Academic literature on the topic 'Popular music – 2011-2020'

Radio is all about intimacy and words (Balsebre, 1994). Since radio’s significant shift from verbal to musical content, songs have been able to create a special bond between broadcasters and audiences across the world. Nevertheless, selecting songs is far from being an innocent choice; it is part of a cultural framework (Ala-Fossi, 2005; Gjerdingen & Perrott 2008). Recently, scholars explained radio’s alliances with the music industry and the adaptation to audiences’ preferences (Kaplan, 2013; Uimonen, 2017), thus arguing that the music in radios’ playlists is far from diverse, especially on stations owned by the private sector. This article draws upon the premise that a more comprehensive approach towards this topic is needed. Inspired by previous studies on commercial radio musical policies (Uimonen, 2011; Hellman & Vikko 2019), this research makes use of a methodological tool to characterize music diversity in the two most popular Portuguese commercial radio broadcasters. After two weeks of observation, in March 2020, the authors of this article analysed 2366 song entries, concluding that the general policies for the playlists seem to be similar: a typical predominance of international singers/bands, male artists and English-spoken songs, including the overwhelming presence of worldwide labels associated to the majority of the songs. However, these national broadcasting stations seem to have their own set of artists, especially when it comes to Portuguese singers/bands. Future research should aim at analysing artists’ and broadcasters’ views on this cultural framework, as a way to expand the possibilities of understanding this complex and decisive topic within radio broadcasting and music industries.

This study empirically analyzes how the Hallyu (Korean Wave) phenomenon affects Korea’s consumer goods exports to China using Chinese provincial-level panel data covering the period from 2011 to 2020. This paper adopts Baidu Index big data with the keywords “Korean drama”, “Korean movie”, “Korean music”, and “Korean entertainment” as proxy variables for Hallyu. The paper investigates the impact of Hallyu on Korean consumer goods exports by subdividing consumer goods into seven processing steps. In addition to the effect of the composite Hallyu index, the effect of each Hallyu content is also examined. Moreover, this study also investigates the impact of the political issue of the deployment of the THAAD American anti-ballistic missile defense system by dividing the period from 2011 to 2020 into before and after 2016. An export equation that includes income level, the Hallyu index, as well as other variables recognized as factors affecting Korea’s exports in existing studies, is used. Several interesting conclusions have been reached. First, Hallyu in China has a significant impact on Korea’s exports of non-durable consumer goods and processed household food and beverages to China. Second, the political issue of the deployment of THAAD has a negative impact on Korea’s exports of consumer goods to China. Third, among the four types of Hallyu content, dramas, as the most popular content in China, have the greatest influence on Korea’s exports of consumer goods to China.

Background. George Gershwin is often considered as a composer who wrote mainly songs and musicals, but this is a misconception: beside the pieces of so-called “light” genres, among the composer’ works – two operas, as well as a number of outstanding instrumental compositions (“Cuban Overture” for a symphony orchestra, two Rhapsodies, Variations for piano and orchestra and Piano Concerto etc.). Gershwin had a natural pianistic talent, and there was almost not a single piece of his own that he did not perform on the piano, and most of them were born in improvisation (Ewen, 1989). The basis for the creation of this study was the desire to increase interest in the work of Gershwin as a “serious” composer and to draw the attention of domestic academic pianists to the value of his piano works, presented not only the “Rhapsody in Blue”, which has been mostly played lately. The purpose of our research is to prove the relevance of the performance of Gershwin’s instrumental works in the academic concert environment as the music of the classical tradition, tracing the formation of specific features of the composer’s instrumental creativity and their reflection in the cycle of “Three Preludes for Piano” in 1926. Studies of the life and work of G. Gershwin, illuminating a special path in music and the unusual genius of an outstanding musician, were created mainly in the 50–70s of the XX century. D. Ewen – the author of the most detailed biography of the composer (first published in 1956, the Russian translation – in 1989) – was personally acquainted with the great musician and his family, took numerous interviews from the composer’s relatives, friends and teachers, had access to his archives (Ewen, 1989: 3–4). The author of the book enters into the details of the life and creative work of the genius and creates a portrait of the composer as a person “in relationships” – as a son, brother, friend. A separate chapter devoted to the music of Gershwin is in the fundamental work of V. Konen (1965) “The Ways of American Music”, an extremely useful study of the folklore origins and musical foundations of jazz. Cognitive is the “popular monograph” by V. Volynskiy (1988) about Gershwin, carefully structured chronologically and thematically. The Internet-pages of A. Tikhomirov (2006–2020) on the resource “Classic Music News.ru” are also very valuable, in particular, thanks to retrospective photographs and audio recordings posted there. From the point of view we have chosen, the piano Preludes by G. Gershwin have not yet been considered by domestic researchers. Research methodology is based on comparative analysis and then synthesizing, generalization and abstraction when using data from biographical literature, and tested musicological approaches when considering musical samples and audio recordings of various versions of the Preludes (including the author’s playing). The results of reseaching. G. Gershwin, despite his Jewish-Slavic family roots (his parents emigrated to America from the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th century), is undoubtedly a representative of American culture. Outstanding artists have almost always turned to the folklore of their country. In Gershwin, this trait manifested itself in a special way, since American folklore, due to historical and political circumstances, is a very motley phenomenon. Indian, English, German, French, Jewish, African, Latin American melodies surrounded Gershwin everywhere. Their rhythms and intonations, compositional schemes were melted, transformed in professional music (Konen, 1965: 231–246). The first musical teacher of Gershwin was the sound atmosphere of New York streets. This is the main reason that the style of his musical works is inextricably linked with jazz: Gershwin did not encounter this purely American phenomenon, he grew up in it. Among the numerous other teachers of Gershwin who significantly influenced on the formation of his music style, one should definitely name the pianist and composer Charles Hambitzer, who introduced his student to the music of Bach, Beethoven, Chopin, Liszt, Debussy, Ravel (Ewen, 1989: 30–32). The most part of Gershwin’s creativity consisted of working on musicals, a typically American genre. The work with the musicals gave the composer the basis for writing his first jazz opera “Blue Monday“, 1922 (other name – “135th Street”), which became the predecessor of the famous pearl of the new genre, “Porgy and Bess” (1935). Following the production of “Blue Monday”, Gershwin began collaborating with the Paul Whiteman Orchestra, who was impressed by the piece. On the initiative of the latter, Gershwin created his masterpiece, “Rhapsody in Blue” (1924), which still remains a unique musical phenomenon, since the composer brought jazz to the big stage, giving it the status of professional music (Ewen, 1989: 79–85; Volynskiy, 1988: part 4). V. Konen (1965: 264–265) believes that Gershwin is a representative of symphonic Europeanized jazz, since he uses it in musical forms and genres of the European tradition. However, we cannot agree that Gershwin “used” jazz. For him, jazz was organic, inseparable from the author’s style, and this is what makes his music so attractive to representatives of both classical and pop traditions. For Gershwin, due to life circumstances, turning to jazz is not an attempt at stylization, but a natural way of expression. “Three Preludes for Piano” are significant in the composer’s work, because it is the only known concertо work for solo piano published during his lifetime. At first, Gershwin planned to create a cycle of 24 Preludes, but only seven were created in the manuscript, then the author reduced the number of works to five. A year after the creation of the Piano Concerto, in 1926, Gershwin presented this new opus. The pieces performed by the author himself sound impeccably technically and even austerely-strictly (audio recording has been preserved, see ‘Gershvin plays Gershvin 3 Preludes’, video on You Tube, published on 2 Aug. 2011). It can be noted that Gershwin is close to the European pianistic style with its attention to the accuracy of each note. The cycle is built on the principle of contrasting comparison: the first and third Preludes are performed at a fast pace, the second – at a slow pace (blues-like). The analysis of the cycle, carried out by the author of the article, proves that “Three Preludes” for piano reflect the main features of Gershwin’s creative manner: capriciousness of syncopated rhythms, subtle modulation play, improvisational development. Breathing breadth, volumetric texture, effective highlighting of climaxes bring the cycle closer to the composer’s symphonic works. Jazz themes are laid out at a high professional level, using traditional European notation and terminology. Thus, although Gershwin was a brilliant improviser, he made it possible for both jazz pianists and academic performers to master his works. Conclusions. The peculiarities of Gershwin’s development as an artist determined the combination of the jazz basis of his works with the compositional technique of European academic music. The versatility and musical appeal of the Preludes are the key to their long stage life. Plays are well received both in cycles and singly. Their perception is also improved by the fact that the original musical speech is combined in them with the established forms of academic music. The mastery of the Preludes by pianists stimulates the development of technical skill, acquaints with jazz style, sets interesting rhythmic problems. The pieces are bright and winning for concert performance. Thus, the presence of the composer’s piano pieces and other his instrumental works in the programs of classical concerts seems appropriate, useful and desirable.

