Journal articles: 'Populism Australia'

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Stead, Naomi. "The semblance of populism: National Museum of Australia." Journal of Architecture 9, no. 3 (September 2004): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602360412331296170.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Rewriting Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 432–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048385.

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Sociologists in Australia often talk about a politics of fear, or of moral panic, in order to explain the apparent awkwardness of a situation where leftwing intellectuals cannot come to grips with a rightwing political moment. This article addresses the question of dominant images of Australia through the 20th century as a part of the dominant leftwing historiography, which has now been replaced by a rightwing political narrative. The central theoretical and historical issue here is the problem of populism, and its shift from left to right. This leads to a discussion of the politics of fear and uncertainty, and how to begin to think about them, and to questions of the role of sociologists in all this.

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Wear, Rae. "Astroturf and populism in Australia: The Convoy of No Confidence." Australian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.864598.

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O’Brien, Wendy, and Kate Fitz-Gibbon. "Can Human Rights Standards Counter Australia’s Punitive Youth Justice Practices?" International Journal of Children’s Rights 26, no. 2 (May 3, 2018): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02602004.

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Recent practices in the administration of youth justice across Australian state and territory jurisdictions reveal a powerful tension between the punitive imperative of “tough on crime” political populism, and internationally agreed minimum standards relevant to the treatment of children. In questioning the extent to which human rights standards can and should be used as a useful tool to counter punitive youth justice practices, this article identifies major points of discrepancy between Australia’s international legal obligations and the doctrine and operation of domestic criminal law as it applies to children in conflict with the law. Examining youth justice “crises” in two Australian states, the Northern Territory and Victoria, the article concludes that while child rights are not directly justiciable in Australia, global standards on youth justice provide a unifying discourse that is resistant to the vagaries of populism, and which can guide reform for child rights compliant youth justice legislation and practice.

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McKnight, David. "Henry Mayer Lecture 2012: The Market Populism of Rupert Murdoch." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400103.

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Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation is the most powerful media organisation in the world. Murdoch's commercial success is obvious, but less well understood is his successful pursuit of political goals, using his news media. Murdoch himself is probably the most influential Australian of all time. He says the recent News of the World hacking scandal went ‘went against everything [he stands] for’. But how true is this? He sees himself as an anti-establishment rebel, yet his influence in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States makes him part of a global elite. He has become one of the key promoters of neo-liberal ideology of small government and deregulation over the past 30 years. The basis of his philosophy was expressed by one of his former editors, David Montgomery, who said ‘Rupert has contempt for the rules. Contempt even for governments.’ Murdoch is also a devotee of the neo-conservative wing of the US Republican Party. The possibility of exercising power through ownership of the news media has been little studied in recent years, but Murdoch's role in English-speaking countries over the last 30 years shows that perhaps we need to look again at such media theories.

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McAllister, Ian, and Toni Makkai. "Populism and Charity Donations: An Australian Case Study." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 50, no. 5 (February 8, 2021): 939–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764021991676.

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The reasons why people donate to charities have been extensively researched, but how this behavior relates to political values is less well understood. We also know little about how the rise of populist values among the electorate will influence charitable giving in the future. Using a national election survey conducted in Australia in mid-2019, this article examines the influence of populist values on charity donations. The results show that populist values are strong predictors of charitable giving and that those who hold these values are significantly less likely to donate. Among those who do choose to donate, the choice of charity is also strongly influenced by populist values. These results demonstrate that the increasing importance of populist values among the public will have significant implications for the future level and direction of charity donations.

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Davidson, Rjurik. "Book review: Reimagining Class in Australia: Marxism, Populism and Social Science." Thesis Eleven 154, no. 1 (October 2019): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619877101.

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Wood, Danielle, John Daley, and Carmela Chivers. "Australia Demonstrates the Rise of Populism is About More than Economics." Australian Economic Review 51, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 399–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8462.12294.

