Journal articles on the topic 'Pontian Greeks'

Children tend to express themselves in detail through the design activity since they greatly lack linguistic and verbal competence. In the present study, we gathered and analyzed the drawings of elementary school students, aged 8-12, (total num = 110) to explore their views and thoughts for the Pontian Greeks as refugees. The drawings were collected during their visit to a multi-themed exhibition regarding the culture of the Black Sea and they were analyzed based on their content. The results show that children approach the Pontian Greek refugees with sensitivity and empathy, while gender and origin influence the presence of cultural elements and symbols that refer to the Pontian Greek Genocide and the exile that followed.

Ongoing research has demonstrated that culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students may be disproportionately represented among students with learning disabilities (LDs). The main aim of this research was to identify groups of CLD students at risk for LDs using the achievement criterion. To that end, 158 students participated in the current research: 78 Greeks and 80 Pontian Greeks from the former Soviet Union (Greek FSU-Pontian). Research findings indicated that the use of the achievement criterion alone is inadequate to accurately identify a student being at risk for LDs, given that CLD students’ language competence and achievement are low mainly due to their bilingualism and that language acquisition competence is positively associated to language achievement. Professional judgments based on psychoeducational evaluation data are used to classify a student as having a LD. Professional judgment is presented as a possible explanation for the disproportionate representation of CLD students among students with LDs.

AbstractCaesar’s speech Pro Bithynis is usually considered to be an expression of the positive relationships between Caesar and the Kingdom of Bithynia. The context in which the speech was delivered is, however, unclear.By means of a lexical analysis of the two extant fragments of the Pro Bithynis, this paper aims at providing a new interpretation of the speech and its historical background. Caesar probably delivered the speech not immediately after King Nicomedes’s death – as commonly accepted – but after the Roman siege of Heraclea Pontica, when the proconsul M. Aurelius Cotta, Caesar’s propinquus, was accused of having sacked the city.As had already happened in Macedonia (thanks to Dolabella’s prosecution) and in Greece (Caesar represented some Greeks in a process against C. Antonius around 79 BC), the Bithynian affair represented a further occasion for Caesar to win over friends and allies among foreign communities.

The Pontian Monkey Goby,Neogobius fluviatilis (Pallas, 1814), was recorded for the first time in Greece in August 2011. Eight specimens were collected in the Greek-Turkish section of the Evros River, 65 kilometers upstream of its river-mouth. Although the species has been recently discovered in the Tundza, a tributary of the Evros in Bulgaria, it has never before been found in the Evros’ main stem. Although the lower Evros has been poorly researched by ichthyologists, it is unlikely that a conspicuous medium-sized fish would go unnoticed in this river; and, it is therefore suggested to be a probable alien. However, since the Evros basin has had geological connections to the Marmara Sea and Black Sea in the past and it is immediately adjacent to native populations of N. fluviatilis, the species status is categorized as questionable until genetic and morphological studies are completed.

The paper proposes to comprehend a small fragment of a Greek inscription of roman times, the image of which was published by S.Yu. Saprykin & N.F. Fedoseev in 2010, as a concluding part of a poetic epitaph.

The genus Fritillaria is represented in Greece by 31 taxa, more than a half of which are endemic to the country. This is the first report studying the seed morphology of this genus in Greece, in an attempt to prove its taxonomic importance. Seeds from 59 Greek populations, representing 25 taxa have been studied concerning 11 morphological parameters. All examined taxa have numerous seeds per capsule that are flat and characterised by the presence of a peripheral wing. Their shape is ovate to widely ovate-triangular, with the exception of F. epirotica which is more hemispherical. The smallest seeds of all studied taxa belong to F. montana. The morphometric data, along with the multivariate analysis (PCA) and paired t-tests, can lead to interesting conclusions concerning the taxonomic relationships among several taxa. For example, taxa currently considered as synonyms, like F. sporadum within F. ehrhartii and F. theophrastii within F. pontica are found statistically different concerning seed morphology. On the other hand, taxonomically well distinct taxa, such as F. ionica subsp. thessala, F. graeca, and F. messanensis subsp. gracilis, share similar seed morphology. Finally, the two—very similar—subspecies of Fritillaria obliqua share the same seed features, rising again questions upon their taxonomic distinctiveness.

