Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Populism – Italy'
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1
Falkenberg, Susanne. "Populismus und populistischer Moment im Vergleich zwischen Frankreich, Italien und Österreich Populism in France, Italy, and Austria /." [S.l. : s.n.], 1997. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/diss/diss9705/.
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Falkenberg, Susanne. "Populismus und populistischer Moment im Vergleich zwischen Frankreich, Italien und Österreich - Populism in France, Italy and Austria." Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2001. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-09052001-103803/.
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Populismus ist eine politische Taktik, die überwiegend von rechtsorientierten Protestparteien angewandt wird. Ohne krisenhafte Entwicklungen ist die populistische Taktik jedoch nicht erfolgstüchtig. In der Dissertation werden die krisenhaften, sozioökonomischen politischen und kulturellen Koinzidenzen in Frankreich, Italien und Österreich unter dem Stichwort populistischer Moment analysiert.
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Lahti, Yannick Duncan Olavi <1990>. "Populism as a battlefield Populist actors and their representation on social and legacy media during the european parliament elections 2019 in Finland, Italy and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10174/1/Yannick_PhD_final_fs.pdf.
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The objective of the present research is to describe and explain populist actors and populism as a concept and their representation on social and legacy media during the 2019 EU elections in Finland, Italy and The Netherlands. This research tackles the topic of European populism in the context of political communication and its relation to both the legacy and digital media within the hybrid media system.
Departing from the consideration that populism and populist rhetoric are challenging concepts to define, I suggest that they should be addressed and analyzed through the usage of a combination of methods and theoretical perspectives, namely Communication Studies, Corpus Linguistics, Political theory, Rhetoric and Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies. This thesis considers data of different provenance. On the one hand, for the Legacy media part, newspapers articles were collected in the three countries under study from the 1st until the 31st of May 2019. Each country’s legacy system is represented by three different quality papers and the articles were collected according to a selection of keywords (European Union Elections and Populism in each of the three languages). On the other hand, the Digital media data takes into consideration Twitter tweets collected during the same timeframe based on particular country-specific hashtags and tweets by identified populist actors.
In order to meet the objective of this study, three research questions are posed and the analysis leading to the results are exhaustively presented and further discussed. The results of this research provide valuable and novel insights on how populism as a theme and a concept is being portrayed in the context of the European elections both in legacy and digital media and political communication in general.
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Welin, Matti. "The Populist Strategy in Times of Distrust : A Comparative Analysis of the Populist Successes in Italy and Sweden." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104419.
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This essay researches the link between populism and political trust by comparing the development of these two phenomena in Sweden and Italy. Populism is defined as a political strategy in which one appeals to the people and uses anti-establishment rhetoric. The purpose of the study is to analyze if voters that are less politically trustful are also more prone to vote for anti-establishment populist candidates. By using a temporal comparative analysis with a historical perspective in mind, the development and linkage of political trust and populism is analyzed in the cases’ most recent four elections. The Swedish case is distinguished by relatively high levels of political trust but have in the latest decade seen an ever-growing proportion of their electorate turning to the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats. Italy, comparatively, is currently distinguished for low levels of political trust and has seen populist politicians thrive in the electorate ever since the 1990s ‘Mani Pulite’ scandal, and over a majority voted for the two populist parties Lega Nord and Five Star movement. The main research findings suggest that political trust, while not being a crucial determinant for contemporary populist successes, certainly helps populist parties gain attention and attraction. It also shows indications that the relation between populism and political trust can go in two directions. Sweden resembles a case where increased support for the SD have led to decreased political trust. In contrast, Italy’s political scandals, volatile voters and drastic decreases in political trust seems to have sparked increased support for populists.
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dang, tiffany. "The role of social media in the attitudes of Euroscepticism in Italy in comparison to those in Germany and Hungary." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/asrf/2021/presentations/68.