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Flew, Terry. "Critical Communications Research in Australia: From Radical Populism to Creative Industries." Javnost - The Public 11, no. 3 (January 2004): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2004.11008858.

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Johnson, Carol. "The 2019 Australian election." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2019): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119886053.

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Opinion polls suggested that Australia’s Coalition (Liberal and National Party) government was likely to be replaced by a Labor government at the 2019 election. However, in fact the government was returned. Key issues in the 2019 election centred around managing the economy, including levels of taxation and issues of inequality; around spending on government services such as health and education; and around issues of climate change. There were elements of populism in both major parties’ campaigns, and two minor populist parties played a significant role in preference distribution. There were also some simmering issues that reflect the broader geopolitical and geo-economic changes that are impacting upon Australia. These include not only challenges for Australia’s economy and identity in the ‘Asian Century’, but also issues of Australia’s relationship with China.

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Flannery, Belinda J., Susan E. Watt, and Nicola S. Schutte. "Looking Out For (White) Australia." International Perspectives in Psychology 10, no. 2 (April 2021): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2157-3891/a000008.

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Abstract. We conceptualized and developed a measure of right-wing protective popular nationalism (RWPPN) – a specific form of popular nationalism where people seek to protect the national culture from outgroup influences. RWPPN is derived from a sociological analysis of right-wing popular nationalism in Australia and is theoretically related to several key psychological constructs, including right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and symbolic threat. We conducted two surveys using nationally representative samples of Australian citizens. In study 1 ( n = 657), participants completed measures of RWPPN and related constructs. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis resulted in a 10-item scale. Construct validity was tested and confirmed across divergent, convergent, predictive, and concurrent validation domains. Additional convergent validation with RWA and SDO was tested in study 2 ( n = 316). Together, RWPPN was found to relate to expressions of national identity, prejudice, perceived outgroup threat, opposition to multiculturalism, and aggressive tendencies toward ethnic minorities. These effects remained significant when controlling for nationalism (measured as a concern for national superiority) and blind patriotism. In study 2, the effect on aggressive tendencies held when controlling for RWA and SDO and RWPPN mediated the relationship between RWA and aggressive tendencies. Reflecting the conservative nature of Australian popular nationalism, RWPPN correlated with right-wing political alignment. The research was conducted in Australia, but given the rise in right-wing populism internationally, RWPPN may be a phenomenon in other countries. Therefore, this paper offers a new construct and scale to investigate it in Australia and internationally.

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Sawer, Marian, and David Laycock. "Down with Elites and Up with Inequality: Market Populism in Australia and Canada." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 47, no. 2 (April 2009): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040902842836.

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Snow, Dave, and Benjamin Moffitt. "Straddling the divide: mainstream populism and conservatism in Howard's Australia and Harper's Canada." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 50, no. 3 (July 2012): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2012.692922.

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Macintyre, Stuart. "Geoffrey Bolton Lecture—From bolshevism to populism: Australia in a century of global transformation." ANU Historical Journal II, no. 1 (May 9, 2019): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/anuhjii.2019.16.

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Walsh, Tamara, and Robin Fitzgerald. "Youth Justice, Community Safety and Children’s Rights in Australia." International Journal of Children’s Rights 30, no. 3 (August 22, 2022): 617–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-30030009.

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Abstract Australian children have few legal rights and in the context of youth justice, community safety tends to be prioritised over the best interests and wellbeing of children. “Tough on crime” approaches to youth justice law and policy have been influenced by penal populism, whilst the voices of practitioners who work with young people who commit offences remain largely ignored. We interviewed 92 practitioners who work in criminal law settings in a low socioeconomic area in Queensland, Australia, to ascertain their views on the effectiveness of criminal law interventions in their community. Practitioners recognised the need to ensure the safety of the community when dealing with the offending behaviour of children, but they felt that current criminal law responses do not achieve this goal. Instead, they were in favour of interventions that prioritised children’s wellbeing so that the causes of their offending behaviour were addressed. Whilst they did not use rights-based language, their suggestions for reform were consistent with the protection of children’s fundamental rights as recognised by international law.

