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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Populism Australia

Academic literature on the topic 'Populism Australia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Populism Australia"

1

Stead, Naomi. "The semblance of populism: National Museum of Australia." Journal of Architecture 9, no. 3 (September 2004): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602360412331296170.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Rewriting Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 432–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048385.

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Sociologists in Australia often talk about a politics of fear, or of moral panic, in order to explain the apparent awkwardness of a situation where leftwing intellectuals cannot come to grips with a rightwing political moment. This article addresses the question of dominant images of Australia through the 20th century as a part of the dominant leftwing historiography, which has now been replaced by a rightwing political narrative. The central theoretical and historical issue here is the problem of populism, and its shift from left to right. This leads to a discussion of the politics of fear and uncertainty, and how to begin to think about them, and to questions of the role of sociologists in all this.

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Wear, Rae. "Astroturf and populism in Australia: The Convoy of No Confidence." Australian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.864598.

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O’Brien, Wendy, and Kate Fitz-Gibbon. "Can Human Rights Standards Counter Australia’s Punitive Youth Justice Practices?" International Journal of Children’s Rights 26, no. 2 (May 3, 2018): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02602004.

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Recent practices in the administration of youth justice across Australian state and territory jurisdictions reveal a powerful tension between the punitive imperative of “tough on crime” political populism, and internationally agreed minimum standards relevant to the treatment of children. In questioning the extent to which human rights standards can and should be used as a useful tool to counter punitive youth justice practices, this article identifies major points of discrepancy between Australia’s international legal obligations and the doctrine and operation of domestic criminal law as it applies to children in conflict with the law. Examining youth justice “crises” in two Australian states, the Northern Territory and Victoria, the article concludes that while child rights are not directly justiciable in Australia, global standards on youth justice provide a unifying discourse that is resistant to the vagaries of populism, and which can guide reform for child rights compliant youth justice legislation and practice.

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McKnight, David. "Henry Mayer Lecture 2012: The Market Populism of Rupert Murdoch." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400103.

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Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation is the most powerful media organisation in the world. Murdoch's commercial success is obvious, but less well understood is his successful pursuit of political goals, using his news media. Murdoch himself is probably the most influential Australian of all time. He says the recent News of the World hacking scandal went ‘went against everything [he stands] for’. But how true is this? He sees himself as an anti-establishment rebel, yet his influence in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States makes him part of a global elite. He has become one of the key promoters of neo-liberal ideology of small government and deregulation over the past 30 years. The basis of his philosophy was expressed by one of his former editors, David Montgomery, who said ‘Rupert has contempt for the rules. Contempt even for governments.’ Murdoch is also a devotee of the neo-conservative wing of the US Republican Party. The possibility of exercising power through ownership of the news media has been little studied in recent years, but Murdoch's role in English-speaking countries over the last 30 years shows that perhaps we need to look again at such media theories.

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McAllister, Ian, and Toni Makkai. "Populism and Charity Donations: An Australian Case Study." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 50, no. 5 (February 8, 2021): 939–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764021991676.

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The reasons why people donate to charities have been extensively researched, but how this behavior relates to political values is less well understood. We also know little about how the rise of populist values among the electorate will influence charitable giving in the future. Using a national election survey conducted in Australia in mid-2019, this article examines the influence of populist values on charity donations. The results show that populist values are strong predictors of charitable giving and that those who hold these values are significantly less likely to donate. Among those who do choose to donate, the choice of charity is also strongly influenced by populist values. These results demonstrate that the increasing importance of populist values among the public will have significant implications for the future level and direction of charity donations.

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Davidson, Rjurik. "Book review: Reimagining Class in Australia: Marxism, Populism and Social Science." Thesis Eleven 154, no. 1 (October 2019): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619877101.

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Wood, Danielle, John Daley, and Carmela Chivers. "Australia Demonstrates the Rise of Populism is About More than Economics." Australian Economic Review 51, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 399–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8462.12294.

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9

Flew, Terry. "Critical Communications Research in Australia: From Radical Populism to Creative Industries." Javnost - The Public 11, no. 3 (January 2004): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2004.11008858.

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Johnson, Carol. "The 2019 Australian election." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2019): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119886053.

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Opinion polls suggested that Australia’s Coalition (Liberal and National Party) government was likely to be replaced by a Labor government at the 2019 election. However, in fact the government was returned. Key issues in the 2019 election centred around managing the economy, including levels of taxation and issues of inequality; around spending on government services such as health and education; and around issues of climate change. There were elements of populism in both major parties’ campaigns, and two minor populist parties played a significant role in preference distribution. There were also some simmering issues that reflect the broader geopolitical and geo-economic changes that are impacting upon Australia. These include not only challenges for Australia’s economy and identity in the ‘Asian Century’, but also issues of Australia’s relationship with China.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Populism Australia"

1

Kamena, Theodore Henry. "Populism and federalism, the interplay of direct democracy and federal institutions in Australia, Canada, Switzerland and the United States." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq64818.pdf.