Introduction Music scholarship across genres is often concerned with music's metaphysical and ephemeral effects on individuals, communities, and society. These scholarly framings constitute a concept that we refer to here as “the magic of music”. Using this framing, this article addresses the ways that the magic is undermined by a range of worldly, non-magical realities, using the case study of the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns and their devastating effects on the previously thriving live music industry in Naarm/Melbourne, Australia. The magic of music includes such aspects as the intangible sounds of music, the mysterious practice of creative music-making, and the transformative effects on audiences and others who participate in music culture. We begin with a broad discussion of the sonic properties of music as a form of magic—a common rhetoric that has been used across the world regardless of genre or cultural origin. Next, we turn to the social contexts surrounding music, such as live music settings. De Jong and Lebrun argue that “the power of music” can create “moments of rare, intense and direct interactions between individuals” that are often described as magical, and that “magic is, in this sense, understood as a perfectly natural and plausible, and not supernatural, experience, even if its intensity and rarity in one's life makes it extra-ordinary” (4). We use this framing of “music as magic” in our consideration of the specific context of Australia’s music industry from 2020 to the present. We posit that the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, alongside government-sanctioned lockdowns, cultural shifts such as an increased focus on poor working conditions and risk in music work, and detrimental arts funding policies worked together to effectively break the spell of “music as magic” for industry and patrons. Finally, we draw on key examples from popular music studies, industry reports and new government policies, to call attention to recent proposals to rehabilitate the magic through a re-enchantment of music and the music industry. Feels like Magic: The Social Context of Music Music is a form of organised sound and silence that people across cultures, history, and places, have articulated as possessing magical properties (Nettl). Music is not only sound waves but also a social category, thus the notion of magic extends beyond sound into everyday discourse in the social realm of music, which will be the focus of this article. Audiences/listeners may describe their own response to music as a magical feeling, stemming from the performer’s ability to convey emotion and provide a performance that “mirrors the performer’s [own] deep connection to the music” (Loeffler 19). Such ‘magical moments’ of deep connection among audience members and between audiences and performers may be elicited in various ways. Examples include the sense of emotional self-recognition found via personal lyrics, resonance with unique vocal timbres, or the shared sense of belonging that develops with fellow audience members, including strangers, during musical events (Anderson). For the latter, the magic (or “magick”, a spelling associated with stagecraft) of ritualised music performance is a common element of Paganism in music performance, with some popular music artists implicitly “appropriat[ing] the Pagan subculture's symbols for artistic inspiration and commercial gain”, presenting themselves as contemporary conduits that reconnect audiences to old magics (Sweeney Smith 91; see also Weston). When it comes to these sorts of ideas about magic and music, performers and audiences routinely make claims about magical musical powers such as “talent”, an idea deployed to describe the skills and charisma of certain musicians, and “creativity”, a “magic ingredient” (see McRobbie) that people who write or produce music are supposed to possess in order to perform their craft (Gadir 61–4; Gross and Musgrave 10, 22; see also Nairn). Music of all forms can provide profound affective experiences, regardless of how it is made and who plays it. There is also a magical discourse present in popular music that has reached millions of people in a globalised musical world dominated by recordings. For as long as music has had a mass market, its magic properties (as articulated in multiple ways across history) have been a selling point for musicians, records, and concerts. The recorded music industry’s very selection process is rooted in the idea that “creativity is based on ‘little bits of magic’ and that success is down to luck and timing” (Gross and Musgrave 140). Music writing (scholarly, criticism, journalism) tends to focus on these magical properties: from the sublime nature of a musical work and its form to the phenomenology of sound and affective experience of music, and even the inexplicable, elusive ‘talent’ of particular musicians. Jimi Hendrix labelled his music work “completely, utterly a magic science” (Clarke 195), while Joni Mitchell “consistently referred to Charles Mingus, Wayne Shorter, and Jaco Pastorius as ‘magicians’ and ‘shamans,’ thereby conferring a susceptibility to the miraculous upon the musicians she most respected” (Lloyd 124). As we show below, this conflation of magical and religious concepts is evident elsewhere in discourse on the intangibility of musical talent. Some genres of music have emphasised the idea of music as magic more than others. For example, scholarship on electronic dance music (EDM) has embraced the concept of “DJ as shaman” (Brewster and Broughton 19; Luckman 133; Rietveld “Introduction” 1; Rietveld This Is Our House) and the nightclub as a “pseudo-religious pilgrimage site” (Becker and Woebs 59), extending Benjamin’s argument for art’s origins in service of ritual (24). Miller has further alluded to a mystical DJ craft, both as a performer quoted in music media (Gallagher) and in his own academic writing: “gimme two records and I’ll make you a universe” (DJ Spooky That Subliminal Kid 127; Miller 497). Shamanism is also explored in rock music discourse (see Kennedy 81–90). Notions of musical magic extend beyond performances and personalities into the recording studio. Music mastering is commonly labelled a “dark art” (Hepworth-Sawyer and Golding 241; Hinksman 13; Nardi 211), and the music studio as a site where magic is made (Anthony 43, 194). Rolling Stone magazine has even deployed a recurrent editorial phrase—“the magic that can set you free”—to distinguish the authenticity of rock from pop music (Frith 164–5). We argue that two key ruptures of the last few years—namely, widespread lockdown policies during the COVID-19 pandemic, and emerging discussions on poor working conditions and harms in the music industries—have had the effect of breaking the magic spell of music. There has been a groundswell of musicians, commentators, and scholars pausing to query (and in some cases overturn entirely) some of the illusions that the music industry constructs around musicians. We use the city of Naarm/Melbourne in Australia to draw out some of these trends. When the Magic Dies: Breaking the Spell of the Music Industry The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in lengthy lockdowns in the city of Naarm/Melbourne. In total, over a two-year period, the city spent 262 days in home confinement under strict orders from the government, with limited travel and no access to the usual amenities of the city, including all public in-person entertainment (Jose). This had a profound effect on the state’s musicians and the music industries that service them. It completely closed the city’s music venues for an extended period, driving musicians into alternative, virtual modes of performance (Vincent) and driving other music workers into non-music-related employment. For a city often touted as “the live music capital of Australia” (see Homan et al.), the lockdowns effectively broke the spell of music as a key employer and as a driver of arts practice and social experience in Melbourne. Quite suddenly, the lockdown periods revealed the precarious lives of musicians away from the stage. Once stripped of the “magical” quality of live performance, musicians’ work and practice appeared both more complex and more routine. The COVID-19 pandemic broke the spell of music that takes place in social settings. At the start of 2020, live music was one of the first activities to be banned. Live music relies on people being near one another, often in enclosed spaces. It often involves people on stage and in the crowd singing, an activity identified early in the pandemic as an effective method of spreading the virus. These attributes, together with its status as “entertainment” rather than as an essential activity, meant that live music gatherings became entirely illegal (Strong and Cannizzo). Even as lockdowns were lifted, live music was one of the last activities to be reinstated, albeit with access restricted in various ways. People continued to engage with music via other means, for example, through virtual live-streamed performances and platform-based audio streaming. Globally, there was an increase in people listening to older, nostalgic music (Yeung)—an indicator that music was still being used for its magical self-soothing capacities, alleviating the worst pandemic anxieties. However, the closure of the Victorian live music sector drew attention to the material conditions of music making in new ways (“Losses Continue”). Many musicians and music workers could not take advantage of government schemes to support workers who had lost their income during the pandemic (Triscari). This highlighted what was already known to music industry workers: that their work was insecure. It also revealed the contradictions within government music policies: on the one hand, music’s utility for city branding, on the other, little regard for what support and resources are required for it to take place. As more and more musicians used the pandemic to draw attention to their already existing labour conditions, the precarious and mundane aspects of music-making became foregrounded in broader discussions (see Strong and Cannizzo). These included the overall degree to which musicians are exploited (see Nairn), whether musicians can earn a living wage, pay their rent, or receive other workplace benefits including safe working environments. These problems exist in stark contrast to the historically mythologised portrayals of musicians as concerned about their art and Dionysian social experience above all else, regardless of their physical or material conditions. In reality, live music work has always included mundane activities and routine labour. The historical mythology of the “star”, regardless of genre, tends to depict the lives of performers as exotic and removed from everyday life. In this sense, performers are perceived as magical as much as the music they make. The everyday world, within this mythology, is something akin to “a fearful, life-threatening condition that could ensnare you in its grasp … as relentless routine and the marker of social distinction” (Highmore 16). Audiences tend to view musicians as committed to alternative ways of being, and music performance as an escape from the everyday, wherein work becomes interchangeable with leisure and touring provides a nomadic lifestyle. However, in recent years, popular music studies research, together with musicians, fans, and media, have called these ideas into question. A career in live music performance appears to offer no escape from responsibility—something at the heart of fearful representations of everyday life. Inside of a music practice, new responsibilities emerge. Leisure becomes labour with all its attendance downsides. Close-knit familial-style relationships are formed, often based on financial and creative partnerships, including the risk of gender-based abuse that exists within such relationships (Fileborn et al.). The nomadic life of a performer involves its own cramped and confining aspects (a life of group transit and service entrances). This combines with an already in-progress push towards making the vicissitudes of this work more visible—afforded by social media, cultural formations such as #MeToo, and a significant upswing in research showing the harms of music work (Gross and Musgrave; Strong and Cannizzo)—to significantly undermine the myth of live music’s magical properties. In Naarm/Melbourne, prior to the pandemic, this myth was brittle. After years of lockdown, it arguably shattered. The emotional devastation wrought by an abrupt and almost complete cessation of live music activities also had flow-on effects on recorded music. For example, it prevented activities such as tours that support album releases, recording sessions, or rehearsing new musical material. Already existing mental health issues in the music industry were highlighted and amplified by these circumstances (Brunt and Nelligan). Together with the aforementioned financial disadvantage experienced by musicians, research had already shown for years before the pandemic that mental health was poor in this sector (Gross and Musgrave). Such mental health issues are due in part to the relationship between music work and conceptions of self and identity, where success or failure are felt as intensely personal (a by-product of the idea that music possesses magical qualities). Mental health problems are also associated with exclusion, bullying and harassment, which are not only widespread but have been normalised and even celebrated for decades. Pre-existing pressures such as these were exacerbated dramatically by the pandemic lockdowns, which spurred on further discussions about them (Strong and Cannizzo). During the pandemic, the magic of music had been disrupted in several ways: the ability of music to connect people to one another in live settings had been curtailed or removed, and the narratives of the creation of music being magical had been replaced with a vision of mundanity, hardship, and underappreciation. If the magic did not set musicians or music workers free, why should they return to long working hours for little pay in an industry that was frequently unsafe and that left them feeling bad—especially when they discovered that when the chips were down, they would be left out of the support offered to others? Re-Enchanting Music: Conjuring a Different Kind of Magic Weber used the term “enchantment” as a means of explaining the magic within worldly (empirical) phenomena. By contrast, he argued that disenchantment was the removal of magical experience from the real world and that this was the result of replacing the “supernatural” exclusively with rationality and calculation (Koshul 9). The easing of lockdown conditions heralded what we call here the “re-enchantment” of the music industry. An industry that is re-enchanted refers to a world which is “susceptible again to redemption” and is “reimbued not only with mystery and wonder but also with order [and] purpose” (Landy and Slalor 2). During the early post-lockdown period, the aim of government, patrons, and the entertainment industry was to rekindle the pre-COVID levels of audience engagement with live music. Audiences