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McQuestin, Dana, and Joseph Drew. "The Price of Populism: The Association between Directly Elected Mayors and Unit Expenditure in Local Government." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 16, no. 4 (October 23, 2018): 673–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/16.4.673-691(2018).

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It would appear that directly elected Mayors have indeed become fashionable. However, few seem to have paused to ponder the pecuniary impact of directly elected Mayors on local government: Indeed there is no evidence at all from the Antipodes and much of the extant work is somewhat dated. We analyse a five year panel of data for New South Wales, Australia and find evidence of strong and statistically significant increased unit operational expenditure in local governments that employ the directly elected mayor model. We conclude by outlining the effect that this association might have on local government sustainability.

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Barnes, Tom, Elizabeth Humphrys, and Michael Pusey. "From economic rationalism to global neoliberalism? Marking 25 years since Economic Rationalism in Canberra." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (February 18, 2018): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318759082.

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Despite the impact of global economic crises and, more recently, the international shockwave of populism, neoliberalism persists as a framework for policies, policymakers and social orders. In Australia, debate about neoliberalism was largely initiated by the publication of Economic Rationalism in Canberra in 1991. This special section of the Journal of Sociology has been compiled to mark the impact of this seminal text over the past quarter of a century. The contributions to this section outline the evolution and transformative impact of neoliberalism locally and globally, and especially highlight current work by early-career researchers in Australia. As well as acknowledging competing interpretations of neoliberalism, this introduction summarises emerging scholarship in economic sociology by focusing on: the rhetoric of policymaking; the rollout of neoliberal policies in Australia and comparisons with international experiences; the impact of neoliberalism on social movements and social activism; and its ongoing role as a frame of reference for everyday work and life.

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Hogan, Jackie, and Kristin Haltinner. "Floods, Invaders, and Parasites: Immigration Threat Narratives and Right-Wing Populism in the USA, UK and Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 36, no. 5 (September 3, 2015): 520–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2015.1072907.

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Turner, Graeme. "John Fiske and the building of cultural studies." International Journal of Cultural Studies 25, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13678779211052607.

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This article reflects on the career of cultural and media studies figure, John Fiske, from both a personal and a scholarly perspective. Fiske was an influential force within the development of cultural studies and television studies over the 1980s and 1990s, and a much-loved and respected teacher and mentor. He was also a controversial figure at times. Fiske was accused of cultural populism, of revisionism, and an unwarranted optimism about the political agency of media consumers. While this article does not take on such accusations in any detail, it sets out to demonstrate the importance of a proper accounting for his career that also recognizes some of its less widely known aspects – such as his critical investment in building cultural studies during his eight years working in Australia. The article also highlights the potential difficulties ahead for cultural studies’ writing of its own histories of contestation and debate.

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Moiseev, Sergey R. "Hype around (non)monetary (non)theory." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 9 (September 4, 2019): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2019-9-112-122.

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In 2019 the doctrine, called “Modern Monetary Theory” (MMT), broke into the political Olympus. Political, academic and financial circles in the USA, the United Kingdom and Australia are actively discussing what was previously unthinkable: the budget deficit does not matter, the money printing is able to close the gap between government spending and taxes without inflation pressuring and other well-known ideas presented in a new light. The strict criticism of MMT was voiced by the economists of all kinds, from Kenneth Rogoff and Lawrence Summers from Harvard University to Paul Krugman from the City University of New York. All of them claim that under the mask of a new theory simple left populism is hidden. Representatives of MMT believe that when their supporters win in the upcoming elections in the USA, they will open a new page in the history of economics and politics.

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Chankova, Dobrinka. "Restorative justice as a new response to crime - the modern vision and Bulgarian dreamers and opponents." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 344–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.20.

