Academic literature on the topic 'Populism'
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Journal articles on the topic "Populism"
1
March, Luke. "Left and right populism compared: The British case." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117701753.
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This article represents one of the few systematic comparisons of left-wing populism with other populisms. Focussing on the manifestos of six British parties in 1999–2015, the findings confirm that left-wing populists are more socio-economically focussed, more inclusionary but less populist than right-wing populists. The article makes four main substantive contributions. First, empirically, it shows that the much-touted populist Zeitgeist in the United Kingdom barely exists. Second, methodologically, it provides a nuanced disaggregated populism scale that has advantages over existing methods because it can effectively distinguish populist from non-populist parties and analyse degrees of populism. Third, theoretically, it shows that host ideology is more important than populism per se in explaining differences between left and right populisms. Fourth is a broader theoretical point: what is often called ‘thin’ or ‘mainstream’ populism’ is not populism but demoticism (closeness to ordinary people). Therefore, analysts should not label parties ‘populist’ just because their rhetoric is demotic.
2
Darmawan, Arif. "Gerakan Populis sebagai Tren Global: Dari Amerika Latin sampai Occupy Movement." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 02 (November 3, 2017): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.02.593.
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AbstractThe gap in Latin American countries is a fertile ground for the emergence of a populist movement, so that populism is not considered as a deviation, but become a rational alternative to address the problems rooted in the failure of the nation-building process. The existence of populism in Latin America indirectly also has an influence on the movement rooted in populism in the global sphere. This paper will analyze the close connection between the recent wave of populism in the international world by looking at the historical roots of how populism developed in Latin America and its effect on the �Occupy Movement� movement phenomenon in order to know how the pattern of populist movements in the global realm. This article will begin by understanding the clear definition of what is populism, then the roots of populist history in Latin America, and how it relates to the emergence of the Occupy Movement as a new form of populist movement that is becoming a global tren.Keywords: populism, Latin America, Occupy MovementAbstrakKesenjangan yang terjadi di negara-negara Amerika Latin memang menjadi lahan subur munculnya gerakan populis, sehingga populisme tidak dianggap sebagai sebuah penyimpangan, tetapi menjadi satu bentuk alternatif rasional untuk mengatasi permasalahan yang berakar pada kegagalan proses nation-building. Keberadaan populisme di Amerika Latin ini secara tidak langsung juga mempunyai pengaruh terhadap gerakan yang berakar pada populisme di ranah global. Makalah ini akan menganalisis keterkaitan yang erat antara gelombang populisme yang akhir-akhir ini terjadi di dunia internasional dengan melihat akar sejarah bagaimana populisme berkembang di Amerika Latin serta pengaruhnya terhadap fenomena pergerakan Occupy Movement dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana pola gerakan populisme di ranah global. Artikel ini akan mengawali dengan memahami definisi yang jelas mengenai apa itu populisme, kemudian akar sejarah populisme di Amerika Latin, dan bagaimana keterkaitannya dengan kemunculan Occupy Movement sebagai bentuk gerakan populis baru yang menjadi tren global.Kata kunci: populisme; Amerika Latin; Occupy Movement
3
Tushnet, Mark. "Varieties of populism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (April 2019): 382–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.27.
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AbstractContemporary discussions of populism elide important distinctions between the ways in which populist leaders and movements respond to the failures of elites to follow through on the promises associated with international social welfare constitutionalism. After laying out the political economy of populisms’ origins, this Article describes the relation between populisms and varieties of liberalism, and specifically the relation between populisms and judicial independence understood as a “veto point” occupied by the elites that populists challenge. It then distinguishes left-wing populisms’ acceptance of the social welfare commitments of late twentieth century liberalism and its rejection of some settled constitutional arrangements that, in populists’ views, obstruct the accomplishment of those commitments. It concludes with a description of the core ethnonationalism of right-wing populism, which sometimes contingently appears in left-wing populisms but is not one the latter’s core components.
4
Baykal Fidee, Ece. "The Authoritarian Shift of Populist Discourse in Turkey." Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 9, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v9.n1.2020.426.
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EN. Although the terms “populist,” “populism” and even “people” are deeply ambiguous for theorists working on different aspects of populism in various countries, they have reached a consensus with respect to certain characteristics of populism and its incipient drivers: its emergence following a political or economic crisis (Moffit, ibid.), the presence of a charismatic leader (Taguieff, 2007), etc. The populism of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey and its leader can be seen to vary from one era to the other, however. A crisis, triggered by the Gezi Protests in 2013, resulted in the existing populist discourse becoming more personalized, with some scholars calling it Erdoğanism (Bora, 2017). With the support of conservative and right-wing columnists, who framed the protests as a plot against Turkey and its democratically elected leader, Erdoğan realized that it would be possible to benefit from the crisis. This article discusses the role played by pro-government columnists during the Gezi protests and attempts to shed light on the emergence of a new populist discourse. It focuses on columns and in-depth interviews of Islamist-conservative or right-wing columnists (14 of 40 columnists interviewed) and relies on discourse analysis theories that underlie the characteristics of populist discourse (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985; Charaudeau, 2011; Wodak, 2015). The study reveals that the personalization of political power, the argumentation of an economic threat and the demonization of the social groups that joined the protests are the three main elements of the new populist discourse.