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Saleam, James. "The Other Radicalism: an Inquiry into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right Ideology, Politics and Organisation 1975-1995." University of Sydney. Government, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.

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This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".

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Bryant, Octavia. "Crisis, division and ideology: a comparative study of populist radical right parties in Australia and the Netherlands." Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2019. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/70cb36a6a5e468a5865e9718211c66dc9cb0c866961d9dc84e503a527e5d6a94/1966467/Bryant_2019_Crisis_Division_and_Ideology_Populist_Radical_Right.pdf.

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In the contemporary political era, ‘populist’ parties have experienced a heightened degree of electoral prominence and success throughout a great number of Western liberal democracies. In particular, populist radical right parties have been especially successful, increasing their support and rising from the political fringes to holding positions of power. As these parties settle into being a permanent fixture of contemporary politics, it is necessary to better understand how they function. Specifically, the thesis contends that the role populism plays within populist radical right parties is not sufficiently understood. As such, this thesis asks, to what extent are so-called ‘populist’ parties actually populist? What role does populism play in the facilitation of these parties’ broader ideological agendas? And to what degree do these agendas differ between parties in different Western liberal democratic contexts? Situated in the fields of political theory and comparative politics, the thesis explores these questions by examining populist radical parties from the supply-side. It does so from a multi-typological perspective, defining populism as a thin-centred ideology and a discourse, which in-groups and out-groups between the ‘people’ and the ‘elite’, and propagates themes of crisis. Following in the ideational tradition, these features necessarily function alongside a ‘host’ ideology. Using a mixed quantitative content and qualitative research method, the thesis examines the extent to which these features are present and the role that they play in facilitating agendas in two populist radical right parties, operating in different Western liberal democracies: in Australia, One Nation (ON) and in the Netherlands, the Party for Freedom (PVV). The analysis found that both ON and the PVV were most prominently nativist, rather than populist. This was evidenced by the predominant ethno-cultural process of in-grouping and out-grouping, between a Judeo-Christian ‘people’ and a minority ethnic ‘other,’ and the high frequency of nativist policies in their policy documents. But while their nativism was the primary focus of the parties, the populist dimensions of the parties should not be underplayed and should be considered significant and fundamental to the parties’ overall agenda. Specifically, it found that themes of crisis, as a constituent feature of populism, were quantitatively and qualitatively significant for each party, and that themes of crisis facilitated each parties’ core, nativist political goals. In examining the supply-side presence of crisis in the case studies, the analysis was able to develop a greater appreciation for populism’s overall role in the parties that are most commonly associated with the term. The empirical examination of crisis from the supply-side is the first of its kind, and supports the theory that crisis is not merely a demand-side, external trigger for the populist radical right, but sits at the centre of the antagonistic relationship between the ‘people’, the ‘elite’ and the ‘other’. The findings also suggest that populist radical right parties will modulate their key agendas, depending on political context and issue salience. For example, where the PVV generally conformed to received wisdom of the populist radical right party family, motivated primarily by post-materialist concerns, ON tended to balance their post-materialist focus with material issues. It also found that ON was comparatively more populist than the PVV, in part because of this balancing of material and post-material matters. The overarching aim of this thesis is to forge a greater understanding of populist radical right parties, arguably the most prominent and successful populist party family of the contemporary era. Through this analysis, the thesis provides a fresh perspective on these parties and the role that populism plays within them.

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Tinning, Rebecca. "One woman's nation : Pauline Hanson, femininity and right wing populism in Australia." Thesis, 2001. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/1397/1/MQ68521.pdf.

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In the 1990's the most powerful right-wing populist party in Australian history, One Nation Party , was formed and led by Pauline Hanson. Populist parties, like Pauline Hanson's One Nation , have traditionally been a masculine domain yet Hanson masterfully gained support for her views by deploying the powerful rhetoric of home and family. This thesis illuminates Hanson's use of traditional notions of femininity such as mother, care-giver, and teacher in her speeches and charts the way that these gendered representations shaped key policy issues on multi-culturalism, immigration, globalisation and the family. This discourse helped Hanson articulate a politics of resentment which appealed to a constituency comprised, primarily, of "white" Australian men displaced from their traditional place of social, cultural and political privilege. To gain a greater understanding of Hanson's discursive manoeuvres, an examination of letters written by women to the editors of major Australian newspapers was undertaken. This media analysis reveals how this domestic discourse was adopted by women who supported Hanson and by women who were opposed to Hanson's racially-based views. This thesis indicates how women who opposed Hanson negotiated her domestic rhetoric to counter to her policies.