The subject of this research proposal concerns the gender representations of women in the border town of Goumenissa, a regional unit of Kilkis in Greece, as these representations are constructed on their speech. Goumenissa has been a meeting place of different origin communities, such as local, Pontiac and east Rumelia populations, after the Turco-Greek exchange of populations in Greek national history during the 1920s.The aim of this on-site research is to investigate and map out the status of the refugee and local women of Goumenissa, in years of turbulence and intensity. The research questions concern three basic thematic units: House working - Working outside, the house - Education/family constraints. What is their insight into family relationships, tradition, education and participation in production? How did they define themselves and were defined by others throughout the historical and social conditions? What kind of imprints did these conditions leave on them? How do they continue today? This on-site historical research was based on individual or group interviews and on professional filmmaking in the area of Goumenissa by the two educators Kiouzepi & Kavallari. The outcome-deliverable has been a historical documentary based on the primary original material coming from the women’s interviews that could be used as a multimodal material within an interdisciplinary approach in teaching social subjects. The theoretical axes of the research are the history of gaze, the cultural studies, the socio-semiotics and the expansion of sources in the local and oral historiography.

Abstract An inscription from Heraclea Pontica recording the names of victors in competitions in the city's gymnasium provides a glimpse into the activity and ideology of its citizen training system in the Roman period. Unusually for the time, several of the competitions are military in nature. In this article I present a new restoration of the text, which removes several anomalies in the published version, and explore the text's implications for our understanding of the later Greek ephebate.

The main aim of this paper is to illustrate human–nature relations from a comparative study of the contexts of later Merleau-Ponty and the Zhuangzi. I argue that the Zhuangzi has its own phenomenology of the natural world, which is worth comparing to Merleau-Pontian later phenomenology. To compare the arguments on human–nature relations in the contexts of later Merleau-Ponty and the Zhuangzi in detail, first, I briefly compare the cultural philosophies of nature in ancient Greece and China and their possible influences on our contemporary understanding of nature. Second, I compare the concept of “flesh” of Merleau-Ponty with the concept of “vital energy” in the Zhuangzi and point out the main roles of these concepts in their respective theories of the natural world. Third, I use the “reversibility thesis” created by Merleau-Ponty to analyze the ontological significance of illness in the arguments of Merleau-Ponty and the Zhuangzi. Fourth, inspired by Merleau-Pontian and Zhuangzian ideas about language and expression, I expound on a view of illness as a primordial language of nature and its possible role in mediating human–nature relations. Ultimately, I conclude that the comparative study of thoughts on human–nature relations in the literatures of later Merleau-Ponty and the Zhuangzi can help us reconsider and readjust our main attitudes toward nature, illness and nonhuman beings in the contemporary postpandemic era.

AbstractThe Struma (Kraištid) Lineament is a part of a fault belt of regional importance. It strikes NNW-SSE and cuts through different Alpine tectonic zones along the whole Balkan Peninsula. Normal and strike-slip faults occurred in environments of extension and graben formation during collapse after or between collision epochs in the Palaeogene and Early Neogene, and in a back-arc extensional environment during the neotectonic (end of Middle Miocene-Quaternary) stage. The last Alpine compression phase occurred in the beginning of the Miocene, and Early-Middle Miocene planation formed the initial peneplain. New intense faulting marked the beginning of the neotectonic stage (Late Badenian), and the neotectonic development, including sedimentation, proceeded in four regional macrocycles: Badenian-Sarmatian; Maeotian; Pontian-Dacian; and Eopleistocene-Pleistocene. The neotectonic development was marked by formation of the Serbo-Macedonian Swell as well as by rifting (the Vardar and Struma rifts).