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FR. Bien que les termes « populiste » « populisme » ou même « peuple » soient profondément ambigus pour les théoriciens travaillant sur différents aspects du populisme dans différents pays, ils sont parvenus à un consensus sur certaines caractéristiques du populisme et des motifs qui l’incitent: son émergence suite à une crise politique ou économique (Moffit, ibid.); la présence d'un leader charismatique (Taguieff, 2007), etc. Toutefois, le populisme du JDP et de son leader peut varier d'une époque à l'autre. Une crise, déclenchée par les manifestations de Gezi en Turquie en 2013, a entraîné une personnalisation du discours populiste existant, certains universitaires l'appelant l'Erdoğanisme (Bora, 2017). Avec le soutien des éditorialistes conservateurs et de droite, qui ont décrit les manifestations comme un complot contre la Turquie et son dirigeant démocratiquement élu, Erdoğan s'est rendu compte qu'il serait possible de profiter de la crise. Cet article discute du rôle joué par les éditorialistes progouvernementaux lors des manifestations de Gezi et tente de clarifier les motifs de l'émergence d'un nouveau discours populiste. Il se concentre sur les colonnes et les entretiens approfondis des éditorialistes islamistes-conservateurs ou de droite (14 des 40 chroniqueurs interrogés) et s'appuie sur des théories d'analyse du discours qui sous-tendent les caractéristiques du discours populiste (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985; Charaudeau, 2011; Wodak, 2015) L'étude révèle que la personnalisation du pouvoir politique, l'argumentation de la menace économique et la stigmatisation des groupes sociaux qui ont rejoint les manifestations sont les trois principaux éléments du nouveau discours populiste.
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PT. Embora os termos “populista”, “populismo” e até mesmo “pessoas” sejam profundamente ambíguos para os teóricos que trabalham em diferentes aspectos do populismo em vários países, eles chegaram a um consenso com relação a certas características do populismo e dos padrões que o incitam: seu surgimento após uma crise política ou econômica (Moffit, ibid.), a presença de um líder carismático (Taguieff, 2007) etc. No entanto, o populismo do Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento (JDP) na Turquia e de seu líder pode variar de uma época para outra. Uma crise, desencadeada pelos protestos de Gezi em 2013, resultou na personalização do discurso populista existente, com alguns estudiosos chamando-o de erdoganismo (Bora, 2017). Com o apoio de colunistas conservadores e de direita, que enquadraram os protestos como uma conspiração contra a Turquia e seu líder democraticamente eleito, Erdoğan percebeu que seria possível se beneficiar da crise. Este artigo discute o papel desempenhado pelos colunistas pró-governo durante os protestos de Gezi e tenta lançar luz sobre o surgimento de um novo discurso populista. Ele se concentra em colunas e entrevistas em profundidade de colunistas islâmicos-conservadores ou de direita (14 de 40 colunistas entrevistados) e se baseia em teorias de análise de discurso subjacentes às características do discurso populista (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985; Charaudeau, 2011; Wodak 2015). O estudo revela que a personalização do poder político, a argumentação de uma ameaça econômica e a demonização dos grupos sociais que aderiram aos protestos são os três principais elementos do novo discurso populista.
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5
Capelato, Maria Helena. "Mídia e Populismo/Populismo e Mídia / Media and populism/Populism and media." Revista Contracampo, no. 28 (December 30, 2013): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/contracampo.v0i28.620.
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Este texto tem como objetivo refletir sobre a relação entre mídia e populismo tendo como eixo central de análise a experiência histórica do “varguismo”. Procuro mostrar como essa experiência foi analisada por intelectuais que procuraram explicá-la a partir do conceito de populismo, e procuro mostrar também de que forma a mídia, ou mais especificamente os jornais brasileiros de grande circulação, transformaram os termos populismo/populista em arma de luta política. Para a realização deste exercício analítico, considero necessário abordar o significado da mídia na sociedade e na política da época e os múltiplos sentidos do termo populismo.
6
Halmai, Gábor. "Populism, authoritarianism and constitutionalism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (April 2019): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.23.
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AbstractThe paper deals with the relationship of different types of populism with authoritarianism and constitutionalism. In the first part, I try to define various approaches—Left and Right-Wing, “good” or “bad”—to populism, especially from the point of view of whether they aim at changing the liberal democratic constitutional system to an authoritarian one. The following part discusses the rhetoric of authoritarian populists, which makes this type of populism distinct from non-populist authoritarians. The paper also explores the question of whom to blame for the success of authoritarian populisms, and the final part investigates, whether the use of legal tools by an authoritarian populist to dismantle liberal constitutional democracies means that we can speak about a special populist constitutionalism. While the paper tries to find out the joint characteristics of authoritarian populism, it heavily relies on the Hungarian experiences as a kind of model approach in East-Central Europe and maybe even beyond.
7
Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Greg Barton. "Political Mobilisation of Religious, Chauvinist, and Technocratic Populists in Indonesia and Their Activities in Cyberspace." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 1, 2021): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100822.
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Populism has been on the rise in many countries. As a result, studies on populism have proliferated. However, there are very few studies that investigate and compare different types of populisms in a single nation-state. Furthermore, how these different populists in the same political milieu use cyberspace has not been comparatively studied. This study addresses these gaps by looking at a variety of populist forces within Indonesia that have emerged as major actors and identifying the uses of cyberspace in populist political mobilisation. This paper argues that the three main types of populism that predominate in political rhetoric (religious, chauvinistic, and technocratic) do not exist in isolation but rather borrow from each other. This is reflected in their cyberspace activities.
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Agustín, Óscar García. "European Left Populism and Authoritarian Populism." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 170–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10011.
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Abstract The emergence of left populism, mainly in Southern Europe, in the decade of 2010, questioned the impression that populism in Europe was only right-wing oriented. On the other hand, the expansion of populism as a common denomination favored the perception that all populisms were the same, regardless of ideology: a threat to democracy. It explains why many left parties are reluctant towards being labelled as populist. Besides, left-wing populism connected with the one from Latin America one decade before where the tensions between democratization and authoritarianism have been widely discussed. The European public opinion usually relates the Latin American left populist governments with authoritarianism, associated with the situation in Venezuela first with Hugo Chávez and, especially, now with Nicolás Maduro. For this reason, left populism in Europe was made suspicious of being authoritarian.