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Sengul, Kurt Adam. "Populism and the far-right in contemporary Australia: a critical discourse analysis of Pauline Hanson’s senate speeches in the 45th parliament." Thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1442505.

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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
The purpose of this thesis is to critically explore the communicative, discursive and performative dimensions of Australian far-right populist politician Pauline Hanson’s political communication in the 45th Parliament of Australia (2016-2019). As suggested by Feldman and Jackson, ‘to holistically understand the contemporary far-right, we need to ‘be taking seriously their deliberately crafted slogans, symbols, and themes’ (2015, p. 8). In line with this imperative, the thesis addresses the strategic nature of Hanson’s political communication within the highly mediatised context of Australian politics, an approach which is still under explored within the literature. As such, the thesis is concerned with the why and how of Pauline Hanson’s political communication. Moreover, it interrogates the implications of Hanson’s rhetoric for racialised and marginalised communities, the (re)production of racism and discrimination, and the maintenance of white supremacy within the Australian racial state. In this sense, it is concerned with both the form and content of Hanson’s contemporary political communication. Methodologically, it draws on the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine the micro-politics of Pauline Hanson’s Senate speeches, speeches she purposefully enacted to achieve her political goals. Consistent with the principles of Critical Discourse Analysis, this thesis is interdisciplinary, sitting broadly at the intersection of Communication and Media Studies, Political Communication Studies, and Critical Discourse Studies. Adopting a thesis by publication approach, this research establishes the background and context of this research project, sets out a methodological defence and then uses five discrete sole-authored publications to form the analytical body of the thesis. It concludes that the communicative and performative strategies and tactics of the contemporary far-right are necessary to understand as they are one of the principal means Hanson used to help her achieve her political goals.

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Laing, Matthew CE. "New perspectives on political time : populists, Prime Ministers and perpetual preemption." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156044.

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Twenty years on from the publication of Stephen Skowronek's seminal work The Politics Presidents Make, the concept of political time developed within it remains both a fascinating and under-utilized framework for understanding political leadership. Political time provides a functional and thought-provoking alternative perspective to individual-centric accounts of leadership and change. By examining context, ideas and historical opportunities Skowronek offers unique insights into why presidents succeeded or failed as agents of change within their political environment. Yet despite being widely praised, Skowronek's theories have failed to develop in many key areas and have not influenced the broader leadership research agenda as it was hoped. This thesis aims to stimulate interest in Skowronek's work through its exploration of three major areas of underdevelopment in political time theory. Firstly, by examining its application in other political contexts both theoretically and empirically using Australia as the primary case study. Secondly, by exploring its relevance to contemporary presidential politics in the United States and revisiting the 'waning of political time' hypothesis that was developed in the original book, with reference to the contemporary presidencies of Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama. And finally, by rethinking some of its precepts which have hampered its explanatory power and attracted the bulk of criticism. These theoretical ideas are explored empirically by re-examining the case of the 1890s in American politics, and providing new ways through which to interpret it. This thesis makes the case that Skowronek's magnum opus is far more than just an interesting intellectual exercise. On the contrary, political time is both heuristically and explanatorily useful to the study of leadership and has great potential to keep pace with contemporary developments, and through theoretical and empirical development it can provide new answers to old questions. - provided by Candidate.

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Del, Tufo Nicolás Ariel. "Productividad aérea y ciclo de nutrientes en plantaciones de Populus deltoides ‘Australia 129/60’ en sistemas endicados del Bajo Delta del Río Paraná." Tesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10915/45477.