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The concept of restorative justice as a type of alternative justice that focuses on the recovery of harm from crime, the victim, the perpetrator and the status quo in general, rather than on repression, is no longer new. It has long had its international legal basis – acts of the UN, EU, Council of Europe and others. Its main tools – victim-offender mediation, family conferences, problem-solving circles and more, are already established and widely used in most European countries and America, Asia, Australia, and Africa. Although marked in some strategic documents in our country recently, restorative justice is not a legal fact yet. However, in the global criminal crisis, deficits of the criminal justice system's functioning could be successfully, if not completely eliminated, then at least mitigated through its mechanisms. Individual scientists and representatives of non-governmental organizations have not only dreamed since the beginning of this century but are working hard to introduce its models. Politicians and decision-makers and part of the legal community show stubborn rigidity and resistance, refusing to put this issue on the current agenda of society, under various pretexts, but primarily defending their "preserved interests and monopoly" in criminal justice. At the same time, the crisis with the COVID-19 pandemic raises the issue again with particular urgency. That is why it is high time to abandon the unproductive "penal populism", to revitalize the debate for the mentioned novelty and achieve synchronicity between visionaries, dreamers, practitioners and users.

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Nicholas, Lucy. "Whiteness, Heteropaternalism, and the Gendered Politics of Settler Colonial Populist Backlash Culture in Australia1." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 234–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz009.

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Abstract This article analyzes backlashes to queer and Indigenous diversity-affirmative practices in Australia that entail perceived loss of dominance by the majority culture. The case studies outlined here demonstrate how whiteness, nationhood, and (gendered) heterosexuality are playing out in parallel ways through populist backlashes that have the purpose of containing queerness and indigeneity in “respectable” modes that do not challenge the default neutrality of a constructed “Australian” subject. The rhetorical and political strategies of erasing the queer and Indigenous others so as to reify the norm will be analyzed.

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Brookes, Stephanie. "What do we mean when we talk about populism? Local politics, global movements and ‘the people’ in political coverage of the 2016 Australian federal and United States presidential elections." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 8 (June 18, 2018): 1252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718781987.

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In a moment where public and media discussion in some Western democracies is concerned with labelling particular political parties, movements and ideas as ‘populist’, this article seeks to understand what is signified by the act of labelling. It undertakes an analysis of political and media discussions of populism during and following the 2016 Australian federal election and United States Presidential election. The article first conducts a discourse analysis of print and online news coverage in the two election cycles, analysing who and what is labelled populist in political journalism in these spaces. It then turns to an analysis of why: what is it about the current political moment that inspires the application of this label? The article explores how populism operates as shorthand for the identification of – and often, dismay about – the importation of the discourses, logics and technologies of cultural populism into the realm of ‘serious’ politics. It argues that the label masks a deeper conversation which diagnoses and delegitimises specific politicians and those who support them, as part of a broader project to explain the complexities of the present.

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Wear, Rae. "The populist message of Australian country music." Journal of Australian Studies 30, no. 88 (January 2006): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050609388077.

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Murphy, John. "Populism and Democracy: a reading of Australian Radical Nationalism." Thesis Eleven 16, no. 1 (February 1987): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368701600107.

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Handayani, Diah. "Political Identity, Popular Culture, and Ideological Coercion: The Discourses of Feminist Movement in the Report of Ummi Magazine." Jurnal Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: Media Pemikiran dan Dakwah Pembangunan 5, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpm.2021.051-08.

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This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. 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Curran, Giorel. "Mainstreaming populist discourse: the race-conscious legacy of neo-populist parties in Australia and Italy." Patterns of Prejudice 38, no. 1 (March 2004): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322032000185578.

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Irving, T. H., and Peter Love. "Labour and the Money Power: Australian Labour Populism 1890-1950." Labour History, no. 49 (1985): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508765.

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Lecours, André, Daniel Béland, Alan Fenna, Tracy Beck Fenwick, Mireille Paquet, Philip Rocco, and Alex Waddan. "Explaining Intergovernmental Conflict in the COVID-19 Crisis: The United States, Canada, and Australia." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 51, no. 4 (June 15, 2021): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjab010.