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Prieto Rudolphy, Marcela. "Populism's Antagonism to International Law: Lessons from Latin America." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 346–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.52.
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International legal scholarship often assumes that populists will have an antagonistic relationship with international law.1 But a view from Latin America, where populism has been an object of study since the early twentieth century, tells a more complex story: populist leaders have engaged in multilateralism, promoted regional unity, and attempted to create international institutions. And populists as well as non-populists have resisted international institutions. This essay questions the assumption that populists have an antagonistic relationship with international law, and argues that this assumption lacks robust empirical support and is theoretically underdeveloped. Latin America is a particularly significant site for challenging this assumption, given the prominent role of the executive in foreign relations2 and the rich intellectual history regarding populism itself. The essay concludes by stressing the need for developing a theoretical framework for the study of populism and international law, which international legal scholarship currently lacks. Such a framework should be less Euro-centric and less normatively biased: it should not assume that resistance to international law is always without merit. And it should also allow us to identify what is distinctively populist about populism's relation with international law and which aspects are mediated by populism's host ideologies.
10
Margiansyah, Defbry. "Populisme di Indonesia Kontemporer: Transformasi Persaingan Populisme dan Konsekuensinya dalam Dinamika Kontestasi Politik Menjelang Pemilu 2019." Jurnal Penelitian Politik 16, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v16i1.783.
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AbstractThe rise of populism is a contemporary global phenomenon occurred in many part of the world, including Indonesia. The rising populism in the country has been epitomized by the emergence of two populist candidates, Jokowi and Prabowo, in the 2014 presidential election and recurring in the 2019 simultaneous election, which brings about new complexities in the dynamics of contemporary political contestation. The uniqueness of such competing populist politics is that both exploit the rhetoric of nationalism and social justice combined with the traits of respective candidates, in contrast to the conventional pattern of populists in other nations. This article attempts to analyze the transformation of competing populisms in two different elections and discusses its consequences to electoral politics, including the elaboration on populist’s working pattern in contestation processes and factors underlying the return of populism in Indonesia’s politics. Employing concept of populism in eclectic way and elite adjustment thesis, this paper demonstrates how populist politics is only instrumented as a vehicle of entrenched elite and oligarchic interests by pragmatically exploiting various aspects ranging from primordial identity, clientalistic relations, achievements and personalities of each candidates, instead of offering greater prospects for substantially political transformation and democratic deepening for the years to come.Keywords: Populism, Indonesia’s Election, Elite Adjusment, Identity Politics, Oligarchy, Democracy
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Populism"
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SILVEIRA, MAIKEL DA. "THE POPULIST SCREAM: POPULISM AND AFFECT IN LATE CAPITALISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32513@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A proposta desta dissertação é abordar o potencial do populismo na organização política ou, mais precisamente, na constituição de corpos eficazes. O trabalho apresenta os principais conceitos mobilizados pela teoria do populismo, de Ernesto Laclau e, num diálogo com autores como Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon e Espinosa, tem como objetivo aprofundar a discussão acerca dos aspectos afetivos envolvidos na construção do discurso populista, bem como investigar a possível relação entre a recente explosão populista, sobretudo nos Estados Unidos e na Europa, e determinadas características do chamado capitalismo tardio.
The purpose of this dissertation is to address the potential of populism in political organization or, more precisely, in the constitution of effective bodies. The paper presents the main concepts mobilized by Ernesto Laclau s theory of populism and, in a dialogue with authors such as Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon and Espinosa, aims to deepen the discussion about the affective aspects involved in the construction of a populist discourse, as well as investigating the possible relationship between the recent populist explosion, especially in the United States and Europe, and certain characteristics of so-called late capitalism.
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Stolarski, Michael, and Michael Malcolm Stolarski. "Persistent Populism: Uncovering the Reasons behind Hungary’s Powerful Populist Parties." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2188.
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This thesis attempts to understand the reasons behind Hungary’s surge in populism in the years following the 2008 financial crisis. In particular it looks at the two major political parties in Hungary, Fidesz and Jobbik, and how they continue to maintain control over the Hungarian government despite the common theory that populist support deteriorates overtime. A key component of Populism is that it usually grows in times of crises. Particularly in Hungary I focus on the many crises that arose during Hungary’s turbulent history of occupation, especially their transition out of Communism. Along with the devastation caused by the 2008 financial crash. Hungary’s inability to completely transition into a full-fledged Democracy as well as the economic devastation they witnessed following 2008 has created an environment where Populism can thrive indefinitely.
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Petersson, Oscar. "Populism Versus the Populist Parties : An Analysis of the Relationship Between Ideology and Populism on the Cases of Fidesz and Syriza." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90978.
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This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.
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Anderson, Aidan Sean. "Corporate Populism." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29661.
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The term ‘populism’ has only been applied to three different types of political actors: politicians, parties and social movements. But I argue that corporations are equally capable of populist politics. Corporate populism is corporations using populist discourse to frame politicians as corrupt elites who are defying the general will of the pure people. Corporate populists position themselves as political outsiders, standing among the pure people and representing their interests against their constructed mutual enemy: the unresponsive political insiders. In order to test the theory of corporate populism, the thesis develops a rubric of four elements – dualistic logic, direct rhetoric, patriotic imagery and mood of crisis – derived from Cas Mudde’s (2007) ideational definition of populism, and applies it to four Australian case studies of corporations launching populist campaigns against a state/federal government: the mining industry; Qantas; the gambling industry; and the tobacco industry. The thesis argues that the causal factors identified by Mudde and Kaltwasser (2017) to explain the rise of populism are equally applicable to corporate populism, except that in order to explain the latter we also need to incorporate Wendy Brown’s (2015) theory of neoliberal ideology. Throughout the thesis, the impact of corporate populism on representative democracy is debated, with both the positive and negative implications considered.