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A pesar de la relevancia de las plantaciones de Populus sp. en el delta del Paraná, escasos son los estudios realizados acerca de los flujos de nutrientes. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue estimar la productividad primaria aérea neta (PPAN), y describir el ciclo de los nutrientes N, P, K, Ca y Mg de una forestación de Populus deltoides ‘Australia 129/60’ bajo un sistema endicado en el bajo delta del Paraná. La biomasa se estimó mediante técnicas de análisis dimensional y luego la mineralomasa se estimó como el producto de la biomasa de cada uno de los compartimentos por sus respectivas concentraciones de nutrientes. Se estimó la circulación de los nutrientes en la plantación, con la excepción de los flujos relacionados con el balance hídrico. La biomasa total fue 112,7 Mg/ha. Los resultados obtenidos indican que los compartimientos más importantes en cuanto a su biomasa fueron en orden de importancia el fuste, las ramas dentro del rango de 1 a 5 cm., y la corteza con 71,3, 15 y 11,7 Mg/ha respectivamente. Estos representaron el 63,3%, 13,3% y 10,4% de la biomasa total. El 13% de biomasa restante correspondió en orden de importancia a ramas < 1cm., ramas > 5 cm., hojas, ramas muertas y brotes. La PPAN fue 19,1 ± 1,5 Mg ha^-1año^-1. De este valor, el incremento leñoso significó el 68% y la producción de estructuras anuales el 32% restante. La producción anual de estructuras demandó un porcentaje mayor de los nutrientes requeridos (81% del N, 72% del P, 69% del K, 81% del Ca y 83% del Mg) que la retención en el leño, exceptuando al carbono (36% requerimientos de estructuras anuales y 64% retención). La redistribución de los nutrientes contribuyó a los requerimientos en distintos grados para cada nutriente (N: 37%, P: 36%, K: 37%, Mg: 31%). En el caso del Ca la redistribución fue nula y los requerimientos de dicho nutriente fueron provistos totalmente por la absorción. El retorno de nutrientes a través de la caída fina representó 69% del N, 59% del P, 52% del K, 82% del Ca y 77% del Mg absorbido a lo largo de un año. La eficiencia en el uso de nutrientes fue (media ± error estándar): N = 171 ± 5, P = 2701 ± 222, K = 422 ± 22, Ca = 177 ± 17 y Mg = 908 ± 136. Se concluye que un manejo adecuado de los residuos de la cosecha constituye un elemento clave para mantener sucesivos ciclos de producción de estas plantaciones en el área de estudio.

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Books on the topic "Populism Australia"

1

Paternoster, Henry. Reimagining Class in Australia: Marxism, Populism and Australian Sociology. Springer International Publishing AG, 2017.

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Moffitt, Benjamin. Populism in Australia and New Zealand. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.5.

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This chapter provides an overview of populism in Australia and New Zealand, and argues that “antipodean populism” should be understood as a distinct regional subtype of populism. Contending that populism in Australia and New Zealand is best conceptualized as a cultural-relational style, it traces the historical precedents of populism in each country and summarizes their key contemporary cases, including those of Pauline Hanson, Bob Katter, Clive Palmer, Jacqui Lambie, and Winston Peters. It then explains the institutional and political factors that have both helped and hindered populism in the region. Finally, it shows that antipodean populism mixes the general ethno-exclusivism and nativism of Western European populism with the more producerist and protectionist aspects of North American populism, although demonstrating that it is additionally informed by the important context of both Australia and New Zealand’s status as isolated settler colonial states and the fact that populism is relatively “mainstream” in the region.

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Paternoster, Henry. Reimagining Class in Australia: Marxism, Populism and Social Science. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.001.0001.

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Populist forces are increasingly relevant, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the phenomenon. The main goal of this Handbook is to provide the state of the art of the scholarship on populism. The Handbook lays out not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. The Handbook is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world with chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central, Eastern, and Western Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the post-Soviet States, and the United States. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various issues both from scholarly and political viewpoints. Analysis includes the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements, and technocracy. The fourth part encompasses recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and revolution. With each chapter written by an expert in their field, this Handbook will position the study of populism within political science and will be indispensable not only to those who turn to populism for the first time, but also to those who want to take their understanding of populism in new directions.

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Lynch, Tony, Tod Moore, and Bligh Grant. The Rise of Right-Populism: Pauline Hanson’s One Nation and Australian Politics. Springer, 2018.

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Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right in France and Australia: A Populist Hegemony? Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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Keane, Bernard. Mess We're In: How Our Politics Went to Hell and Dragged Us with It. Allen & Unwin, 2019.

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Perils of Populism. Text Publishing Company, 2017.

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Costa, Anthony P. D’. Postscript. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792444.003.0015.

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This prelude links democracy, populism, and primitive accumulation to the land question in India. Chatterjee argues that contemporary dispossession of peasants from their land in postcolonial societies is different from the historical experiences of the early industrializers. The surplus labor, which primitive accumulation produced through dispossession was earlier politically managed by the state by venting to labor scarce, land abundant regions such as North America and Australia. Late industrializers such as India do not have this option and are instead saddled with a vast informal economy and the dispossessed lie outside the orbit of the capitalist growth economy. Here the Indian state politically manages this surplus labor by providing benefits through populist policies while at the same time facilitating dispossession, a development that not has a high political cost but the effects of primitive accumulation are reversed.