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With the rise of the right- and left-wing populism growing in Europe, it is important for political scientists to look into this trend and what might be causing it. Studying the rise of Populism throughout Europe is important because of its potential threats to democracy. In this research, I examine one trend that may attribute to this growth of these political parties. In my research, I examine whether Eurosceptic ideas on social media are correlated to electoral success in European Parliament elections. Many populist party leaders have turned to social media to reach out and to gain followers. Social media has been a great platform for misperception and false news. Social media is also relatively easy to use and is used by many to obtain political information. For this research, I analyze the Twitter accounts of right-winged populist political actors in Germany, Italy, and Hungary during the two years before the 2019 EU Parliament elections. The four leaders looked into were Alice Weidel for the Alternative for Germany, Matteo Salvini for Lega in Italy, Gabor Vona, and Tamas Sneider for Jobbik in Hungary. There are two leaders from Hungary due to the switch in power during the two years. By doing content analysis in this analytical paper and looking into the reactions of followers on these actor’s social media pages, there will be a better understanding of how social media can help spread the growth of Eurosceptic attitudes in citizens in the EU. The anticipated results from this research are that as time progresses towards EP elections, populist actors will increase their social media usage with a stronger emphasis on Eurosceptic ideologies in their posts. With an increase in postings and rhetoric, it is expected that citizens in the EU will be adopting similar views with these leaders and will then vote for these populist parties into the European Parliament. This research is important in helping the EU and its leaders obtain a better understanding of the growth and progression of populism in relation to Euroscepticism and its role in social media. Having a better understanding of the concept, it can aid in slowing the progression of populism and Euroscepticism, the one thing that is undermining its institutions.
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Mazzolini, Samuele. "Populism and hegemony in Ernesto Laclau : theory and strategy in the Italian Communist Party and the Ecuadorian Citizens' Revolution." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22783/.
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This thesis explores critically two central notions in the work of Ernesto Laclau: populism and hegemony. From analytical and strategic points of view, some incongruities stand out. For example, the conceptual proximity between the two often hinders their respective explanatory and political purchase. Moreover, Laclau's arguments in support of left-wing populism appear not to examine in sufficient depth some important issues, such as the non-necessary but also potentially problematic relationship between populism and democracy and the question of the leader. In this thesis I examine Laclau's work and interpretations of his work before offering a fresh interpretation that will both retain and enhance the distinctiveness and relevance of populism and hegemony for contemporary debates in socialist thought, and emancipatory theory more generally. My argument is grounded on both empirical and theoretical sources, relying on a combination of concept- and case-based interpretive methods. The empirical aspect of the thesis, which consists of an in-depth study of the trajectory of the Italian Communist Party and the Ecuadorian Citizens' Revolution, is used to problematise the conceptualisation of populism and hegemony. From a theoretical point of view, I first conduct a geneaological analysis of the emergence of the two notions in Laclau. I argue that this prompts a kind of ‘return to Antonio Gramsci’, involving the mobilisation of some insights that were overlooked or progressively neglected in the reading that Laclau made of the Italian thinker. The strategic upshot of this is that, while it is paramount to think in both populist and hegemonic terms, the former does not necessarily imply or reduce to the latter, and vice versa. Finally, I put forward the case for an agonistic, radical-democratic and ethical left-wing populism, drawing from the contributions of Chantal Mouffe, Jacques Derrida, William Connolly and Jacques Lacan.
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COCCO, MAURIZIO. "Il Qualunquismo Storico. Le idee, l’organizzazione di partito, il personale politico." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/266522.
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The center of attention of this thesis is the ideas of Guglielmo Giannini and the
qualunquista movement, their conception of what was wrong, the changes they sought and
the techniques they thought desirable. The movement was born in 1945 and grew popular
during postwar years, although it quickly disappeared after 1948.