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Rapp, Johannes. "Varför populism?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-408901.
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Aytemur, Nuran. "The Populism Of The Village Institutes: A Contradictory Expression Of Kemalist Populism." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608293/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
THE POPULISM OF THE VILLAGE INSTITUTES:
A CONTRADICTORY EXPRESSION OF KEMALIST POPULISM
Aytemur, Nuran
Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration
Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz
March 2007, 217 pages
This thesis analyzes the populism of the Village Institutes by comparing it with
Kemalist populism. In this context it is worth to say that throughout the thesis
populism is defined as government by the people and discussed in relation to
democracy. In order to do so &ndashas a first step - the democratic structure and function(ing) of the Village Institutes are discussed with reference to their fundamental principles, organizational structure, and educational program. Secondly, the contradictory conceptualization of the &ldquo
people&rdquo
and the separation between the &ldquo
intellectual&rdquo
and the &ldquo
people&rdquo
is tried to be analyzed with reference to the writings of ismail Hakki Tonguç
(who is called as the architect of the Village Institutes), the memoirs of the graduates of the Village Institutes, and indepth interviews made with their graduates. The question hereby is to what extent this understanding of populism involve in itself what can be called the &ldquo
paradoxical elitism&rdquo
of the populist ideology, which arises out of the tensive relation between &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
and &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
aspects of populism. It is claimed that despite the similarities with Kemalist populism, the Village Institutes shifted the emphasis from the &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
to the &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
aspect of populism and surpassed the boundaries of Kemalist populism by implementing democratic principles like &ldquo
equality&rdquo
and &ldquo
self-government&rdquo
, and encouraging participation and by attempting to create a new kind of intellectual through &ldquo
education within work&rdquo
. Keywords: The Village Institutes, Populism, Elitism, Kemalist Populism, Democracy
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Kukuk, Kolja. "A response to Populism? European Citizenship as a valid political instrument opposing populist challenges." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23028.
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Carvalho, Ariana. "Green populism : a new phenomenon." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-97711.
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This study aims at exploring a new phenomenon labelled here as green populism. Building on modern theories of populism and green ideology, this case-study is focused on finding which elements of green populism are present, if any, in Greta Thunberg’s discourse. Using a Qualitative Content Analysis methodology and what is known as a coding process, it was possible to determine that all six subcategories of green populism, defined by this study as a) ecological crisis of cosmic proportion, b) victimisation of "the people", c) blame attribution to "the elite", d) green radicalisation, e) trust in science, and finally, f) intergenerational justice, can be identified in Greta Thunberg’s speeches. The analysis leads to the conclusion that Greta Thunberg is a populist actor which combines both populism thin-centred ideology and green ideology into a new phenomenon: green populism.Contact: ac222sd@student.lnu.se
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Salinero, Rates Mónica Inés. "Populismo en América Latina, análisis comparado de los factores que potencian o debilitan la discrecionalidad de la representación populista en el gobierno: los casos de Venezuela y Bolivia." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398001.
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La presente investigación doctoral en un estudio comparado de dos casos de gobiernos latinoamericanos, Venezuela y Bolivia, en el marco de los estudios de los movimientos populistas. Se dirige a indagar en los factores que potencian o debilitan la discrecionalidad de la representación populista. Se dirige a indagar en los factores que potencian o debilitan la discrecionalidad de la representación populista encarnada en el líder y el Ejecutivo Nacional bajo la perspectiva de que los movimientos y rupturas populistas son una posibilidad en la política democrática. La hipótesis que se sostiene es la siguiente: la discrecionalidad del líder y sus estrategias de concentración de poder -creación de instituciones paralelas y discurso maniqueo que fusiona la voz del pueblo con la del líder- para alcanzar las promesas redentoras son potenciados o debilitados por la presencia o no de un tercer elemento, la existencia o no de la mediaciones organizacionales entre el líder y el movimiento de base previas, que actúan como freno de cara a la resolución de los conflictos sociopolíticos. La investigación se centra en el análisis de cinco dimensiones- condiciones sociopolíicas macro, constitución y origen del partido oficialista, trayectorias de la acción colectiva organizada, institucionalizad de las políticas de participación y discurso gubernamental ante un conflicto minero- dando por resultado la aceptación de la hipótesis propuesta. Junto con la observación de que las rupturas populistas responden a graves problemas en el ámbito de la representación política, las necesidades de emancipación e igualdad, y de las consecuencias para las clases y grupos marginados derivadas de los ajustes estructurales y la hegemonía del discurso neoliberal, el análisis y las conclusiones indican diferencias importantes entre ambos casos en el resto de las dimensiones analizadas. Por una parte, resalta la militarización de Venezuela junto a la concentración de poder en la figura del líder carismático y un discurso que se sitúa en el ámbito del conflicto entre enemigos, e el marco de aisladas experiencias de acción colectiva autónomas. Por otra parte, se observa en Bolivia la capacidad de la acción colectiva organizada de larga data para mantener y ampliar el pluralismo del sistema más allá a las apelaciones a la representación univoca del pueblo por parte del gobierno. Es así, como Venezuela se encuentra en los bordes problemáticos de la democracia, mientras que Bolivia exhibe la experiencia de una participación social cuyas trayectorias, objetivos y alcances han permitido impulsar la ruptura populista para avanzar significativamente en los problemas derivados de la imposición de formas política y económicas de la tradición occidental, generando una nueva articulación de relaciones sociopolíticas que toma elementos de las tradiciones indianistas y occidentales, dando lugar a un nuevo horizonte politico y un proceso emancipatorio.This doctoral research is a comparative study of two cases of Latin American governments, Venezuela and Bolivia, as part of populista movements studies. It aims to investigate the factors that enhance or weaken the discretion of populist representation embodied in the leader and the National Executive under the prospect of populist moviments and ruptures are a possibility in democratic politics. The hypothesis holds is: the discretion of the leader and his concentration of power strategies ( Creation of parallel institutions and Manichean discourse) merges with the voice of the people of the leader-to achieve the redemptive promises are enhanced or weakened by presence or not of a third element, the existence of organizational mediations between the leader and the movement of previous base, acting as a brake towards the resolution of socio-political conflicts. The research focuses on the analysis of five macro-conditions sociopolitical dimensions, constitution and origin of the ruling party, paths organized collective action, institutions of political participation and government speech to a miner conflict resulting in the acceptance of the proposed hypothesis. Together with the observation that the populist ruptures respond to serious problems in the area of political representation, needs emancipation and equality, and the consequences for classes and marginalized groups derived from structural adjustment and the hegemony of neoliberal discourse, analysis and findings indicate significant differences between the two cases in the rest of the dimensions analyzed. On the one hand, it highlights the militarization of Venezuela by the concentration of power in the figure of a charismatic leader and a speech which is situated in the area of conflicte between enemies, in the context of isolated experiences of autonomous collective action. Moreover, Bolivia is seen in the ability of organized collective action to maintain long-standing pluralism and expand the system beyond appeals to the unambiguous representation of the people by the government. Thus, as Venezuela is located on the problemàtic edges of democracy, while Bolivia exhibits the experience of a share whose trajectories, objectives and scope have allowed boost populista rupture to significantly advance the problems arising from the impositionof political forms and economic of the Western tradition, generating a new articulating sociopolitical relations that takes elements of indianistas and Western traditions, leading to new political horizon and an emancipatory process.