The new stratigraphic data and tectonic evolution of the Late Miocene-Quaternary basins developed in Eastern Albania are presented. The reviewed stratigraphic data for deposits filling the Ohrid, Prespa and Devolli basins show that they began to form in Late Miocene. The stratigraphic evidences from eastern Albania are confronted with the stratigraphic data from the lake basins in western North Macedonia and northwestern Greece that all show the same age of infilling. The Cenozoic tectonic evolution of Eastern Albania consists of two phases of extensional deformations, the first in Middle Eocene-Late Miocene (Pannonian/Tortonian) and the second starting in Late Miocene (Pontian s. l.). The two phases are separated by a short compressive phase at the Late Miocene (end of Pannonian/Tortonian) or pre-Pontian s. l. time. In Late Miocene (Pontian) began forming the system of the Ohrid, Prespa and Devolli basins developed along the Drini fault zone. The Korça, Kolonja, Kukesi and Tropoja basins began to form since Pliocene and the Peshkopi Basin since Early Pleistocene. Finally, only the Ohrid and Prespa lakes are still active. The Late Miocene-Pleistocene basins were filled by lacustrine, lacustrine-fluvial and terrestrial sediments of the great thickness and of varied lithology: conglomerates, gravels, sandstones, sands, claystone and marls with lignite seams. Molluscs, microflora and flora, ostracods and vertebrates are found. The Lake Ohrid is a tectonically active graben formed during two main phases of deformation: (1) a trans-tensional phase which generated a pull-apart basin, and (2) an extensional phase which leads to its present geometry. All basins in Eastern Albania are situated in a basin and range-like (graben and horst) geodynamical setting. The inferred stratigraphic and tectonic evolution of Late Miocene-Quaternary basins in Eastern Albania as well as the relief formation and thermochronological data show that the Late Miocene-Quaternary period which led to the recent geological structure of Albania and its rapid relief formation, can be accepted as ‘Neotectonic period’.

The new stratigraphic data and tectonic evolution of the Late Miocene-Quaternary basins developed in Eastern Albania are presented. The reviewed stratigraphic data for deposits filling the Ohrid, Prespa and Devolli basins show that they began to form in Late Miocene. The stratigraphic evidences from eastern Albania are confronted with the stratigraphic data from the lake basins in western North Macedonia and northwestern Greece that all show the same age of infilling. The Cenozoic tectonic evolution of Eastern Albania consists of two phases of extensional deformations, the first in Middle Eocene-Late Miocene (Pannonian/Tortonian) and the second starting in Late Miocene (Pontian s. l.). The two phases are separated by a short compressive phase at the Late Miocene (end of Pannonian/Tortonian) or pre-Pontian s. l. time. In Late Miocene (Pontian) began forming the system of the Ohrid, Prespa and Devolli basins developed along the Drini fault zone. The Korça, Kolonja, Kukesi and Tropoja basins began to form since Pliocene and the Peshkopi Basin since Early Pleistocene. Finally, only the Ohrid and Prespa lakes are still active. The Late Miocene-Pleistocene basins were filled by lacustrine, lacustrine-fluvial and terrestrial sediments of the great thickness and of varied lithology: conglomerates, gravels, sandstones, sands, claystone and marls with lignite seams. Molluscs, microflora and flora, ostracods and vertebrates are found. The Lake Ohrid is a tectonically active graben formed during two main phases of deformation: (1) a trans-tensional phase which generated a pull-apart basin, and (2) an extensional phase which leads to its present geometry. All basins in Eastern Albania are situated in a basin and range-like (graben and horst) geodynamical setting. The inferred stratigraphic and tectonic evolution of Late Miocene-Quaternary basins in Eastern Albania as well as the relief formation and thermochronological data show that the Late Miocene-Quaternary period which led to the recent geological structure of Albania and its rapid relief formation, can be accepted as ‘Neotectonic period’.