themselves were eager to return to live music and were prepared to spend money on concert tickets and music festivals, according to findings from the Australia Council’s Audience Outlook Monitor (Patternmakers). However, this report also showed that restrictions, fears of further outbreaks, and lockdowns were still looming in the minds of audiences and event organisers. This was compounded by a lack of investment in the creative industries broadly by the Australian Federal government during lockdowns and a staggered reopening, particularly in the state of Victoria, where lockdowns continued well into 2021. The road back to ‘normality’ would require putting audiences, industry, and, indeed, the government, back under the spell of music. Reaffirming the idea that music has a fundamental value in society and culture was the first step. The election of a federal Labor government in 2022 started this process, after a decade of conservative Liberal leadership that had actively worked to devalue and defund the arts. The new government quickly launched a consultation process around the arts in Australia, and launched the resulting policy, titled Revive: Australia's Cultural Policy for the Next Five Years, in mid-2023. This policy not only reaffirmed the central place of the arts, including music, in Australia's social life, but went further than any previous government in acknowledging some of the disenchantment in the industry. They committed to establishing Music Australia (Creative Australia) as a body dedicated to ensuring the prominence of music in arts activities, and the Centre for Arts and Entertainment Workplaces, a body that would, among other things, deal with complaints around workplace misconduct of various types. This later body was created partly in response to the Raising Their Voices report documenting widespread bullying and sexual harassment in music spaces. In addition to this, Australian state governments implemented various measures to encourage the re-normalisation of concert attendance. For example, the Victorian State Government’s Always Live funded programme was launched with a regional, one-off gig by the Foo Fighters. Initiatives such as these on the state and federal level served to bolster the struggling industry. An initially slow return to live shows, followed by a spate of visually spectacular, large-scale, sold-out shows by Harry Styles and Taylor Swift, indicate a return to a form of ‘business as usual’ for top-tier international touring artists. Although top-down policy can send a message that music work is valued, much of the ‘magic’ of music is created by communities and within grassroots spaces. In Naarm/Melbourne, the announcement that the iconic live music venue the Tote Hotel was being put up for sale has provided a flashpoint moment. The venue’s current owners have become emblematic of the problems in the industry, reportedly failing to provide proper benefits to their staff over a long period (Marozzi). The owners of the Last Chance Rock and Roll Bar have since announced a fundraiser for three million dollars to buy the Tote, which they have framed in terms of protecting the value of music to the Naarm/Melbourne community. The owners promised to not only protect music-making on the site but also to “leave the Tote to the bands and future generations for the rest of time” by “putting the building into a trust that will legally protect the Tote from being anything other than a Live Music Venue” (“Last Chance to Save the Tote”). References to the (dark) magic of this situation is visible in the designs for the t-shirts given out for contributors to the funding campaign: two zombies crawling from the grave of the Tote, beers in hand, ready to keep on rockin’. The zombies are indicative of a venue risen from the dead through the Naarm/Melbourne music community’s magical effort. The response of the public and commentators that have followed the achievement of this fundraising goal is akin to the wonderment of an audience seeing a magician perform an impressive trick. Notably, the community-led and community-focussed approach of the Tote draws on the magic of connection built around music scenes, not only corporate interests. This includes exploring how venues can be owned by the communities that use them (Wray), schemes that provide artists with a universal basic income (Caust), and “safer spaces” strategies that work to increase the accessibility of music for everyone (Hill et al.). Conclusion In this article, we have outlined the ways that Naarm/Melbourne, which has been celebrated as one of the world’s best live music cities, temporarily lost the magical allure of its musical life in the eyes of many, and subsequently started to regain it through a fragile process of rejuvenation. Traces of ideas about live music’s ineffable magic can clearly be found in recovery stories that now circulate. Moreover, such stories are articulated against a backdrop of new mythologies forming around the city’s music branding and practice. The especially long pandemic lockdown period in Naarm/Melbourne has brought into sharper focus the hard realities of music-making and performance—as labour, local culture, and policy. The post-COVID city is now tasked with selectively rebuilding itself as a music city, unifying the magical potency of the old with a more clear-eyed, unromantic analysis of the present. References Anderson, Benedict. 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This study investigates K-pop and K-pop fandom as an ongoing social movement. With popular South Korean group BTS as a case study, I examine how their fans join together and use collective action to create social change. My research answered three primary questions: (1) “How have K-pop fans been involved in societal causes prior to their recent surge in activism in 2020?,” (2) “To what extent does K-pop represent a social movement?,” and (3) “Do either K-pop music or the artists themselves contribute to fan participation in social advocacy, and if so, how?” I find that K-pop fans do constitute a social movement due to their use of extra-institutional tactics, based on John Fiske’s (1992) concept of fandom as “subversive by design,” Henry Jenkins’ (1992) participatory fan culture framework, and Social Movement Theory (King, 2011). I also further Yoon’s (2017) thesis that pop culture can give those who face a lack of resources and authority a means to challenge the status quo, emphasizing K-pop fans’ innovative use of social media mobilization. By explaining how K-pop and its fans can be understood as a social movement, my research rethinks how we consider K-pop fandom and at the same time encourages K-pop fans to continue their activism work and to expand further. Through a literature review and my own observations framed by theories, I conclude that K-pop fans demonstrate potential to be a powerful force for social change.

The Directory on Popular Piety and the Liturgy (DPPL) upholds that Christian worship originates and is brought to completion in the Spirit of Christ, which dispenses truthful liturgical devotion and realistic manifestations of popular piety. A vigorous engagement of evangelization and culture is embodied in the Sabuaga Festival, an Easter Sunday celebration in Sto. Tomas, Pampanga. It is a collaboration of the Catholic Church (St. Thomas the Apostle Parish) and the Local Government Unit (Sto. Tomas). This paper argues how a true and fruitful harmony between liturgy and popular piety is achieved in the Sabuaga Festival. Hence, the researcher articulates the following, namely: First, the dimensions of the Sabuaga Festival that make it an expression of popular piety. Second, the principles offered by DPPL for the true and fruitful harmonization of liturgy and popular piety. Third, the pastoral action plan, entitled: “An Authentic Pastoral Action of the Liturgy: Towards Building upon the Riches of the Sabuaga as a Popular Piety,” which provides suitable catechesis for the harmonization of Liturgy and Popular Piety in the Sabuaga Festival. References Archdiocese of Saint Paul and Minneapolis, “What Is ‘Liturgy’? Why Is It Important?” Accessed last March 29, 2021 from https://www.archspm.org/faith-and-discipleship/catholic-faith/what-is-liturgy-why-is-it-important/. Benedict XVI, Jesus of Nazareth. Holy Week: From the Entrance into Jerusalem to the Resurrection. London: Catholic Truth Society. Catholic Church. Catechism of the Catholic Church: Revised in Accordance with the Official Latin Text Promulgated by Pope John Paul II. Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines. Acts and Decrees of the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines. Manila: CBCP, 1992. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines. 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Introduction Media and gender are intricately linked in our society. Every day we see representations of women and men on the screen, read about politicians in the press, watch influencers on YouTube or go to the cinema where we meet screen heroes. Our images and notions of gender draw on these media narratives and role models. Children and young people are socialised with these views and cultivate their own identity and gender roles accordingly. Ideas of gender are not static. They are produced discursively in an ongoing process. Gender is understood as a social category, and this perspective is interwoven with an observation of people’s social behaviour, their “doing gender” (West and Zimmerman). From a social constructivist, the focus lies on the production processes connected with the construction of gender representations through the media. The question of how masculinity and femininity, concepts of “being a man” or “being a woman”, represented on a platform such as YouTube become relevant. Our research interest lies exactly in this: How gender inclusive is the video platform YouTube? Are male and female representations equally visible—or do we find exclusion mechanisms that hinder this? Literature Review Europe-wide studies show that children and adolescents are online for an average of 2.4 hours a day (Hasebrink et al.). Eighty-seven per cent of young people report watching videos (e.g. on YouTube) at least once a week (ibid., 11). This applies for Germany as well (MPFS). Considering the relevance YouTube has for adolescents, the question arises as to which role models are portrayed through YouTube and how diverse the representations of gender are depicted there. Initial analyses, primarily for the English-language YouTube platform, see its potential to counteract gender stereotypes (Maloney et al.), but generally show an unequal visibility of the genders on YouTube. These studies find that women are underrepresented, receive more hostile feedback and present themselves in stereotypical forms (Wotanis and McMillan; Döring; Molyneaux et al.). Döring and Mohseni showed in their current nine-country comparative analysis that men dominate the popular YouTube across countries and women are more likely to give up after hostility. The existing research usually examined the English-language, mainly US YouTube, it analysed gender performance, stereotypes in selected genres such as advertising or gaming, the stigmatisation of obesity, the representation and experiences of black women on YouTube, and the staging of alternative images of masculinity (see Hussin et al.; Kataria and Pandey; Wotanis and McMillan; Casabianca; Maloney et al.; Sobande). Molyneaux et al. noted in their landmark study gender-specific differences: female YouTubers tend to focus on private matters and interact more frequently with their users. Male YouTubers, on the other hand, share opinions and information and avoid emotions (Pedersen and Macafee). In addition, female vloggers are more often criticised for their appearance than for the content of their videos (Molyneaux et al.). Even though YouTube is an international medium, its use remains limited to language and nation. For example, the most popular YouTube stars among German children and young people are predominantly German-speaking influencers or sportsmen and women. In 2019, girls between the ages of 6 and 13 most often name Bibi, Dagi Bee, Shirin David, Lisa & Lena, and Miley; boys at the same age Julien Bam, Gronkh, Die Lochis, LeFloid and Manuel Neuer (IZI). All these are German YouTube or sports stars. YouTube itself shows in its recommendations under the heading “most popular videos in Germany” exclusively German-language videos, music videos, or sporting events (YouTube). Therefore, YouTube also needs to be examined in national contexts, as well as in cross-national context. Our study will focus on the national German context to examine whether there are similar gender differences in the German-speaking YouTube as have been identified for the English-speaking YouTube. For German-speaking YouTube, few studies are available. Döring and Mohseni examined male and female operators of the top 100 YouTube channels in nine different countries. The results show that women make up 25 per cent of the top 100 German YouTube channel operators, a distribution which is similarly uneven in other countries. Usage data shows that the German-speaking YouTube appears to have a greater relevance among boys than girls. Boys (93%) use YouTube more often on a regular basis, than girls (86%), and rank it higher as their favourite app (MPFS). Other than for traditional media such as television or film, where intensive research has for decades shown a wide gender gap in the visibility of women (Prommer and Linke; Linke and Prommer), research on German-speaking YouTube is rare (Döring and Mohseni). Hypotheses In reflection of the research outlined above on representations of gender in media and the stereotypical portrayals of men and women in film and television, we assume that these gender role depictions are carried over into online videos on social media platforms. The fact that girls use YouTube somewhat less often, consider themselves less competent in the necessary Internet skills, and anticipate greater risks related to communicative aspects suggests that female operators might have been held back and that the female perspective might be marginalised in public (self-)portrayals. The following hypotheses will therefore guide our study: H1: Fewer women are channel operators of Germany’s most popular YouTube channels, and they are more limited in their choice of genres. H2: Women are less visible than men in popular YouTube videos. H3: Women portray themselves more often as connected to stereotypically female topics or are depicted as such in videos. H4: Men stage themselves as professionals. Methods and Sample Following these hypotheses, we conducted a two-step research. The first research step was to analyse to what extent women and men produce popular content. For this, we looked at the ratio of female to male YouTubers among the 1,000 most successful German channels. These YouTubers are called either creators or channel operators by the industry. Both terms are used synonymously here. To identify the most popular YouTube channels, we acquired the viewing and ranking data from the market research company Social Blade, which