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Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0009.

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This chapter tests the theory through a quantitative analysis of populist electoral success. It conducts a statistical analysis of the performance of populist candidates in all democracies across Asia, Europe, the, and Australasia. This analysis shows that as subnational units gain autonomy, the electoral performance of populist politicians is enhanced in patronage democracies but not in non-patronage democracies. This finding suggests that there exists a pathway to populist success that is distinctive to patronage democracies. To deal with the high number of cases in which populists receive no votes, the main analysis is a “double-hurdle” model. To control for the endogeneity of these decentralizing processes to party-system stability, the chapter employs an instrumental variables (IV) estimation strategy, in which autonomy is instrumented for by a number of structural features of a polity (area, population, and territorial contiguity). The model also holds up to this IV estimation.

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Book chapters on the topic "Populism Australia"

1

Pearse, Rebecca. "Conservative populism and carbon contradictions." In Pricing Carbon in Australia, 111–29. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315363455-6.

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Fenton-Smith, Ben. "The (Re) Birth of Far-Right Populism in Australia: The Appeal of Pauline Hanson’s Persuasive Definitions." In Discursive Approaches to Populism Across Disciplines, 339–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55038-7_13.

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Gressier, Catie. "Narratives of Paleo Redemption: Agency, Resistance and the Rise of Health Populism." In Illness, Identity, and Taboo among Australian Paleo Dieters, 67–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67250-2_3.

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Halpin, D. R. "Farm protest and militancy in Australia: supporting or undermining interest-group politics?" In Rural protest groups and populist political parties, 145–62. The Netherlands: Wageningen Academic Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/978-90-8686-807-0_7.

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Goss, W. M., Claire Hooker, and Ronald D. Ekers. "Transition to Peace, 1945–1946." In Historical & Cultural Astronomy, 139–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07916-0_10.

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AbstractWartime can create significant changes in people and institutions. New opportunities are envisaged. Australian scientists imagined many new scientific projects, and they also dreamed of improvements to society and culture to which science might contribute. Many people emerged from wartime with significant, passionate commitments to building a better future. As Schedvin (1987, p. 334) wrote of the immediate post-war period:These general remarks were certainly true of most of those who worked on radar during the war and became part of radio astronomy in the post-war decades. The importance of building capacity in Australian science—independent of the UK, and able to thrive nationally—was a priority for many. At the same time, the importance of developing scientific internationalism, which often seemed like the obverse of the populist authoritarianism that had underpinned the dreadful brutality of WWII, was also keenly felt.

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Pinhey, Sally, and Margaret Tebbs. "Phytoremediators." In Plants for soil regeneration: an illustrated guide, 28–34. Wallingford: CABI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789243604.0006.

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Abstract This chapter discusses phytoremediators. These species have evolved mechanisms to tolerate various metals and to accumulate them in their tissues. A selection of plants commonly used for phytoremediation such as aspen (Populus spp.), berseem or Egyptian clover (Trifolium alexandrinum), Brassica juncea, Brassica carinata, common reed (Phragmites australis), moso bamboo (Phyllostachys pubescens), pennycress (Thlaspi caerulescens), reed canary grass (Phalaris arundinacea), sunflower (Helianthus annuus), tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum), and willow (Salix spp.) are discussed in detail in this chapter.

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Rolfe, Mark. "The Populist Elements of Australian Political Satire and the Debt to the Americans and the Augustans." In Satire and Politics, 37–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56774-7_2.

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"A federal sentencing council for Australia." In Penal Populism, Sentencing Councils and Sentencing Policy, 208–12. Willan, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315820095-19.

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Edwards, Tegan, Philip Mendes, and Catherine Flynn. "Is welfare chauvinism evident in Australia?" In The Challenge of Right-wing Nationalist Populism for Social Work, 151–67. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429056536-12.

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Nasir, Kamaludeen Mohamed. "Virtual Rohingya: Ethno-Religious Populism in the Asia Pacific." In Religion, Hypermobility and Digital Media in Global Asia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463728935_ch09.

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Scholars and media observers have documented the devastating effect of religious rhetoric within Myanmar in contributing to the Rohingya crisis. Much of this takes place within the realm of digital media. As a result, discourses on the Rohingya crisis are often decentred from ones of citizenship, the economic value of the region, state-society relations and class conflict within the region, to one that revolves almost entirely on the emotionally-charged dispute over ethno-religious identity. This chapter analyses the competing virtual discourses in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Malaysia and Australia as social activists make the case for the acceptance and integration of the Rohingya into their own respective communities. This is set against an age characterised by populism and the rise of far-right politics.

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