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Koh, Youngjoon. "Programmatic Populism and Electoral Success in Thailand and the Philippines." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29489.
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The rise of populist politicians has been the subject of vibrant scholarly research in the social sciences for the past decade. From Donald Trump to Jair Bolsonaro, the success of populist politicians at the polls has led to voluminous scholarship documenting and explaining this phenomenon. Yet there has been little research analyzing why some populist politicians lose the national election. This dissertation seeks to advance the study of populism by focusing on the conditions under which populist politicians succeed and fail by examining Southeast Asian populists Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit in Thailand, and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. The thesis advances the concept of programmatic populism to explain the rise of populist leaders in Thailand and the Philippines. It argues that these populist politicians focused their electoral programs to align with the views of most voters. The thesis demonstrates that Shinawatra and Duterte were programmatic rather than clientalistic in their respective election campaigns meaning that programmatic populism became a sufficient condition of their election victories. The research makes two contributions. Firstly, populism can be understood as a simple and direct communication. The study shows that ‘simplicity’ and ‘directness’ feature prominently in populism in Thailand and the Philippines. Secondly, the study contributes to the understanding of why populists win or lose national elections.
Books on the topic "Populism"
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Macaulay, Marcia. Populism and Populist Discourse in North America. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08522-2.
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Lamenha, Bruno. Populismo, constitucionalismo populista, jurisdição populista e crise da democracia. Belo Horizonte: Casa do Direito, 2020.
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Peterson, Gregory R., Michael C. Berhow, and George Tsakiridis, eds. Engaging Populism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05785-4.
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Beeson, Mark. Environmental Populism. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7477-7.
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von Beyme, Klaus. Rightwing Populism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03177-0.
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F, Holmes William, ed. American populism. Lexington, Mass: D.C. Heath and Co., 1994.
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Tripathi, Deepak. Modern Populism. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-32233-4.
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Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.001.0001.
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Populist rule is bad for democracy, yet in country after country, populists are being voted into office. Populism and Patronage shows that the populists such as Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi win elections when the institutionalized ties between non-populist parties and voters decay. Yet, the explanations for this decay differ across different types of party system. Populism and Patronage focuses on the particular vulnerability of patronage-based party systems to populism. Patronage-based systems are ones in which parties depend on the distribution of patronage through a network of brokers to mobilize voters. Drawing on principal agent theory and social network theory, this book argues that an increase in broker autonomy weakens the ties between patronage parties and voters, making the latter available for direct mobilization by populists. Decentralization is thus a major factor behind populist success in patronage democracies. Populists exploit the breakdown in national patronage networks by connecting directly with the people through the media and mass rallies, avoiding or minimizing the use of deeply institutionalized party structures. Mrs Gandhi herself famously promised to go “once more direct to the people” in her populist election campaign of 1971. This book not only reinterprets the recurrent appeal of populism in India, but also offers a more general theory of populist electoral support that is tested using qualitative and quantitative data on cases from across Asia and around the world, including Indonesia, Japan, Venezuela, and Peru.
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Arato, Andrew, and Jean L. Cohen. Populism and Civil Society. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526583.001.0001.
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Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Constitutional Democracy is a theoretical work that draws on extensive secondary literature as well as comparative analysis of cases. The aim is to assess the significance of what is now a global phenomenon—the populist challenge to constitutional democracy. After defining populism using the methods of immanent criticism and ideal typic construction, the book proceeds to examine the challenge in terms of its four main organizational forms: movement mobilization, political party, government, and regime. It considers the important questions: “why populism?” and “why now?” Without presupposing the authoritarian logic of the phenomenon in the definition, the book seeks to demonstrate this logic through the reconstruction of the main elements used by advocates to identify populism. It shows that authoritarian logic is not fully realized in every empirical form of populism and considers why this is so for many movement and party forms, and even populists “in” government vs. populism as “the” government. We identify the historical examples of the latter as “hybrid” regimes blending authoritarian elements and residual democratic forms. The book then proceeds to consider the uneasy relationship of populism to constitutionalism and presents populism as a form of abusive or instrumental “constitutionalism” often relying on the alleged permanence of the quasi-revolutionary constituent power. It concludes by outlining a non- and anti-populist project of democratization and social justice, distinguishing between the “popular” and the “populist,” and outlining a program based on the plurality of democracies and the rescue of some of left populism’s “host ideologies.”