is one of the very few sources for these data. We measured the popularity of the channels by the number of subscribers to a channel. The success of individual videos was measured by individual views. We coded the 1,000 most successful German YouTube channels, with a standardised quantitative content analysis. This method is frequently applied in existing studies on gender representations in YouTube (Döring; Döring and Mohensi). Different to existing research, we looked at a larger number of channels. This quantified analysis was combined with a more qualitative, but still standardised analysis of visibility of gender and concrete content and presentation forms (Prommer and Linke). For the second step we used the Audio-Visual Character Analysis (ACIS) developed by Prommer and Linke as a method that is able to code any audio-visual content in order to describe visibility and diversity of the depicted people. Here, the analysis considered the individual video as the unit of analysis. For 20 videos from each of the top 100 YouTube creators, we chose the 10 of most recent videos plus the 10 videos with the most views to be analysed. In total, 2,000 videos were analysed. For the qualitative analysis, looking at the visibility of gender, we excluded channels operated by institutions, such as radio and TV broadcasters, music labels, and other commercial entities. These were not considered since there is no individual person responsible. We also excluded “Let’s Play” videos, since these often do not show the operator, but only show game play from video games. Results H1: Fewer women are operators of Germany’s most popular YouTube channels, and they are more limited in their choice of genres. As the analyses show, if the non-individual channel operators are included in the statistics, we see that 27 per cent of the top popular channels in Germany are hosted by institutions (270); this leaves 172 channels operated by women (17%), 525 channels by men (53%), and 25 (3%) by mixed-gender teams. Further on, we will only consider the top 1,000 channels produced by one or more individuals; of these, one quarter (24%) of channel operators are female (fig. 1). This shows that, for every channel in the list produced by a woman, three are produced by men. Only three per cent of the channels are produced by men and women together, constituting a mixed-gender team. The YouTube genres, according to the YouTube classification, also show significant gender differences. Women can be seen first and foremost in tutorial channels (women: 61; men: 9). However, because only 24 per cent of channels in which an individual operator could be identified are contributed by women, all other genres except for tutorial channels are produced disproportionally more often by men. Gaming videos are solid male territory, as almost all "Let’s Play" channels are operated by men (women: 6; men: 150). Here, there are 25 men for every one woman who operates a gaming channel. This is particularly remarkable, as women make up 46 per cent of gamers (ISFE), and their underrepresentation can generally not be explained by lack of interest. Men operate channels in a wide variety of other genres, such as music (women: 9; men: 80) and sports (women: 4; men: 20). The genres of comedy, film, and education show only one female operator each—outnumbered from 10 to 1 to as much as 20 to 1. Examining the statistics for men and women separately reveals that men do not only operate the majority of the top 1,000 channels, but they are also visible in a wider variety of genres. Female YouTubers have primarily limited themselves to entertainment channels (50% of all women) and how-to channels (35% of all women). Male channels are more diverse and include entertainment (38% of all men), games (29% of all men), and music (15% of all men), as well as all other genres. Only in tutorial channels men are rarely seen (2%). The genre definitions of the YouTube channels used here are derived from YouTube itself, and these definitions are not in line with other genre theories and are overly broad. Nevertheless, these results confirm the first hypothesis that fewer women are operators of popular YouTube channels, and that women are more limited in their genre diversity. Fig. 1: Gender distribution of the top 1,000 YouTube channel creators—individuals only (n=722) H2: Women are less visible than men in popular YouTube videos. From the list of the top 1,000 channels, the top 100 most successful channels produced by individuals were analysed in more depth. Of these top 100 channels we analysed 20 videos each, for a total of 2,000 videos, for the visibility and appearance of men, women, and non-binary persons. If we count the main protagonists appearing in these 2,000 videos, we see for every woman (979; 29%) more than two men (2,343; 69%). Only two per cent (54) of the people appearing in these videos had a non-binary gender (intersexual, transsexual, or other). Interestingly, this is a similar imbalance as we can detect in television as well (Prommer and Linke). In other categories, there is more diversity than in television: in total, 44 per cent of channel operators have a recognisable “migration background”, which is more commonly seen in men (49%) than in women (32%). “Migration background” is the official German definition of people with a foreign nationality, people not born in Germany, or having parents with these criteria. This confirms the second hypothesis, according to which women are visible in popular Web videos less often than men. H3: Women portray themselves more often in connection to stereotypically female topics or are depicted as such in videos. In the 2,000 videos from the top 100 channels, female YouTubers are primarily visible in service-oriented tutorial channels (on topics like beauty, food, and the household). Female YouTubers are predominantly represented in video blogs (vlogs: 17%), battles/challenges (16%), sketches/parodies (14%), and tutorials (11%). The haul/unboxing format, in which presenters unpack acquired products or gifts, is almost exclusively female. Men are visible in a wide array of formats such as battles/challenges (21%), sketches (17%), and vlogs (14%), including music (9%), opinions/positions (6%), interviews (2%), music parodies (3%), and question-answer formats (2%). The wide range of content produced by male YouTubers, compared to the limited range of female YouTubers, becomes even more obvious when we consider the topics of the individual videos. The results show that men engage with a variety of themes. Women’s topics, on the other hand, are limited: female YouTubers address beauty (30%), food (23%), relationships (23%), fashion and family, as well as household topics (15%). As fig. 2 shows, men present a bigger variety of topics such as music, relationships, family and fashion, and they also address politics (7%), gaming, and much more. The men’s list is significantly more comprehensive (21 topic areas instead of 15). The data thus confirm the third hypothesis, according to which female YouTubers are more often represented in popular videos with stereotypically female themes. It also becomes clear that their spectrum of topics is significantly more limited than that of male actors. Fig. 2: Topic and subject areas of main actors by gender (3,322), statistics for all women and all men; multiple answers possible H4: Men stage themselves as professionals The following results reveal selected characteristics of the staging with which the main female protagonists portray themselves in the 2,000 videos analysed, and which we understand as an expression of professional versus non-professional ability. Female YouTubers appear predominantly in private settings, and their relationships to (almost exclusively male) partners and to their families play a larger role in their appearances than with the male protagonists. Their activities in the videos are described more frequently by the women themselves as personal passions and hobbies, and they rarely discuss their activities as connected to a career. Women talk about their passions, while men thematise their professional abilities. While fewer than a quarter of female YouTubers (22%) address their careers, almost two thirds of men (61%) do so. When looking at hobbies and passions the reverse is true: while only a third of male YouTubers (32%) mention these themes, two thirds of women (64%) create this context in their videos. Also, public spaces and professional contexts are predominantly reserved for male protagonist on YouTube. This means that women shoot their videos in what appears to be their homes or other private environments, while men are also visible in offices or other professional environments (e.g. fitness studios). The settings in which most people are visible on YouTube are private houses and apartments, where most women (71%) and more than half of male actors (57%) are shown. Settings in the public sphere, in contrast, are chosen by male YouTubers twice as often (34%) as by females. This confirms the fourth hypothesis, which states that men communicate and stage themselves as professionals in their videos, measured by the choice of public settings, references to professional activity, and thematisation of emotions. Limitations This study represents a first step toward a quantified analysis of gender portrayals on YouTube. Although a large number of channels and videos were included in the analysis, it is not a comprehensive assessment of all of the most popular videos, nor a random sampling. Limiting the scope to the most popular content necessarily excludes videos that may show alternative content but receive fewer clicks and subscribers. The content analysis does not allow conclusions to be drawn regarding the videos’ actual reception among adolescents. Even though the data prove the platform’s popularity among children and young adults, the audience groups for the individual videos we analysed could not be broken down by sociodemographics. The gender-typical depictions can thus only be understood as an offering; no statements can be made as to their actual acceptance. Discussion The results show that Web videos favourited by children and young adults on the YouTube platform adopt and propagate similar role models to those that previously existed in television and film (Götz et al.). Female channel operators are significantly underrepresented in the most popular videos, they are more limited in their range of topics, and they appear predominantly in and with topics with a stereotypically female connotation. Further, most of women’s (self-)portrayals take place in private settings. Here, the new Web formats have not created a change from classical depictions on television, where women are also predominantly shown in their personal and private lives. Web videos emphasise this aspect, as female actors refer often to their hobbies rather than to their careers, thus characterising their actions as less socially legitimised. This shows that in their favourite new media, too, adolescents encounter traditional gender stereotypes that steer the engagement with gender onto traditional tracks. The actual variety of gender identities and gender roles in real life is not presented in the popular YouTube videos and therefore excluded from the mainstream audience. Clearly, the interplay of the structure of YouTube, the market, and audience demand does not lead to the inclusion and visibility of alternative role models. References Casabianca, Barbara. "YouTube as a Net'Work': A Media Analysis of the YouTube Beauty Community." CUNY Academic Works, 2016. <https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1300/>. Döring, Nicola. “Videoproduktion auf YouTube: Die Bedeutung von Geschlechterbildern.” Handbuch Medien und Geschlecht: Perspektiven und Befunde der Feministischen Kommunikations- und Medienforschung. Eds. Johanna Dorer et al. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2019. 1–11. Döring, Nicola, and M. Rohangis Mohseni. “Male Dominance and Sexism on YouTube: Results of Three Content Analyses.” Feminist Media Studies 19.4 (2019): 512–24. DOI: 10.1080/14680777.2018.1467945. Götz, Maya, et al. “Whose Story Is Being Told? Results of an Analysis of Children's TV in 8 Countries.” TelevIZIon 31 (2018): 61–65. Hasebrink, Uwe, et al. Ergebnisse der EU Kids Online-Befragung in Deutschland 2019: Online-Erfahrungen von 9- bis 17-Jährigen. Hamburg: Verlag Hans-Bredow-Institut, 5 Oct. 2020. <https://www.hans-bredow-institut.de/uploads/media/Publikationen/cms/media/s3lt3j7_EUKO_Bericht_DE_190917.pdf>. Hussin, Mallory, et al. “Fat Stigmatization on YouTube: A Content Analysis.” Body Image 8.1 (2011): 90–92. DOI: 10.1016/j.bodyim.2010.10.003. ISFE (Interactive Software Federation of Europe). Key Facts 2020. 17 Nov. 2020. <https://www.isfe.eu/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/ISFE-final-1.pdf>. IZI (Internationales Zentralinstitut für das Bildungsfernsehen). "BibisBeautyPalace wieder ganz vorne bei den Kindern: Neue Studie zu den beliebtesten Influencer*innen bei Kindern und Preteens." München: Bayrischer Rundfunk. 26 Nov. 2019 <https://www.br-online.de › Pressemitteilungen › PM_LieblingsYouTuber>. Kataria, Manju, and Bandana Pandey. “Representation of Women in Online Advertisements: A Content Analysis.” Research on Humanities and Social Sciences 22.4 (2014): 138–45. <https://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/RHSS/article/view/16823>. Linke, Christine, and Elizabeth Prommer. “From Fade-Out into Spotlight: An Audio-Visual Character Analysis (ACIS) on the Diversity of Media Representation and Production Culture.” Studies in Communication Sciences (SComS), forthcoming 2021. Maloney, Marcus, et al. “‘Mmm … I Love It, Bro!’: Performances of Masculinity in YouTube Gaming.” New Media & Society 20.5 (2018): 1697–714. DOI: 10.1177/1461444817703368. Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest (MPFS). JIM Studie 2018: Jugend, Information, Medien: Basisuntersuchung zum Medienumgang 12- bis 19-Jähriger. 1 Jan. 2019. 5 Oct. 2020 <https://www.mpfs.de/fileadmin/files/Studien/JIM/2018/Studie/JIM2018_Gesamt.pdfZ>. Molyneaux, Heather, et al. “Exploring the Gender Divide on YouTube: An Analysis of the Creation and Reception of Vlogs.” American Communication Journal 10.2 (2008). <https://www.it.uu.se/edu/course/homepage/avint/vt09/1.pdf>. Pedersen, Sarah, and Caroline Macafee. “Gender Differences in British Blogging.” Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 12.4 (2007): 1472–92. DOI: 10.1111/j.1083-6101.2007.00382.x. Prommer, Elizabeth, and Christine Linke. Ausgeblendet: Frauen im deutschen Film und Fernsehen. Herbert von Halem Verlag, 2019. Sobande, Francesca. “Watching Me Watching You: Black Women in Britain on YouTube.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 20.6 (2017): 655–71. DOI: 10.1177/1367549417733001. West, Candice, and D. H. Zimmerman. “Doing Gender.” Gender and Society 1.2 (1987): 125–51. Wotanis, Lindsey, and Laurie McMillan. “Performing Gender on YouTube.” Feminist Media Studies 14.6 (2014): 912–28. DOI: 10.1080/14680777.2014.882373. YouTube. 23 Oct. 2019 <https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=beliebteste+videos+deutschland>.