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Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic produced more significant immediate intergovernmental conflict in the U.S. than in Australia and Canada. This article considers three variables for this cross-national divergence: presidentialism versus parliamentarism; vertical party integration; and strength of intergovernmental arrangements. We find that the U.S. presidential system, contrary to parliamentarism in Canada and Australia, provided an opportunity for a populist outsider skeptical of experts to win the presidency and pursue a personalized style that favored intergovernmental conflict in times of crisis. Then, the intergovernmental conflict-inducing effect of the Trump presidency during the pandemic was compounded by the vertical integration of political parties, which provided incentives for the President to criticize Democratic governors and vice-versa. Third, the virtual absence of any structure for intergovernmental relations in the United States meant that, unlike Australian states and Canadian provinces, American states struggled to get the federal government’s attention and publicly deplored its lack of leadership.

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Jiang, Liang, and Xiangjun Ma. "Political distrust and right-wing populist party voting in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 4 (July 31, 2020): 362–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2020.1799937.

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Smith, Chloe, and Derya Iner. "How the Contemporary Far-Right Have Popularised their Appeals." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v6i2.361.

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This study investigates the role of populism in the growing prominence of the far-right and will address a research gap by specifically focusing on the Australian context – a national setting often overlooked in this field of study. A fresh approach is taken that seeks to understand the new far-right landscape in in terms of discourse, messaging and appeals, rather than trying to group together people and parties. This lens will be used to establish how three components of framing and disseminating far-right discourse have been crucial in the contemporary popularisation of far-right appeals. Firstly, the use of populism to mobilise the ethno-cultural majority who are feeling threatened and hostile due to historical, political and contextual factors. The fluid and pragmatic changing of discourses will then be identified as a decisive strategy in appealing to a wider audience, with specific consideration given to the far-right’s utilisation of Islamophobic messaging. The final component is the evolution and widespread dissemination of far-right messaging. It will be argued that the populist far-right have transformed and achieved mainstream success because these three components have come together at this time in history and provided a great deal of strength to the operation of the far-right.

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Humphreys, Sheridan. "Rethinking our protagonists: Absence on screen and meta-narratives of empire." Journal of Screenwriting 13, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/josc_00106_1.

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In this article I argue that responsibility for diversity needs to be inbuilt at a much earlier stage in the screen drama production process – from the very moment, indeed, when protagonists and plotlines are first conceived. Genuine diversity is everyone’s responsibility, not just the ‘diversity manager’ or ‘diversity initiative’. This is an issue for screenwriters, for the education of screenwriters and it is something that screenwriting research needs to explore. My focus falls here on historical drama, for which I argue that inbuilt diversity is especially pressing. Populist ideas about the past impact the lives of ethnic minorities today, and are perpetuated by invisibility, which is then treated as evidence of that same invisibility. I explore how Britain’s relationship with colonial Australia is understood – and perpetuated – through the meta-narrative of Empire and culture and how this informs my approach to my own writing practice. This article is based on the papers presented at the 2017 Screenwriting Research Network (SRN) conference, University of Otago, Dunedin; the 2019 European Association of Studies of Australia (EASA) Conference in Toulon, and at the 2019 Australian Association of Writing Programs (AAWP) conference, University of Technology, Sydney.

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MUGHAN, ANTHONY, and PAMELA PAXTON. "Anti-Immigrant Sentiment, Policy Preferences and Populist Party Voting in Australia." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 2 (March 9, 2006): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000184.