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de Cleen, Benjamin. Populism and Nationalism. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.18.
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This chapter disentangles the concepts of populism and nationalism to shed light on how populism and nationalism have been combined in populist politics. Drawing on Essex-style discourse theory, it defines nationalism as a discourse structured around “the nation,” envisaged as a limited and sovereign community that exists through time and is tied to a certain space, and that is constructed through an in/out (member/non-member) opposition. Populism, by contrast, is structured around a down/up antagonism between “the people” as a large powerless group and “the elite” as a small and illegitimately powerful group, with populists claiming to represent “the people.” The chapter uses this theoretical distinction to analyse the intricate empirical connections between populism and nationalism. It pays particular attention to the articulation of exclusionary nationalism and populism in populist radical right politics, populist ways of formulating demands for national sovereignty, and the possibilities and limitations of a transnational populism.
Book chapters on the topic "Populism"
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Karlson, Nils. "Classical Liberalism Against Populism." In Reviving Classical Liberalism Against Populism, 1–5. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49074-3_1.
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AbstractThis chapter introduces and summarizes the major themes, arguments, and contributions of this book. How can liberals and classical liberals fight back against the populist threat to liberty, free markets, and the open society? I explore the defining characteristics of populism, to make populism intelligible, recognizable, and contestable. I explain the ideational background of the populist ideas and strategies and show how populists promote their non-liberal institutional changes through the deliberate polarization of society and a collectivistic identity politics. Based on this analysis several counterstrategies are developed that require a revival of classical liberalism.
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Karlson, Nils. "Expose the Populist Strategies and Their Consequences." In Reviving Classical Liberalism Against Populism, 79–82. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49074-3_7.
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AbstractIn this short chapter the first counterstrategy to fight back against populists, both on the left and on the right, is presented. I argue that many supporters of populism are neither aware of the deliberate manipulation that lies behind the strategies used by populists, nor the negative consequences that follow for society at large, for democracy, and in the end for the supporters of the populists themselves. Hence, it is necessary to expose the populist strategies and to explain their consequences.
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Szente, Zoltán. "Populism and populist constitutionalism." In Populist Challenges to Constitutional Interpretation in Europe and Beyond, 3–28. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Comparative constitutional change: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003148944-2.
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Karlson, Nils. "The Classical Liberal Ideas, Predicaments, and Potentials." In Reviving Classical Liberalism Against Populism, 67–78. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49074-3_6.
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AbstractIn this chapter classical liberalism, and different liberal predicaments and potentials to fight back against populism, are explored. Liberals cannot resort to the same methods as the populists without abandoning liberalism itself. But the three dimensions of classical liberalism, about institutions, economics and society, and the liberal spirit reinforce each other and provide the potential for fighting back against populist threats.
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Safuta, Anna. "The Right Kind of Family, the Right Kind of Migrant: Welfare and Immigration in Poland Before and After the Populist Turn." In IMISCOE Research Series, 43–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-65623-1_3.
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AbstractRight-wing populism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) uses welfare and migration policies to legitimize its illiberalism. This chapter examines welfare and immigration policies in Poland since 2005, when populists first came to power. The findings are based on 17 expert interviews and document analysis, and challenge the notion of a radical shift between liberal democracy and illiberal populism. In the welfare and immigration domains, illiberal populism is rather a reactionary intensification of prior ideological orientations. In line with the book’s focus on anti-gender and anti-migrant discourses, the chapter identifies bordering practices involved in illiberal populist welfare and migration policies. Deserving welfare subjects are those who can fulfil ‘nationalist familialist’ ideals establishing the heteropatriarchal family as the foundation of the nation. In the migration domain, illiberal populism distinguishes between desirable inflows from former Soviet countries (‘peripherally white’ migration) and unwanted non-white migrants. These insights are pertinent beyond CEE. They highlight how liberal market-oriented social policy lays the groundwork for populist self-positioning as welfare champions supporting the nation’s ‘real’ families. Additionally, the chapter shows that right-wing populism strategically opposes certain migrations while encouraging others.
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Mazzoleni, Oscar. "Territorial Populism." In Territory and Democratic Politics, 97–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35672-8_7.
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AbstractThis chapter shows how territory-oriented thinking helps to enrich the heuristic strength of populism, one of the most controversial yet prevalent concepts in social and political science. It is argued that populism and territory are strongly intertwined concepts. Territory is an implicit dimension in populist rhetoric, especially when nationalist and sovereignist claims are at stake. The notion of border, which stresses the protective dimension of the territory, is also closely related to populism and contributes to enriching the analytical agenda of territorial approaches to politics.
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Kaul, Volker. "Populism." In Identity and the Difficulty of Emancipation, 123–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52375-6_11.
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Anselmi, Manuel. "Populism." In Encyclopedia of Educational Philosophy and Theory, 1–5. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-532-7_209-1.
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Anselmi, Manuel. "Populism." In Encyclopedia of Educational Philosophy and Theory, 1–5. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-532-7_209-2.
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Anselmi, Manuel. "Populism." In Encyclopedia of Educational Philosophy and Theory, 1913–18. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-588-4_209.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Populism"
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Kapanadze, Lali. "INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7244.
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According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.
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Gibbins, Justin. "Agreeing on Little, Understanding One Another Less: European Populist Attitudes towards Atlanticism." In 5th World Conference on Arts, Humanities, Social Sciences and Education, 48. Eurasia Conferences, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.62422/978-81-968539-1-4-019.
