidence in military violence changed over the years in the retelling of stories in popular culture. The focus is I Am Legend and Day of the Dead – two series of American film remakes of popular science fiction stories that feature pandemic disease and the threat of what are here referred to as “Diseased Others” – the transformed, humanoid Others who have caught the disease. The qualitatively-driven approach exhibits an original methodological contribution to the discipline of sociology, offering several innovations via the coding schemes used and an adaptation of grounded theory for multiple sample sets of films. The data consulted include transcriptions of dialogue from films, reviews in popular news sources, interviews with cast and crew, box office data, and data from the General Social Survey. Within these examples of “Diseased Others” science fiction, themes of tribal morality and confidence in medical science and the military have followed a discernible trajectory. This trajectory is of narrowing moral scope toward loyalty to one’s own in opposition to outside groups, and embracing military violence as a positive solution to threats to the “normal” population. In general, medical science is also increasingly positioned as dangerous and blameworthy (even if also capable of positive intervention). This trajectory thus displays a heightening of what are identified for the present study as three “elements of authoritarian populism”: tribalism, distrust of rational institutions, and willingness to resort to violence
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2019
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology

This dissertation studies historical and contemporary conservative rhetoric to argue that the political right's variant of American populism defines the rhetorical figure of "the people" as ontologically opposed to the state. This state-phobic rhetoric poses a threat to democratic deliberation, I argue, because it presumptively cancels the very appeals to shared space that tend to make democracy thrive. By turns examining the new right, the 2008 financial crisis, the 2008 presidential campaign, and the rise of the Tea Party, this dissertation suggests American democracy is trapped in a populist feedback loop that creates tragic modes of melancholic democratic politics. This democratic melancholia contributes directly to contemporary political trends of hyper-partisanship.

In this dissertation I discuss the tension between social choice and political philosophy. The aim is to explore the possibility of a ‘tolerable Platonism’, a form of political Platonism that can be consistent with a liberal defence of democracy. My starting point is the social choice theory view, namely the liberal justification of democracy elaborated by Riker in Liberalism against Populism. Riker’s analysis is shaped by Arrow’s theorem and around the dichotomy between liberalism and populism. Riker maintains that these are the two main traditions of interpreting democracy and the two contrasting accounts of democratic voting. But Arrow’s theorem is not just the basis for the social choice research program; it is also a fundamental background out of which the more general concerns of contemporary political philosophy about the just institutions grow. The following question drives my discussion: can political philosophy and its account of democracy be contained in Riker’s dichotomy between liberalism and populism? To put the matter more provocatively, and to emphasize the main interest that drives this work: should political philosophy give up to populism? The question aims to engage social choice theory on shared terrain (the passage from individual preferences to collective decision; the connection between method and ideal; the confrontation between market and democracy). The mathematic language in which social choice theory formulates its assessments should not prevent political philosophy from recognising the importance of this account of politics and democracy, and from confronting the controversies that the social choice analysis reveals. Rawls’s program itself might be regarded as an outcome of this confront. This dissertation will not refute Riker’s work or the social choice theory framework that underlies it. The aim is to use Riker’s distinction between liberalism and populism to reflect on the normative commitments of political philosophy; to re-describe the aggregative problem formalised in Arrow’s theorem by using the “idealistic” point of view of political philosophy. If political philosophy does not accept Riker’s distinction and invitation - Riker’s solution seems to call for a ‘positive’ political philosophy, that is, one solely based on criteria of feasibility and weighted toward the method side of the tension between ideals and methods - the challenge is to point out the problems that redound from a rigid discontinuity between the two views. And a first, good argument for this exploration is that some of the most interesting cases of normative political theory propose solutions that mix liberalism and populism (e. g. Mill and Rawls). I do not wish not to minimize the importance of the liberal, anti-tyrannical option but rather to show that a more objectivistic version of liberalism is possible within the anti-tyrannical framework. Following the path drawn by epistemic democracy, I aim to take some steps toward a version of liberalism that is more compatible with populism.

Ernesto Laclau, emeritus professor of the  University of Essex, UK, visited Ecuador in March 2012. In his open conference at FLACSO, Quito, Laclau presented his peculiar interpretation of «populism». The present article sketches the main lines of Laclau’s lecture and draws a critique on some of his main theoretical and political tenets.
El presente artículo refiere a las propuestas de Ernesto Laclau que revisan la consideración tradicional acerca del populismo. En marzo de 2012, Laclau estuvo de visita en Ecuador y ofreció una conferencia magistral en FLACSO. El artículo a continuación responde en parte a lo dicho por Laclau. Se esbozan críticas a algunos de sus planteamientos.