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Immigration has become a highly salient political issue in many of the world's affluent democracies. Yet, the electoral dynamics of anti-immigrant sentiment remain barely understood. We distinguish two dimensions of concern about immigrants: material threat and cultural threat, and hold that the influence of both on the right-wing populist party vote is critically mediated by policy preferences to restrict immigration and to isolate Australia from foreign influence. The result is a path model of voting that allows material and cultural threat to influence policy preferences about how to deal with the ‘immigrant problem’, and allows both threat and policy preferences to affect voting for the far-right One Nation party in Australia. Our results confirm that popular concern about immigrants is multi-dimensional and that its two dimensions have different sources. We also demonstrate that anti-immigrant sentiment works indirectly through policy orientations to influence vote choice. Feelings about immigrants, in other words, have an electoral effect only when there is a good fit between the policy stances of voters and the policies promoted by the parties on offer.

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Monro, Dugald. "Populism? Minor parties and independents in the Australian Federal Parliament, 1945–2016." Policy Studies 40, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1581157.

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BRYAN, DICK. "AUSTRALIAN POPULISM AND THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS: FINDING A PLACE FOR LABOUR." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 20, no. 3 (April 2010): 250–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2010.10669402.

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Crofts, Stephen. "Hansonism, Right-Wing Populism and the Media." Queensland Review 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000101x.

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AbstractThis essay aims to explicate the conditions enabling Hansonism. Politically, it argues that the party's exploitation of cynicism about mainstream politics and deepening economic and social divisions have been enabled by the Howard government's zealous pursuit of neo-liberal politics, its dismantling of Labor's welfare safety net, its wedge politics, its cynical reneging on election promises, and its attacks on the fourth estate, not to mention his endorsement of Hanson's freedom of speech'. In terms of the media, the essay argues that Hansonism's protest vote is based on a ‘plague o’ both your houses'. The allied populist prejudices of several radio talkback hosts have drawn their strength from television's virtual displacement of political debate in its posture as voice of the people, its actual address to viewers as domestic, atomised consumers and the increasing populism of vernacular genres such as lifestyle programs and sitcoms. Examples include the most popular Australian film of the Howard-Hanson era, The Castle.We live in the most polyglot and hybrid moment of human history […] Apostles of purity are the most dangerous people in the world. (Salman Rushdie 1994)People who can accept their own contradictions do not kill people. (Ariel Dorfman 1998)The media are […] so much more effective in disseminating information simultaneously to large groups of people that they not only supplement the political and educational systems but in some respects supplant them, because of their enormous power. (Anthony Wedgewood Benn 1972)

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Pearn, John. "Panis populi-bread and public health in Australia." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health 22, no. 2 (April 1998): 282–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-842x.1998.tb01192.x.

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Imison, Michelle, and Simon Chapman. "Media Miracles: The Separation of Conjoined Twins, and Tv News Health Coverage in Low- and Middle-Income Countries." Media International Australia 147, no. 1 (May 2013): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314700105.

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In November 2009, the successful surgical separation in Australia of conjoined twins from Bangladesh generated enormous domestic media interest. This article presents a thematic analysis of local television news and current affairs coverage about the twins. In addition to the predictable newsworthiness of a rare medical condition and its inherent drama, the narrative centred on opportunities to praise Australian medical skill and national character. This focus on identified individuals requiring advanced surgical intervention abroad contrasts with the dearth of coverage for health problems experienced by millions of anonymous individuals, more long-term and mundane health considerations or broader socio-economic contexts of health in low- and middle-income countries. Reportage of foreign health appears contingent on populist ‘rule of rescue’ frames and arresting footage that resonate with audiences' expectations of such nations. This article illuminates potential implications of this kind of reporting for the wider news space available to similar health stories.

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Denemark, David, and Shaun Bowler. "Minor parties and protest votes in Australia and New Zealand: locating populist politics." Electoral Studies 21, no. 1 (March 2002): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00034-2.

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Fraser, Andrew. "Review Articles : Postmodern Populism and the Australian State: On Alastair Davidson's the Invisible State." Thesis Eleven 31, no. 1 (February 1992): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369203100111.

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Schneider, Patricia, Fanglu Sun, and Steve Wood. "Perspectives on World and Regional Orders: Australian, Chinese and German Views." Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 3 (2019): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-3-149.