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The post-World-War Two era is permeated by events that have shaped the Europe/US nexus leading to the conclusion that a Kantian Europe sits uneasily with a Hobbesian America. Within recent years, a noticeable spike in populism has become more prevalent within Europe. Populist party sentiment, on both the left and right, offers common critiques of what are regarded as globalist institutions and dynamics. Criticism is often levelled at the United Nations, the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, for example, as well as immigration, multiculturalism and elitist rule. However, an under-explored focus is on how European populist parties view the United States. Left-of-centre populism naturally views the US with suspicion, but it is right-wing groups that have become more common. This presentation overviews some important pro- and anti-Atlantic European views that help shape our understanding of European populism and contributes to the literature on populist foreign policy.
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ALUPOAEI, Ionela-Alina, and Fatih PEKTAS. "Understanding the Emergence of Populist Parties: A Review of the Interconnected Factors Involving Individual Resilience, Educational Levels, and Party Support – A Case Study of Romania." In The International Conference on Economics and Social Sciences. Editura ASE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/icess/2024/044.
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Populism is seen as a significant phenomenon in politics nowadays. Populist parties are gaining the backing of citizens in various countries. What are the individual key factors that contribute to the rise of populism? This article aims to provide a comprehensive answer starting from three key factors such as individual resilience, educational level, and party support. Therefore, we conducted research among 241 participants (civil servants from public administration) who agree to respond to an online questionnaire. Data were gathered via the Google Form platform. The questionnaire was structured following main objectives, such as: identifying the individual resilience level, respondents’ level of trust, party affiliation and support, the perception of populism and populist promises perception, the importance of truth in politics, the voting intention and socio-demographic data. The research reveals that most of the respondents (93,4%) have a high individual resilience while 90% appreciated that in interpersonal relations the best attitude is to be cautious. Furthermore, even if the general belief is that populist promises expressed during electoral campaigns cannot be achieved, an average of 37,7% of the respondents indicated that populist parties could win the elections. As regards the honesty of political actors, 55,6% of the respondents indicated that political actors cannot be honest. For 65.1% of the respondents, political advisors are responsible for the lack of honesty and trust. The rise of populist parties is due to some aspects such as: lack of trust in the current political class, social economic context (poverty), and the level of education (lack of political culture). Additionally, this research highlights the role of educational levels in shaping populist party support. Individuals with lower levels of education tend to be more susceptible to populist messages due to limited access to critical thinking skills and political knowledge. Furthermore, individuals with higher levels of resilience tend to be more skeptical or critical regarding the truth of political parties or politicians. Likewise, individuals with higher levels of resilience tend to perceive populist promises as less achievable. This article contributes to the existing literature by providing a comprehensive understanding of the factors that could enlighten the increase of populist parties, often promoted as having a sovereigntist doctrine. By examining individual resilience, educational levels, and party affiliation, the study offers valuable insights into the dynamics of populism in this context.
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Rakowski, Roman. "POPULISM AND DEMOCRACY." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb11/s01.022.
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Chupeska, Ana. "FROM ETHNOPOPULISM TO SECURITY RISKS." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.6.22.p13.
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Erin Jenne (2018), in her highly instructive article dedicated to ethnopopulism: Is Nationalism or Ethnopopulism on the Rise Today?, defines ethnopopulism as a “discourse that equates ‘the people’ with ‘the nation’ and holds that sovereignty should be an expression of the will of the ‘nation-people”30. She refers to Mudde’s notion of the populist radical right31, denoting the moment when he draws attention to the fact that in recent decades nationalist parties are experiencing their rise and most of these parties are taking on an ethnopopulist form.32 Populism33, as such, it is worth mentioning, according to Mudde, is an antagonistic ideology, i.e. an ideology that considers that society is divided into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, "pure people" versus "corrupt elite" and politics should be an expression of the volante general of the people’ / or general will of the people (Mudde, 2004)34. Later, in line with Stavrakakis and De Cleen, Jenne puts an eye on the notion that populism and nationalism both serve to inscribe the boundaries of the idealized sovereign community more restrictively - excluding elites and “national others”, and also that nationalism is an antagonistic in-out discourse that excludes non-nationals, while populism is an antagonistic up-down discourse that excludes elites or the political establishment (De Cleen 2017; De Cleen and Stavrakakis 2017; De Cleen et al. 2020; Jenne 2022)35. She elaborates: ….” What happens when nationalism is co-articulated with populism in a single political system? The answer lies within the mobilizational logic of each. Nationalist politicians use symbols to mobilize the population against perceived foreign or domestic threats related to the ethnos.
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, M.Si, Dr Yuanita, Dea S.Sos, and Dr Ikhlasiah , M.Si. "Islamic Populism on 212 Movement." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315560.
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Zarubin, Dmitry K., and Vera A. Achkasova. "Digital Populism in Social Media." In 2024 Communication Strategies in Digital Society Seminar (ComSDS). IEEE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/comsds61892.2024.10502097.
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Kitaeva, A., Anna Ilunina, and A. Kochukova. "The phenomenon of legal populism in the Russian Empire." In SCIENCE TRANSFORMS REALITY – 2024, 133–35. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.58168/reality2024_133-135.
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In the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th century, ideology and movement among the democratic Russian intelligentsia, called "legal populism", gained popularity. Representatives of the legal populism believed in the socialist way of life and sought to achieve it by raising the moral and mental level of the peasants. The phenomenon of legal populism has its own specifics, which is determined by the internal state of the state. This specificity is closely related to the main functions of legal populism, based on which theorists sought to overcome economic, cultural and political backwardness.
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Marin, Dramnescu. "MORAL EDUCATION BETWEEN IDEAL AND POPULISM." In SGEM 2014 Scientific Conference on PSYCHOLOGY AND PSYCHIATRY, SOCIOLOGY AND HEALTHCARE, EDUCATION. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b11/s3.106.
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Gurbanova, Nubar, Ulviyya Khalilova, and Rungthum Rangsikul. "Populism Politics in the Current Situation as an Object of Political Analysis - Post-Democracy and Web Populism." In International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0008816400370041.