Locating the Format What is format radio? At a glance, the answer might seem simple. In common parlance, the concept is often presented as a pejorative counterpart to non-commercial broadcasting. However, to render the concept synonymous with commercial broadcasting neglects its historical specificity. Previous research has demonstrated the nuanced factors at stake in the selection of music at specific broadcasting stations (Ahlkvist and Fisher 301-325). Beyond economic structures and conditions, however, remains the matter of whether we can posit an aesthetic expression that epitomises format radio. Previous research has focussed predominantly on semantic source materials and theoretical propositions to hone in on the question. However, my wager is that the signal content itself can help us reveal something about the nature of formats. To pursue such a task, the Swedish case offers a promising possibility. Swedish media archives provide the opportunity to study how, and if, formatting tendencies can be detected beyond the realm of commercial broadcasting. Unlike many of its global counterparts, Sweden maintained a public service radio monopoly until the late twentieth century. Throughout the 1980s, experiments were done with regional radio, and by 1993 full commercial licencing was permitted. The result is a rare situation where the entire flow of daily Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) can be studied from the 1980s onwards, which in turn allows for large-scale analysis of the relationship between organisation structure and content stylistics before and after the introduction of commercial broadcasting. Broadcasting in Sweden was during this time maintained by the company Sveriges Radio (SR), and had been in more or less the same form since the early 1920s. The organisation was not directly owned by the state, but financed through the so-called broadcasting licence, which in turn depended upon governmentally decided goals. The overall ambition was similar to the usual PSB objectives: the guiding documents for broadcasting would thus be inclined to emphasise values like objectivity and diversity – yet little is said about aesthetics (Banerjee and Seneviratne 10). This arrangement was the setting for regular conflicts throughout Swedish radio history, in which the demand of the audience squared off with the ideals of broadcasters. Yet in the last decade of the century, the media environment was about to change in a precedented way. During these years, conceptual and economic tension between commercial and public service radio reached new heights, in turn forcing the matter of formats on the agenda. Research by Stjernstedt and Forsman, while not exclusively focussed on radio formats, addresses the theme within the broader framework of commercial Swedish radio. Their findings, along with those of Hedman and Jauert, suggest the influence of commercial formats on Swedish radio prior to the formal introduction of commercial broadcasting. This allows for an interesting epistemic possibly: if their propositions are correct, it would allow us to study the character of radio formats, without being intermixed with the scope of commercial broadcasting. The following analysis thus attempts to track the actual changes in the content, which could reveal the influence of format radio on PSB. For critics like David Hendy and Wolfgang Hagen, the format comes down to a question of self-similarity, “Programmierung von Selbstverständlichkeit” as Hagen critically dubs it (333), supposedly induces a certain superficial uniqueness of music stations, despite a fundamental sameness in their content. For this reason, the analysis is focussed on repeated similarities in the musical content. Methodological Approach Given the significant role ascribed to music in the theorisation of radio formatting, this aspect appears to be a potentially apt focus for constructing an experimental analysis. This is also practical as it allows for the translation and application of established spectral analysis methods from the realm of music analysis. In the context of audio data, spectral analysis refers to a process where the frequency components of a sound signal are decomposed and examined as numerical values. This method is crucial in audio engineering to understand the underlying structure and composition of sound and can assist in identifying specific patterns or anomalies in audio data. The analysis uses a sampling approach, concentrating on full-day broadcasts from music channels P2 and P3 in order to capture the general channel characteristics. These were the two formal music channels of SR during the time, with P3, the popular music channel, being directed at a younger audience, and P2 offering a more diverse mixture of classic and world music. The data, selected randomly from five weekdays across each of the years 1988, 1991, 1994, and 1999, are examined for indicators of self-similarity and format structuring. The hypothesis guiding this study suggests that format radio, shaped by technical standards and theoretical principles, exhibits a degree of radiophonic self-similarity. This proposition is explored quantitatively, applying statistical methods to the spectral data to assess similarities. The analysis itself is executed in combining a set of Python libraries. Initially, a segmentation model from The National Audiovisual Institute of France is used to isolate the musical content from the broadcasts. Then, the audio analysis library librosa converts these segments into spectral data, providing insights into timbre, key, and tempo. The results are presented using Principal Component Analysis (PCA) visualisations. These visualisations employ dimension reduction to represent the relationships between audio segments in a Euclidean space, with the proximity of nodes indicating similarity between data points. Even though the PCA method has limitations, well-discussed in the methodological literature, it grants certain insight into the structure of the dataset (Jolliffe and Cadima). In essence the method uses two-dimensional space to plot the relationship between n-dimensional data objects. The implication is that the distance between each entry entails something about the general similarity between the features of these data points. Critical scholarship, like that of Johanna Drucker, has brought attention to the epistemological tendencies inherent in these standardised statistical methods. The PCA method was also at the centre of discussions concerning the general credibility of computational literary studies in 2019, and I here follow Andrew Piper’s conclusion that the limitations are less a reason to abandon ship, and more an encouragement to remain “skeptical” (11). Thus, it is a call for complementary and comparative approaches. In order to do this, my analysis also employs audio recognition tools to compare the feature elements of the data set. By comparing both these different levels of analysis, across yearly samples from the decade, the study traces the evolution of musical styles and formats, potentially relating them to wider technological, cultural, or sociopolitical shifts. Results Fig. 1: The distribution of observations from the years 1988, 1991, 1994, and 1999, arranged from the top right to the bottom left. For each year, around 1,000 songs from each channel were studied. Data from 1988 indicate that the popular music channel P3 had a somewhat broader distribution spectrum in its content than its more eclectic counterpart. Initially, this may seem counterintuitive, as one might expect the expanding range of classic and world music of P2 to exhibit greater sonic variety than a channel playing mainstream and popular music. A possible explanation for these results can be found in prior research. Musicologist Alf Björnberg has provided a detailed account of the musical content of Sveriges Radio. His narrative emphasises that P3 underwent a significant content shift during the 1980s. Throughout this decade, the channel began to accommodate artists and genres that had been marginalised in the expanding landscape of broadcast media for decades (320). While P2 was not without variation during this era, P3 experienced a more notable change, moving towards avant-garde rock and experimental electronic music. This shift reflects a broader trend in the radio landscape, where traditional boundaries of genre and style were increasingly blurred, allowing for more diverse and experimental sounds to emerge in mainstream channels. The visualisation of these data not only highlights these historical shifts but also provides a quantitative basis for understanding the evolution of musical trends and preferences within the radio broadcasting domain. Björnberg’s study, predominantly centred on playlists and textual documents, mainly focusses on the period up to the end of the 1980s. Shortly summarising the 1990s, Björnberg concludes that 'the effects of commercial competition were most noticeable for P3' (326), especially during the early years of this competition. The data reveal a surprising trend in this regard too. At first glance, it might appear that P3 is reducing its musical variety, which could be interpreted as a response to the new, more rigidly formatted radio landscape. However, this perception is an illusion created by the rescaling of graphs to accommodate P2's possibly drastic content expansion. When calculating the average distance between points in P3's data, it becomes evident that the variation remains within the same range, with a fluctuation of only 0.4. This figure contrasts with P2's distance, which increases from 34.2 to 46.7 between 1988 and 1994. Instead of P3 reducing its musical variety, it is P2 that broadens its musical offerings. This can be seen as a response to the identified issue. Sveriges Radio addressed the new competitive situation with two seemingly contradictory initiatives: seeking a unique sonic identity while emphasising "diversity with a quality signifier" (Björnberg). The developments in P2's data can be viewed as a concrete expression of this ambition to counter the entry of format radio with increased variation. These findings underscore the complexities and adaptive strategies in the broadcasting landscape, demonstrating how public broadcasters like Sveriges Radio navigated the challenges posed by commercial competition. By expanding and diversifying their musical content, channels like P2 showed a commitment to maintaining their relevance and appeal in a rapidly changing media environment. This study not only sheds light on the historical trajectory of Swedish radio but also offers broader insights into the dynamics of cultural adaptation and change within the media industry. However, it is crucial to understand what the analysis actually signifies – it is not an absolute statement about the variation in music, but rather an analysis based on a number of specific measures. The assessment of the musical content, as mentioned earlier, is based on the combined factors of tempo, key, and a simplified measure of timbre. These metrics are analytically recognised methods for categorising musical content and have been used in previous research to address genre variation (Bogdanov et al.). However, this does not necessarily mean that they provide a comprehensive