This work of mine is divided in two parts. The first one reflects on the genesis of what
we may call Qualunquismo storico (historical qualunquismo), a political movement which
claimed to represent the middle class and a large penumbra of apolitical citizens not
sufficiently dissatisfied to protest their conditions. Most of all, this is a study of political
thinking and political moods, the kind of thinking that impinged most directly upon the
ordinary citizen, the common man as it was defined by Guglielmo Giannini, father of
Qualunquismo. In this part we consider the legacy of the Second World War and the sense
of disillusion and disenchantment that it fostered, especially in right-wing thought and
opinion.!
The analysis revolves around the figure of Guglielmo Giannini and his thought as it was
expressed through the newspaper L’Uomo Qualunque, which boasted a circulation of
800.000 and became a source of guidance and opinion for a certain kind of popular
opinion. L’Uomo Qualunque claimed to represent the resentment and dreams of the meek
little men in the middle, the figure for whom Giannini was particularly solicitous. These
pages aim to study this particular movement as the harbinger of a rather broader frame of
mind, therefore it considers right wing thought and opinion in postwar Italy and
qualunquismo long-lasting legacy.
The second part focuses on qualunquismo as a political party, studying it with a political
science kind of approach. In this part I analyse the political party which was born from the
newspaper L’Uomo Qualunque, named Fronte Liberale Democratico dell’Uomo Qualunque,
using the Richard Katz and Peter Mair organisational tripartition: party in central office,
party in public office and party on the ground. This part aims to provide a thorough
analysis of the party form membership to leadership, paying particular attention to the
qualunquisti member of parliament and their biographies.
8
Cisternino, Stefano. "The Construction and Destruction of “the other”The Influence of Right-wing Populist Rhetoric on Xenophobic Hate Crimes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418232.
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Today, two phenomena are growing; the constant increase in xenophobic hate crimes and the rampant presence of political and media representatives engaged in right-wing populist rhetoric aimed at defending the people from all threats. The question of how right-wing populist rhetoric influences the occurrence of these violent acts has only been addressed indirectly and partially in the academic world. This thesis tries to fill this gap, by proposing the following argument: right-wing populist rhetoric, through a process of continuous growth and affirmation, gradually creates an enemy who is ethnically “different” from the “native” people, leading to a social reaction and therefore to a consequent increase in xenophobic hate crimes. In order to verify this claim, an analysis of two periods of Italian history is conducted by means of Process Tracing. A primary case (1935-1939), focused on the Fascist Party and Mussolini with respect to two ethnic targets: Ethiopians and Jews. A secondary case (2013-2016), focused on the Lega Nord party and Salvini with respect to immigrants. The empirical results achieved provide good general support and suggest the need for further research, in order for countermeasures to be enacted by policymakers to avoid history repeating itself.
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"Contemporary populism in Italy: The Five Star Movement." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2014-10-1768.
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The thesis focuses on the Five Star Movement, a political movement in Italy based on an Internet blog, which was
founded by the Italian comedian Beppe Grillo and which in just four years from its birth received the greatest
number of votes in that country’s 2014 European election. The thesis focuses on the rise of 5SM, which was
established in a critical political and economic context that provided a fertile environment for its founder’s antiestablishment
platform and rhetoric. The structure, ideology and actions of the 5SM movement are examined as are
the political and economic contexts in which it arose and now operates.
The 5SM is analyzed as a product of an Italian political culture where populist leaders have dominated the political
scene for many years. The thesis asks whether this movement can be defined as populist, using as a framework for
analysis the work of Mény and Surel “Democracies and the Populist Challenge” (2002), by comparing the 5SM to
other European anti-establishment political parties and movements.
10
Falkenberg, Susanne [Verfasser]. "Populismus und populistischer Moment im Vergleich zwischen Frankreich, Italien und Österreich = Populism in France, Italy, and Austria / Falkenberg, Susanne." 1997. http://d-nb.info/958839204/34.
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Zaslove, Andrej. "The politics of radical right populism : Post-Fordism, the crisis of the welfare state, and the Lega Nord /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2003. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 418-433). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263
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Cabicarová, Dominika. "Koncept populismu a analýza politiky Silvia Berlusconiho." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-320815.