Full textReports on the topic "Populism"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Gender Populism: Civilizational Populist Construction of Gender Identities as Existential Cultural Threats. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0023.
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In the Islamist version of civilizational populism, the emotional backlash against the rise of secularism, multiculturalism, progressive ideas, and ‘wokeness,’ has been skillfully employed. While for the populists, populist far right and civilizational populists in the West, usually the Muslims are the civilizational other, we argue in this article, in the Islamist civilizational populism, the list of civilizational enemies of the Muslim way of life also includes feminists and LGBTQ+ rights advocates.Gender populism is a relatively new concept that refers to the use of gender symbolism, language, policy measures, and contestation of gender issues by populist actors. It involves the manipulation of gender roles, stereotypes, and traditional values to appeal to the masses and create divisions between “the people” and “the others.” This paper looks at the case study of gender populism in Turkey, where the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been in power for over two decades. The AKP has used gender populism to redefine Turkish identity, promote conservative Islamism, and marginalize women and the LGBTQ+ community. The paper also discusses how gender populism has been used by the AKP to marginalize political opponents.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Hasnan Bachtiar, Chloe Smith, and Kainat Shakil. Fluctuating Populism: Prabowo’s Everchanging Populism Across the Indonesian Elections. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0030.
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This paper introduces an interesting aspect or variant of populism which we call ‘fluctuating populism’ through a case study of Prabowo Subianto Joyohadikusumo, the winner of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, and a career politician for over three decades in the country. We define ‘fluctuating’ quality of populism as the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders to their rhetoric and ideological messaging across different political campaigns in pursuit of electoral victory. Based on the Indonesian presidential elections of 2009, 2014, 2019, and 2024, the paper demonstrates the dynamic nature of populism. It reveals that over just a decade, Prabowo has undergone shifts in ideological stances, rhetorical appeals, and electoral strategies in each election cycle. He has evolved from an ultra-nationalist, chauvinist, and Islamist populist to a technocratic figure with a much softer side. We also find that within these election periods, he never fully prescribed an ideology or rhetoric, but instead fluctuated according to the political landscape. Prabowo’s success in the 2024 election underscores the effectiveness of ‘fluctuating populism’ in navigating Indonesia’s political landscape. This case study shows that this concept offers a framework for understanding the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders and warrants further examination in comparative studies of political leadership.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.
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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0014.
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This paper looks at the importance of ‘crisis events’ used by leaders employing populist civilisational populism in Muslim democracies. While populism is widely acknowledged and studied as part of early twentieth century political developments, various aspects remain unexplored. One feature is how populists make use of a crisis. While populists do benefit from social and political rifts, this paper goes a step further and argues that civilisationalist populists create imaginary and exaggerated ‘crises’ to sustain and prolong their relevance/position in power as well as justify their undemocratic actions. Using the case studies of Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan) and Pakistan (Imran Khan) allows for a comparison to be drawn between two different leaders seeking to maintain power by using their position to either create civilizationalist crises or to frame ordinary crises as civilisational. The findings highlight that despite different political scenarios and outcomes, both these populist leaders gained political support by creating crises. We find that in most cases, populists exaggerate pre-existing insecurities and events to their benefit. The overblown claims and conspiratorial scenarios aid populists in creating a niche for their narratives by reaffirming their populist categorisation of societies. At the same time, the findings bring forth the troubling issues of the social-political cost of these Islamist civilisationalist populists.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Ganjar Pranowo’s Quest: Resisting Islamist Civilizational Populism in Indonesia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0028.
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Ganjar Pranowo stands as a pivotal figure within technocratic populism, anticipated to advocate for the people‘s volonté générale and counter the sway of Islamist civilisational populism within Indonesia. The impending 2024 election positions him in a direct contest against Anies Baswedan and Prabowo Subianto, both politicians who garnered support from Islamist populist factions in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections, respectively. Perceptions of Ganjar’s political stance vary, with some viewing him as a populist figure. However, in essence, he embodies the antithesis of populism, distinct from narratives and rhetoric persistently leveraging Islamism for political gain. This article seeks to delve into Ganjar’s political prospects in the upcoming 2024 election, shedding light on his role in confronting rivals and their supporters entrenched in Islamist populism. While widely seen as the most compelling figure for upholding the continuity of a vibrant democracy, his emergence also sparks inquiries into the trajectory of substantive democratic progress within the nation.
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Verbeek, Bertjan, and Andrej Zaslove. Waking the Sleeping Populist Giant: The 2024 European Elections and Populism in the Netherlands. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0086.
Full textAbstract:
The results of the 2024 European elections for populist parties in the Netherlands are intimately related to the events in national Dutch politics since 2021. The relative success of the Party for Freedom (VVD) since 2023 has been related to its more moderate position on European integration and Islam. This change of tone was part of increasing the party’s credibility at home and abroad. The European elections were presented as a litmus test for the proposed centre-right government in the Netherlands, and they testified to the increased room for the populist vote in general and the increased competition for that vote between various populist parties in particular. The European elections also proved a defeat for populist contenders such as JA21, Forum for Democracy and the left-wing populist Socialist Party. The impact of Dutch populists on European policies is most likely to be felt via the newly formed government, which contains two populist parties. At the level of the European Parliament, its impact will depend on the success of the newly formed Patriots for Europe (PfE) group. Keywords: populism; populist radical right; European elections; Dutch national elections; the Netherlands
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van Os, Kim, and Chloe Smith. Mapping Global Populism – Panel 1: Populism and Far-Right in Australia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0040.
Full textAbstract:
This report is derived from the inaugural panel of ECPS’s monthly series, titled “Mapping Global Populism,” which took place online on March 23, 2023. The panel featured renowned scholars on populism from Australia and New Zealand. As a result of this insightful panel, the report provides brief summaries of the speeches presented by the speakers.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.