understanding of how the music actually sounded. In the graphs above, the timbre data is represented by a median value. To more accurately capture the variation in the sound profile, it might be more appropriate to analyse a broader spectrum of frequency values. In the following graphs, values are compared over time across 13 different frequency bands, based on the first 30 seconds of each song. This refined approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the sonic domain. By examining a wider range of frequency values, the analysis can potentially reveal subtler shifts in the musical characteristics of the radio channels over time. This method acknowledges that while tempo, key, and timbre are significant, they are only part of a more complex auditory picture. By broadening the scope of analysis to include more detailed frequency data, a richer and more textured picture of the evolution of musical content on these radio stations emerges. This approach offers deeper insights into the intricate ways in which radio programming responds to and reflects broader musical trends and listener preferences. Fig. 2: The distribution of observations from 1988, 1991, 1994, and 1999, from the top right to the bottom left. This approach to measuring audio content results in a less dramatic visualisation, with no longer a clear dominance in the pace of development; instead, both channels undergo a similar process of differentiation. What we observe here is a form of channel profiling, where both channels progressively establish a more distinct sound profile. According to the definition by Hendy and Hagen, this type of channel characterisation can be considered in terms of formatting. What is revealed is an increase in channel self-similarity. However, this empirical examination of audio material suggests a nuanced understanding of formatting. On one hand, both channels, particularly P2, expand certain aspects of their music. Simultaneously, the sound profile becomes more distinctly framed for each channel. Understanding this stylistic evolution compels us to reflect on what self-similarity means on a perceptual level. While self-similarity as a mathematical concept does not require comparative data points from another source, this value means little for the listener's perceptual experience. The content coherence of a channel, in terms of experience, depends on a contrasting example. This contrast is precisely what the two music channels within Sveriges Radio offered during this period. Their musical profiles became clearer by sonically contrasting with each other. Under this broader channel similarity, certain characteristics, such as tempo and key, appear to have been able to vary more freely. Nonetheless, this profiling represents a type of complexity reduction – an increased predictability within the format's constraints. These conclusions offer an indication on how radio channels adapt and refine their identities over time, responding to both internal objectives and external competitive pressures. It underscores the dynamic nature of radio broadcasting, where channels continually evolve their formats to maintain relevance and listener engagement. The nuanced understanding of formatting and self-similarity provides valuable insights into the strategic decisions made by broadcasters in shaping their auditory content. Björnberg echoes Hagen and Hendy’s tendency to primarily criticise the lack of creativity in radio formats. However, his focus is specifically on a certain format – the 'adult contemporary' (Björnberg). Against this backdrop, a comparative study of the audio content of commercial alternatives would indeed be interesting. Unfortunately, due to the scarcity of preserved material, compiling a proportionate dataset for such a study is challenging. However, we can still contemplate the general content of 'adult contemporary' music. One speculative approach to addressing this question is to examine the instruments used in the music to see if they align with specific format descriptions. Such an analysis could provide further insight into how the PSB style is changing under the stakes of commercial competition. Fig. 3: Percentage distribution of instruments in sub-segments from the music content of P2 and P3 in the sample data from 1988. The results offer a potential explanation for the questions raised by the initial graphs in this study. While P2 shows some variation, there remains a, perhaps expected, focus on string instruments and the piano. P3, on the other hand, displays a wide mix of content. Notably, there is a relatively high presence of the accordion – an instrument that is as lauded as it is loved within the Swedish context. The instrument belongs to a longer tradition of popular music, encapsulating both certain folk music traditions, as well as ‘dansband’ tunes. Already by the onset of broadcasting, the accordion split the audiences right down the middle (Hadenius 76), and by the late 1960s, it was proclaimed a “dead” instrument (Björnberg 257). Here, my results highlight a certain perseverance of the instrument, speaking to the resilience of this sound. While the accordion may seem peripheral to the 1990s debates about radio formats, this example serves both as a reminder of the persistence of stylistic questions and their emotional charge. Therefore, it is instructive to study the instrument distribution in the final year of the sample data. Fig. 4: Percentage distribution of instruments in sub-segments from the music content of P2 and P3 in the sample data from 1999. The historical development has several interesting tendencies. Whilst the general distribution of instruments on P2 remains similar, P3 has witnessed significant changes. The previous sample displayed a wide variety of sounds with high distribution, albeit with guitar at the top. The data from 1999 have developed in a more guitar-centred direction. While this provides certain analytical depth to the previous stages of analysis, it might also give a clue into the more general question of format radio. The results demonstrate a tendency towards a clearer channel identity, with a more unified sound. Extending the interpretation, we can also consider the results in a scope of international research. Eric Weisbard, alongside other researchers like Saesha Senger, has extensively mapped the content of the top charts during the final decades of the twentieth century, revealing a clear direction towards synth music and guitar-driven rock during the 80s and 90s. Since we cannot study the actual content of commercial broadcasting in Sweden during this time, such historical references remain a promising second-degree comparison. In this perspective, P3 partly mirrors global trends, illustrating the station's responsiveness to changing listener preferences and the dynamic nature of music consumption. We are here engaged in classical historical work, piecing together fragments of data from different types of sources. Nevertheless, the results indicate how old traditions and global trends intermingle in the construction of a national format: a soundscape where accordions and guitars reverberate in parallel. Summary The investigation into SR’s channels P2 and P3 during the 1980s and 1990s reveals a nuanced understanding of radio formatting and its implications. Both channels exhibit idiosyncratic approaches that blend various musical styles to develop distinct channel identities within the context of format radio. While the channels have moved towards more predictable and structured formats, reminiscent of commercial radio, this has not led to an overall homogenisation of content. Instead, each channel has developed a unique version of formatting, and maintained its distinct identity while incorporating elements of structure and predictability. Finally, this matter runs up against an epistemological question which has fascinated sound scholars for some time. To create format radio is to create a sound in time that feels uniform. Philosophers and psychologists have long debated whether sounds can at all be understood as continuous perceptual phenomena, and what it means for a sound to be 'the same' over time (for example, Moles). If sonic uniformity is a scientific challenge already on the time scale of the second, then radiophonic flows introduce whole new complications and questions. Here it is no longer the similarity between two tones in flow, but day-long broadcast products to be understood under the same channel identity. This requires a shaping of sound at completely different scale. The empirical study of such challenges has only begun. References Ahlkvist, Jarl A., and Gene Fisher. "And the Hits Just Keep on Coming: Music Programming Standardization in Commercial Radio." Poetics 27.5-6 (2000): 301–325. Banerjee, Indrajit, and Kalinga Seneviratne. Public Service Broadcasting: A Best Practices Sourcebook. Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, 2005. Björnberg, Alf. Skval och harmoni: musik i radio och TV 1925-1995. Stockholm: Etermedierna i Sverige, 1998. Bogdanov, D., J. Serr, N. Wack, and P. Herrera. "From Low-Level to High-Level: Comparative Study of Music Similarity Measures." Proceedings of the IEEE International Symposium on Multimedia (ISM'09), International Workshop on Advances in Music Information Research (AdMIRe'09). 2009. 453-458. Doukhan, David, et al. "An Open-Source Speaker Gender Detection Framework for Monitoring Gender Equality." 2018 IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech and Signal Processing (ICASSP). IEEE, 2018. Drucker, Johanna. Visualization and Interpretation: Humanistic Approaches to Display, Cambridge: MIT P, 2020. Forsman, Michael. Lokalradio och kommersiell radio 1975-2010: en mediehistorisk studie av produktion och konkurrens. Diss. Stockholms Universitet, 2011. Hadenius, Stig. Kampen om monopolet: Sveriges radio och TV under 1900-talet. Stockholm: Prisma 1998. Hagen, Wolfgang. Das Radio: Zur Geschichte und Theorie des Hörfunks – Deutschland/USA. Das Radio. Paderborn: Brill Fink, 2005. Hedman, L. "Radio." In Mediesverige 2003, ed. U. Carlsson. Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2002. Hendy, David. Radio in the Global Age. Cambridge: Polity, 2003. Jolliffe, Ian T., and Jorge Cadima. "Principal Component Analysis: A Review and Recent Developments." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A 374 (2016). Juaert, Per. "Policy Development in Danish Radio Broadcasting 1980-2002: Layers, Scenarios and the Public Service Remit." In New Articulations of the Public Service Remit, eds. Gregory Ferrell Lowe and Taisto Hujanen. Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2003. McFee, B. et al. “Librosa: Audio and Music Signal Analysis in Python.” Proceedings of the 14th Python in Science Conference. 2015. 18-25. Moles, Abraham. Information Theory and Esthetic Perception. Trans. Joel E. Cohen. Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1966. Piper, Andrew. “Do We Know What We Are Doing?” Journal of Cultural Analytics 5.1 (2019). <https://doi.org/10.22148/001c.11826>. Stjernstedt, Fredrik. Från radiofabrik till mediehus: medieförändring och medieproduktion på MTG-radio. Örebro Universitet, 2013. Weisbard, Eric. Top 40 Democracy: The Rival Mainstreams of American music. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2014.