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The presented paper deals with a theoretical concept of populism and analysis of political style and politics of one of the most important but also most controversial figures of Italian politics over the past few decades, Silvio Berlusconi. The main objective of this paper is to verify the initial hypothesis that Silvio Berlusconi is a pragmatic contemporary politician whose politics and the political style includes identifiable elements of populism and to answer the question whether Silvio Berlusconi, due to the theories outlined on populism, could be considered as a representative of populism and whether his case meets the definition criteria set out in the theoretical part. A secondary objective is to provide a clear overview of the conceptual aspects of populism and it' s causes and identify these on the case of Italy. The work is divided into three parts. After introduction in a second chapter the theoretical and methodological framework will be defined. With a general focus on the concept of populism we will map the contemporary theoretical knowledge concerning this issue. The paper briefly summarizes the historical development of the populist movement in contemporary Western democracies, clearly and comprehensively summarizes the defining features of the theoretical concept of populism and...
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Pazzini, Eugenio. "Populism and the changing media landscape: understanding the rise of the Five Star Movement in Italy." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8940.
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The thesis develops an understanding of the relationship between populism and the changes in the media landscape brought about by the advent of web 2.0. Its aim is to explain the rapid emergence of the Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement in Italy. A contextual analysis of the structures of opportunities reveals that the key to understand the ‘success’ of 5SM lays in the fact that the political actor fully exploited the affordances of the Web 2.0, making them resonate with the ‘thin’ ideology of populism. The advent of web 2.0 can then benefit political actors employing a populist ideology in three ways; enhancing the declining trust and separation between people and the political establishment, providing a seemingly more direct form of communication with the electorate and providing a new way of constructing the ‘people’ of populism through the networks.Graduate
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SCHMIDTKE, Oliver. "Politics of identity : the mobilizing dynamics of territorial politics in modern Italian society." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5378.
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Defence date: 14 January 1995Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available online 26 May 2015.
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YANG, CHIH-HSUAN, and 楊芷瑄. "The Study of Development of Populist Radical Right Parties：the cases of UK and Italy." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/fh5md4.
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碩士國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
107
The rise of the far right in European politics in recent years is an eye-catching phenomenon. But, as the populism swept across Europe, there was a contrasting development in southern Europe and northwestern Europe. The populist radical right parties grew substantially in the western and northern Europe, while the southern European was dominated by the populist radical left parties. However, the predicament of the far-right in southern Europe was broken by "Lega" , the populist radical right-wing party of Italy, in Italian Congress election in March 2018. It’s generally believed that economy and immigration are the main factors of the rise of populist radical right parties. But from the perspective of European political experience, it is not exactly right. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to find out the reason why populist radical right parties, the British Independent Party of UK and Lega Nord of Italy, can both achieve the break through growth in elections under totally different political and economic conditions. There are two findings in this article: First, for the British Independence Party and Lega Nord, the political dissatisfaction theory of demand side is the main key factor to achieve breakthrough growth, and the political opportunity theory of supply side is complementary effects. Second, in the interpretation of the breakthrough growth of populist radical right parties, the political discontent theory of the demand side and the mainstream party positioning views on the supply side have the universality across countries and across time.
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Biancorosso, Silvia. "The impact of the sovereign debt crisis on the rise of populist parties in Italy." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/66775.
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After the economic crisis burst, the Italian political scenario was characterized by a persistent
instability. From 2011 to 2018, the country had four different governments, all heavily
criticized for the imposed structural economic reforms and austerity measures. The general
dissatisfaction of citizens toward the crisis management may have led voters to think the
establishment parties were incapable of dealing with the problems of the country, such the high
unemployment rate and the inexistent economic growth. This scenario may explain why voters
tended to vote for antiestablishment parties, namely the Northern League and the Five Star
Movement in the 2018 political elections