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This article offers some reflections from diverse standpoints on actual and potential developments, at global and regional levels, and possible ramifications. The article has three main sections. The first section deals with the crisis of liberalism and its implications for peace and security. The second section examines some current controversial issues and cooperation between the EU, Australia and China. The third section analyses the effects of populist movements in Europe on China and Australia.

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Gray, Emily M., and Lucy Nicholas. "‘You’re actually the problem’: manifestations of populist masculinist anxieties in Australian higher education." British Journal of Sociology of Education 40, no. 2 (November 16, 2018): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2018.1522242.

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Soto, Ignacio. "Populismo. Guía para entender la palabra clave de la política contemporánea. Benjamín Moffit." Revista Perspectivas de Políticas Públicas 12, no. 23 (November 4, 2022): 204–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18294/rppp.2022.4296.

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El profesor Benjamin Moffit, politólogo de la Universidad de Melbourne en Australia, presenta su libro como una guía “para entender la palabra clave de la política contemporánea” (portada); como “la primera introducción accesible al tema en cuanto concepto de la teoría política” (pág. 19). Consiste en una organización de abordajes e interpretaciones de una variedad de autores ubicados en una misma perspectiva epistemológica. Moffit no lleva a cabo análisis de casos o procesos que aporten elementos o perspectivas nuevas; trabaja con el material aportado por las obras seleccionadas. Las referencias a experiencias concretas no tienen por finalidad poner a prueba las categorías organizativas propuestas sino, a la inversa, mostrar la eficacia heurística de esas categorías respecto de los fenómenos referidos.

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Gale, Peter. "The refugee crisis and fear." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 321–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048378.

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Representations of asylum seekers, commonly referred to as ‘boat people’, became a central issue during the 2001 election campaign amidst claims that Australia was at risk of a flood of refugees. This article explores the intersection between populist politics and media discourse through analysis of media representations of refugees and asylum seekers.

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Charnock, David. "National Identity, Partisanship and Populist Protest as Factors in the 1999 Australian Republic Referendum." Australian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 2 (July 2001): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140120078826.

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Glasson, Benjamin J. "The intellectual outside: Anti-intellectualism and the subject of populist discourses in Australian newspapers." Continuum 26, no. 1 (January 25, 2012): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2012.630147.

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Taksa, Lucy. "Labor History and Public History in Australia: Allies or Uneasy Bedfellows?" International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 82–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790999010x.

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AbstractThis paper reflects on the ways in which public labor history and more populist forms of public history have intersected and/or diverged in Australia since the 1970s. By comparing various labor heritage programs and public history interpretation strategies at four redeveloped industrial heritage sites, it examines how both approaches have conceived and represented workers' history and the relationship between past and present, industrialization and deindustrialization. Drawing on the concepts of “nostalgia” and “nostophobia,” the paper suggests that in Australia, labor history/heritage and public history are fundamentally at odds as a result of different political and economic imperatives and the recognition given to workers' collective traditions.

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Quilter, Julia. "Populism and criminal justice policy: An Australian case study of non-punitive responses to alcohol-related violence." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 48, no. 1 (June 9, 2014): 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865813519656.

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Lovink, Geert, and Graeme Turner. "Celebrating the Undiscipline of Cultural Studies." Media International Australia 146, no. 1 (February 2013): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314600104.

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This article is based on an email exchange between media theorist and critic Geert Lovink and former Director of the Centre for Critical and Cultural Studies at the University of Queensland, Professor Graeme Turner. It explores the field of television studies internationally, focusing on the ‘nihilist turn’. In the Netherlands, right-wing populist websites and TV shows have been able to set the racist, anti-migration agenda, while in the United States and Australia, this agenda has been set by talkback radio. The issue of how we can distinguish between the popular and the populist is examined, and some more general cultural studies issues are discussed.

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Kissane, Dylan. "Book Review: Comparative Politics: The Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right in France and Australia: A Populist Hegemony?" Political Studies Review 13, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12073_115.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Populism Australia'

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