Juan Carlos Ramírez Figueroa cursa el Magister en Arte, Pensamiento y Cultura Latinoamericanos del Instituto de Estudios Avanzados de la Universidad de Santiago de Chile. Es periodista y diplomado en Redes Sociales de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, investigador y consultor digital independiente. Desde 2003 se ha desempeñado en medios como los diarios El Sur y Crónica de Concepción, La Estrella de Valparaíso, suplemento Ku de Medios Regionales, La Nación Domingo y The Clinic; las revistas Paula, Rockaxis y Capital; las radios Uno y Rock & Pop; y el canal Vía X. Ha sido crítico de pop-rock en Emol y Artes y Letras de El Mercurio, Editor de Cultura de La Segunda y fundador de LuchaLibro.cl. Obtuvo las becas Creación Literaria del Ministerio de Cultura de Chile (2017) y de la Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (2019). Es autor de Crash! Boom! Bang! Una teoría sobre la muerte del rock (2016). Actualmente es corresponsal en Chile del diario argentino Página/12 y creador del podcast Crash! Boom! Bang!: Conversando los (no) futuros tras la pandemia. Candelaria María Luque es Profesora en Historia por la Universidad Nacional de Luján (Argentina) y Maestra en Estudios Latinoamericanos por la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Su investigación de maestría abordó la experiencia del exilio de los músicos argentinos en México entre 1974 y 1983. Como docente, se ha desempeñado en nivel medio superior y ha coordinado investigaciones sobre historia reciente y memoria. Ha realizado seminarios sobre estética, filosofía y arte, y apreciación cinematográfica. Su más reciente publicación es “La clase en la calle: los docentes argentinos y la lucha por la defensa del salario” en Movimientos. Revista Mexicana de Estudios de los Movimientos Sociales (2, 7-12/2017. Actualmente, se encuentra investigando sobre el exilio de músicos chilenos y uruguayos en México durante la década del setenta y ochenta. Josefina Lewin Velasco es Licenciada en Historia (2017) y en Estética (2020) por la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Ha trabajado como ayudante de cátedra de los cursos “Historia de Chile Contemporáneo” (UC) y “Música Popular en América Latina” (UC-UAH) y actualmente asiste al profesor Jorge Rojas en el proyecto FONDECYT “La experiencia del Partido Comunista en la oposición durante el gobierno de Gabriel González Videla, 1947-1952.” Sus investigaciones recientes exploran las relaciones entre arte y política en el escenario chileno del siglo XX, aunque ha publicado sobre temáticas diversas vinculadas a la historia del arte y la cultura visual. Otras de sus áreas de interés en investigación son los estudios de la recepción de los textos y las imágenes y el análisis de los discursos sociales del arte.Alejandro Gana Núñez es Sociólogo por la Universidad de Chile y Master en Desarrollo Urbano de la Universidad IUAV de Venecia, Italia. Es investigador en temas de historia urbana, patrimonio inmaterial y expresiones culturales festivas. Ha participado en investigaciones sobre transformaciones urbanas y culturales en barrios centrales aplicando metodologías de investigación social y herramientas geomáticas, e incorporando además una perspectiva histórica. Ha realizado también docencia en investigación social y sociología urbana. Fue director y autor de la agrupación musical-teatral y carnavalesca Murga Kiltra entre 2015 y 2020, y coordinador del evento Carnaval de Coplas en 2019. En el marco de su trabajo de investigación sobre el carnaval en Valparaíso realizó la exposición visual “Carnavales históricos en Valparaíso”, y es coordinador del Congreso de Carnaval desde 2019, donde ha presentado las ponencias: “Carnaval y murga a principios del siglo XX en Valparaíso” (2019) y “La murga como herramienta de expresión oral carnavalesca” (2020).Nelson Rodríguez Vega cursa el Doctorado en Artes de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, y es becario de doctorado de la Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo. Es Magíster en Artes mención Musicología por la Universidad de Chile; profesor de Música y Licenciado en Educación por la Universidad de Concepción de Chile; y Diplomado en Estética y Filosofía por la P. Universidad Católica de Chile. Su línea de investigación se enfoca en el estudio del rap/hip-hop chileno. También se interesa por el desarrollo de escenas de música extranjera durante el período de la dictadura militar en Chile, las prácticas y recepción de la música adolescente-juvenil, como también el despliegue de las denominadas músicas urbanas. Es miembro de la Sociedad Chilena de Musicología (SChM), de la Rama Latinoamericana de la Asociación Internacional para el Estudio de la Música Popular (IASPM-AL), e integra el grupo de estudio etnomusicológico ICTM-Chile.Humberto Junqueira é bacharel em música pela Universidade do Estado de Minas Gerais, mestre em música pela Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais e doutorando em cotutela de tese pela École des Hautes Études em Sciences Sociales (Paris) e Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Atuou como professor na Fundação de Educação Artística em Belo Horizonte (2007-2015), na Universidade Federal de Ouro Preto (2009-2011 e 2016-2018) e Universidade do Estado de Minas Gerais (2012- 2015). Ministrou palestras e oficinas dedicadas a públicos diversos. Como músico realizou concertos, recitais e shows no Brasil e no exterior. Possui textos publicados em anais de eventos e revistas da área de música, e seus principais temas de interesse são: estética, música popular, etnomusicologia e performance. Elia Romera-Figueroa cursa un doctorado en la Universidad de Duke, y es becaria del Instituto de Ética Kenan y del Instituto de Humanidades John Hope Franklin –donde es miembro del Laboratorio de Movimientos Sociales dirigido por Michael Hardt y Sandro Mezzadra–. Su tesis doctoral propone ampliar los estudios de la canción de autor/a, desde los estudios de género y los estudios de sonido. Recientemente, ha publicado en Status Quaestionis un artículo sobre posmemoria en la música contemporánea, “Voiced Postmemories: Rozalén’s ‘Justo’ as a Case Study of Singing, Performing and Experiencing Reparation in Spain” (2020). También ha escrito un capítulo titulado “Voces de mujeres en el largo 68: Cantautoras y represión estudiantil en Chile y España” en el libro Devenires de un acontecimiento: Mayo del 68 cincuenta años después (Editorial Cenaltes). Manoel R. C. Martins. Licenciado em História pela Universidade Estadual Júlio de Mesquita Filho, UNESP (2018). Atualmente é Mestrando em História pela Universidade Federal de São Paulo, UNIFESP. Tem interesse nas áreas de história cultural, história da cultura brasileira, sociologia marxista, história da historiografia, com enfoque nos seguintes temas: realidade brasileira, música popular, indústria fonográfica, rádio e imprensa. Trabalha como conselheiro no corpo editorial da Revista Hydra da UNIFESP e professor de Ciências Sociais na Faculdade Eduvale de Avaré.Francisco Melgar Wong es Licenciado en Filosofía y estudiante de la Maestría en Musicología de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (PUCP). Desarrolla su tesis sobre la construcción de lo punk en el discurso historiográfico sobre el grupo peruano de rock Los Saicos, cuyo proyecto fue ganador del Fondo para Investigación PAIP 2019, otorgado por la PUCP para el desarrollo y sustentación de tesis de maestría. Ha trabajado como periodista y crítico musical para el diario El Comercio y diversas revistas peruanas. Actualmente termina un libro sobre los 50 discos esenciales del rock peruano para la editorial Penguin Random House.Luis Pérez Valero es compositor, musicólogo, director de orquesta, docente y productor musical y doctorando en música por la Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina. Posee un máster universitario en música española e hispanoamericana por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid (2012), un magíster en música por la Universidad Simón Bolívar (2009) y una licenciatura en música, mención composición por IUDEM-UNEARTE (2005). Como investigador ha publicado los libros Producción musical. Pedagogía e investigación en artes (UArtes Ediciones, 2020) y El discurso tropical. Industrias culturales y producción musical (UArtes Ediciones, 2018), así como artículos en diversas revistas arbitradas. Como compositor su obra es publicada y distribuida por la editorial estadounidense Cayambis Music Press. Actualmente es docente e investigador de la Universidad de las Artes del Ecuador en Guayaquil. Este número fue arbitrado por Adalberto Paranhos, Agustín Ruiz, Alcor Pickett, Angélica Adorni, Aníbal Fuentealba, David Spener, Deise L. Oliveira Montardo, Diosnio Machado Neto, Edmundo Mendes, Egberto Bermúdez, Ignacia Cortés, Jaime Camilo Ramírez, Javier Rodríguez, Josh Brown, Karen Donoso, Lucio Carnicer, Paulo Paranhos, Pedro Mendonça, Renato Borges, Rodrigo Arrey, Sergio de los Santos y Simón Palominos.

Luis Pérez Valero es doctorando en música por la Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina “Santa María de los Buenos Aires”; Máster universitario en música española e hispanoamericana (Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2012); Magister en música (Universidad Simón Bolívar, 2009); Licenciado en música mención composición (Instituto Universitario de Estudios Musicales-UNEARTE, 2005). Sus investigaciones giran en torno al análisis de la música popular, la producción musical, estética de la grabación, entre otros. Ha publicado en diversas revistas académicas artículos de investigación en musicología para la producción musical y en artes. Ha publicado los libros El discurso tropical. Producción musical e industrias culturales (2018) y coautor de Producción musical. Pedagogía e investigación en artes (2020). Es compositor asociado a Cayambis Music Press. Actualmente se desempeña como docente, investigador y coordinador de la Unidad de Titulación en la Escuela de Artes Sonoras de la Universidad de las Artes, Carrera de Producción Musical. Juan Diego Parra Valencia tiene un PhD en Filosofía, especialista en literatura y músico. Docente-Investigador de la Facultad de Artes y Humanidades del Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano de Medellín. Ensayista y escritor con diversos artículos en áreas de filosofía, estética, arte, filosofía de la técnica, semiótica, cine y música. Ganador del Premio Nacional de Periodismo Simón Bolívar por el trabajo investigativo en el reportaje documental Cuando el chucu-chucu se vistió de frac (2014). Director y coguionista del documental Paparí. El pionero del rock tropical (2018). Publicaciones sobre música: El libro de la Cumbia. Resonancias, transferencias y transplantes de las cumbias latinoamericanas (2019-autor/compilador); Deconstruyendo el chucu-chucu. Auges, declives y resurrecciones de la música tropical colombiana (2017); Arqueología del chucu-chucu. La revolución sonora tropical urbana antioqueña. Medellín, años 60 y 70 (2014), Afrosound acústico para dúo de guitarras. Tramas y urdimbres de la interpretación clásica en el rock tropical colombiano (2020-coautor) Mónica Alexandra Herrera Colorado es Magíster en Artes Digitales del Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano, Licenciada en Música de la Universidad de Antioquia. Músico y cantante desde hace más de 20 años en diferentes agrupaciones musicales, además tiene estudios técnicos en música, Tecnóloga en Informática Musical de Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano de Medellín y Administradora de empresas Agropecuarias. Nacida en Caldas Antioquia, Colombia. Ha participado en diferentes seminarios y asociaciones como ponente de investigaciones en temas relacionados con el análisis expresivo de la voz de la mujer y el canto de la música tropical colombiana. Actualmente es docente en el área de música del Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano. Juan Francisco Sans es Doctor en Humanidades, Magister Scientiarum en Musicología Latinoamericana y Licenciado en Artes de la Universidad Central de Venezuela, Profesor Ejecutante de Piano de la Escuela de Música Juan Manuel Olivares, y Maestro Compositor del Conservatorio Nacional de Música Juan José Landaeta en Caracas. Ha publicado cuatro libros, 60 artículos en revistas especializadas y capítulos en libros monográficos, 35 ediciones críticas de partituras, 13 discos compactos como productor, pianista y compositor. Ha ganado diversos premios y reconocimientos como compositor, ejecutante y musicólogo. Es profesor titular de la Universidad Central de Venezuela. Desde hace dos años y medio se desempeña como profesor-investigador en el Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano de Medellín. Ana María Díaz-Pinto es doctoranda en Etnomusicología por la Universidad de California, Davis y Licenciada en Música mención Musicología por la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Ha sido merecedora de la Beca del Rector en Artes, Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales para estudios doctorales de su casa de estudios y ha presentado sus trabajos académicos en conferencias organizadas por sociedades como IASPM-AL, Sociedad Chilena de Musicología y Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología, entre otras. Sus intereses de investigación se relacionan con la música popular latinoamericana, cultura juvenil, performance y movimiento. Macarena Robledo-Thompson cursa el Magíster en Artes mención Música por la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile y Licenciada en Música mención Musicología por la misma casa de estudios. Es becaria ANID para Magíster Nacional y se ha desempeñado como asistente de investigación en proyectos FONDECYT y como ayudante de cátedra en el Instituto de Música de la PUC, de forma paralela a su trabajo como anotadora de programas en instituciones culturales. Sus principales intereses de investigación tienen relación con la música en Chile y Latinoamérica, específicamente los ámbitos relativos a la música y género y los estudios sobre ópera y voz. Paula Cristina Vilas es cantora, trabajadora vocal e investigadora. Profesora de la Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, Departamento de Humanidades y Artes, y Maestría en Estéticas Latinoamericanas Contemporáneas. Es docente de Canto Colectivo I y II Escuela de Música Popular de Avellaneda y Escuela de Arte de Florencio Varela, provincia de Buenos Aires. Es Doctora en Artes Escénicas por la Universidad Federal de Bahía, Brasil con tesis y realización escénica centradas en la voz entre la etnografía y el trabajo vocal en escena. Realizó estudios en el Departamento de Etnomusicología de la Escuela de Antropología e Historia, México DF. Ha sido profesora visitante del Instituto de Arte de la Universidad de Brasilia y ha dictado seminarios en la Maestría en Arte Latinoamericano de Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Coordinó el grupo de investigación Voces y Vocalidades del Instituto de Investigación en Etnomusicología de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Ha publicado artículos, capítulos de libros y libros en coautoría; realizó conciertos, registros fonográficos y algunas producciones audiovisuales. María Pía Latorre es musicoterapeuta egresada de la Universidad del Salvador, Buenos Aires, y docente en el Instituto Vocacional de Arte “José Manuel de Labardén”, dependiente del Ministerio de Cultura de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires. Coordina talleres de Canto y Técnica Vocal para estudiantes de música y teatro. Se ha desempeñado como adjunta en el grupo de Investigación Voces y Vocalidades del Instituto de Investigación en Etnomusicología, del Ministerio de Cultura de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires y en los en seminarios: Voces y Vocalidades, Voces y técnicas en perspectiva de la vocalidad (2011- 2016) y proyectos de Investigación (2013-2016) coordinados por la Dra. Paula Vilas, con quien también ha presentado ponencias y talleres en congresos (UNNE, EMPA). Como cantante ha realizado diversas presentaciones y grabaciones y actualmente es integrante de Comando Pampero, trío de estilos pampeanos y milongas. Gabriela Mariana Castelli es Directora del Centro Fonoaudiológico Fonoar de la ciudad de La Plata y docente de la Tecnicatura en Fonoaudiología ISFDyT9 Es Doctoranda de la Universidad del Museo Social Argentino, UMSA y licenciada en Fonoaudiología por la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, entrenada en Voz, con formación de postgrado en Análisis Acústico de la Voz. Es cantante y compositora de canciones. Maria Virginia Zangroniz es Licenciada en Fonoaudiología por la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, entrenada en Voz y actriz de la Escuela de Teatro de La Plata. Integró la comisión de Voz del Colegio de Fonoaudiólogos de Buenos Aires, La Plata, y fue profesora de su posgrado en Voz profesional. Fue profesora titular de Eufonía y Educación vocal en la Licenciatura en Fonoaudiología, UCALP. Es docente a cargo de materias de Voz y Trabajo vocal, profesora del curso Una voz libre, formación de posgrado para docentes universitarios de la UNAJ, Florencio Varela. Profesora invitada de la Facultad de Medicina y Ciencias de la Salud de la Universidad de Barcelona; la Facultad de Trabajo Social, Universidad Nacional de La Plata; la Diplomatura en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, Universidad Nacional de San Martín; y del proyecto de extensión “Más y más voces trans”, Universidad Nacional de San Luis. Es concurrente ad honorem desde el 2013 al Hospital “Dr. Ricardo Gutiérrez” de La Plata, integra el Equipo de atención de la Salud Integral de la Diversidad Sexual. Trabaja en el acompañamiento en la transición vocal de personas trans. Marcelo Fabián Martínez es músico, compositor y artista sonoro. Licenciado en Composición con Medios Electroacústicos por la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, UNQ, es también clarinetista por el Conservatorio Nacional de Música “Carlos López Buchardo” y técnico en electrónica. Desde el año 2001 se dedica a realizar música original, diseño sonoro y puesta sonora para espectáculos escénicos y audiovisuales en festivales de arte de diversos países: Chile, Uruguay, Brasil, Colombia, México, Cuba, Canadá, Polonia, Holanda, Francia, España, Bélgica, Alemania y Argentina.Como docente, se desarrolla en el Área Transdepartamental de Artes Multimediales, y en la Especialización en Teatro de Objetos de la Universidad Nacional de las Artes; en el Conservatorio Superior de Música de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires y en la Maestría en Arte Sonoro, (UNQ). Como docente investigador integra proyectos en la UNQ y en la UNA. Actualmente es director y profesor de la carrera “Producción Musical y Nuevas Tecnologías” de la UNQ. Liliana Toledo es doctoranda en Historia y Etnomusicología por la Universidad de Arizona, Maestra en Historia especializada en la historia cultural del México posrevolucionario y licenciada en Música. En sus tesis de maestría estudió el proyecto de educación musical rural de las Misiones Culturales. De 2010 a 2017 fue investigadora del CENIDIM, donde clasificó, describió y organizó el Archivo Histórico. Sus artículos han sido publicados en dos ocasiones en la Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History. Entre 2016-2020 fue parte del proyecto del CIESAS La razón cultural en el capitalismo contemporáneo. Un análisis comparativo sobre las representaciones y los estereotipos culturales en México y América Latina, auspiciado por el CONACYT. Los trabajos derivados de este proyecto fueron publicados en 2019 y 2020 en los volúmenes Cultura en venta 1 y 2, publicados por Random House. Se interesa en temas de género, migración y nacionalismo. Lorena Ardito Aldana es doctoranda en Estudios Latinoamericanos por la Universidad de Chile y Docente asociada de la Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano. Es música y tiene un magíster en Estudios Latinoamericanos de la UNAM. Ha desarrollado investigaciones y proyectos culturales sobre música, carnavales, afrodescendencia, género y derechos colectivos, e integrado diversas agrupaciones musicales y carnavaleras, así como colectivos de investigación interdisciplinaria. Actualmente es parte de la Escuela de Artes Comunitarias y Carnavaleras “La Remolino”, la Colectiva Tiesos pero Cumbiancheros, la Cooperativa T´ikana Ediciones, el Núcleo Kuriche, la Red Chilena de Estudios Afrodescendientes y el Festival de Marimbas Tradicionales Chile. Coordina junto a Mauricio Fidel Camacho el proyecto web La Caracola, dedicado a compilar y divulgar el legado de la maestra, intelectual, activista y folclorista afrocolombiana Alicia Camacho Garcés, y produce el Programa radial comunitario online Cultoras, junto a la percusionista chilena Karen Gómez. César Puentes Arcos es sociólogo de la Universidad de Chile y Magíster en Educación en la Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano. Desarrolló tareas de asesor para la Agencia de Calidad de la Educación y el Programa Interdisciplinario de Investigación en Educación. Desarrolla asesorías organizacionales con visión sistémica de integralidad. Además se desempeña como gestor cultural en el área del carnaval y la música popular. Actualmente trabaja como asesor educacional en innovación para la calidad y mediación de conflictos además de realizar gestión territorial desde una concepción participativa. Marisol García es periodista independiente, Premio Pulsar 2019 al Fomento de la Música y el Patrimonio. Cursa un magíster en Arte, Pensamiento y Cultura Latinoamericanos en el instituto IDEA-USACh. Mantiene desde 1995 un constante trabajo de colaboración en diarios, revistas y radios en escritura, entrevistas e investigación sobre canción popular, y ha desarrollado el mismo tema en encargos para documentales, libros y exposiciones en museos y bibliotecas. Consultora de bandas sonoras de cine chileno –Una mujer fantástica y Gloria, entre otras–. Es coeditora del sitio enciclopédico MusicaPopular.cl y parte del equipo que anualmente organiza el Festival IN-EDIT Chile, dedicado al cine y documental musical mundial. Es autora de los libros Canción valiente. 1960-1989. Tres décadas de canto social y político en Chile (Premio Municipal 2014 a la Mejor Investigación Periodística), Llora, corazón. El latido de la canción cebolla (Premio Pulsar 2018 a la Mejor Publicación Musical Literaria), Claudio Arrau (Finalista Premio Municipal 2020, en Género Referencial) y Lucho Gatica (2019). Además, ha editado libros sobre Violeta Parra, Los Jaivas, Osvaldo Gitano Rodríguez y Panteras Negras. Ricardo Salton ejerce la crítica y el periodismo musical en la ciudad de Buenos Aires; actualmente en la revista Noticias, el diario La Nación y Radio Nacional Clásica. Por décadas, fue el redactor sobre música popular del diario Ámbito Financiero. Además, trabaja en gestión cultural y, actualmente, en el Ministerio de Cultura nacional, como productor artístico y programador de elencos nacionales. Recibió los premios Konex y José Arverás por su labor periodística. Es Licenciado en Musicología por la Universidad Católica Argentina. Su área es la música popular y, en especial, el tango. Fue investigador del Instituto Nacional de Musicología Carlos Vega. Ejerció la docencia en distintas universidades del país. Publicó artículos en revistas académicas y presentó artículos en congresos y conferencias de musicología. Fue uno de los redactores sobre música popular argentina para el Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana. Nelson Rodríguez Vega es doctorando en Artes mención Música –modalidad investigación– por la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Es Profesor de Música y Licenciado en Educación por la Universidad de Concepción de Chile. Es Magíster en Artes mención Musicología por la Universidad de Chile. Actualmente. Es Becario de la Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo/Programa de Becas/Beca de Doctorado Nacional 21200805. También posee un diplomado en Estética y Filosofía por la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Se especializa en el estudio del rap/hip-hop chileno atendiendo problemáticas relativas a la identidad, práctica musical, influencia de la industria cultural y autenticidad. Su actual tesis de doctorado se centra en la emergencia del freestyle o batallas de gallos en Chile, una performance del hip-hop que basa en los duelos de improvisación. Ha publicado artículos y reseñas de libros, preferentemente sobre hip-hop, en revistas académicas chilenas y extranjeras. Este número fue arbitrado por Alejandro Gana, Carolina Santa María, Enrique Cámara, Fernanda Vera, Javier Silva, Jordi Tercero Bustamante, Juan Carlos Poveda, Julio Arce, Leonardo Díaz, Lizette Alegre, Natalia Bieletto, Nayive Ananías, Omar García Brunelli, Pablo Alabarces, Paloma Martin, Sebastián Muñoz, Silvia Martínez y Soledad Venegas.