This article explores Pontano’s funerary tempietto in Naples as a building in which inscribed text supplants the public functions normally accomplished through figural art. According special attention to the twelve sententiae which form the bulk of the exterior inscriptions – the facciate parlanti – the author highlights the uniqueness of placing a collection of ancient maxims on public display and demonstrates how Pontano’s printed gallery actively promotes dialogue with its visitors, embracing conversation, exchange and, ultimately, introspection as much as it celebrates the virtues of the deceased. While all of the sententiae draw from ancient literature and are consonant with Pontano’s moral treatises, only one, “know yourself” derives from the facade of a known building: the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. Combined with the chapel’s physical source in a Greek-styled freestanding cenotaph for Herodes Atticus’ wife, Anna Regilla, on the Via Appia, such a conceptual source from ancient Greek thought underscores the Greek, Socratic, Neoplatonic, conversational, and communicative contexts in which Pontano desired his tempietto to be read.

The earliest building phase in Olbia, Borysthenes and the settlements of the Olbian chora is represented by primitive dugouts, carved in the underground. Around the last quarter of the 6th century BC the dugouts in Olbia were replaced with above round houses, with a square plan and adobe walls, also cut in the clay subsoil at different depths. These houses appeared simultaneously with the new regular city planning system, implemented at Olbia a short time later than at Borysthenes. Similar houses from the same period are also known to have existed in Histria. This situation demonstrates an idea about the common manner of spatial and urban development of the Greek colonies in the late Archaic – early Classical era North-Western Pontic region.

The idea of ​​this very formulation of the topic arose under the influence of the words of Pope Benedict XVI, which he made in his message to the participants of the International Conference "The Second Vatican Council: Perspectives of the Third Millennium" held in Peru in 2006. The Pontiff called the Cathedral the most important church event of the 20th century and called for the correct interpretation of its documents. They have "the source of genuine renewal", which can be used to answer the challenges of the Church and humanity in the Third Millennium1. A similar opinion was expressed in his interview and about. Michael Dymid: "It is possible to evaluate the documents, that is, the" transfer "of the Council, when we analyze how their" reception "took place.

This paper is preliminary review of a small collection of graffiti from the latest excavations on the western outskirts of Olbia Pontica (the so-called «suburbs») in 2015—2020, and their introduction into scientific circulation. The excavations were conducted by the Olbia International Archaeological Expedition led by A. V. Bujskikh as the part of Ukrainian-German multidisciplinary project (co-directors A. V. Bujskikh and J. Fornasier). The researches on the suburbs were headed by A. G. Kuzmischev and J. Fornasier. Over six years of research in various cultural strata and in the fillings of half-dugouts, pits and other objects more than 50 graffiti have been found, inscribed mainly on the fragments of Attic black-lacquered tableware of the 5th—4th centuries BC. Emphasis is placed on determining the main types of inscriptions and their features. Regardless of the year and location of discovery they are divided into five groups: A. Abbreviated anthroponyms or individual words; B. Initials of proper names or one-letter marks; C. Graffiti on treated ostracons; D. Various digital signs and records; E. Graffiti of unclear meaning. The collection under study significantly supplemented the source base of the small epigraphy of the Olbia polis. However, no original, rare and to some extent important informative inscriptions which were recorded in temenos, residential neighborhoods, in some settlements and in Borisfen have been found yet here. In addition the damage of many graffiti makes impossible to interpret them reliably. In no one case we could identify reliably the inscriptions dedicated to any deities. Instead, the large number of abbreviated names and initials of the owners of dishes coincides with a significant import of Attic black-lacquered ceramics in the life of the inhabitants of the suburbs in the 5th—4th centuries BC. Despite the relatively limited number, processed ostracons have replenished this category of Olbia votive finds by the original graffiti of magical significance. At the same time, the fact that in general in the suburbs is a lot of graffiti with digital markings which are most often attributed to traders, deserves special attention. Of course, in the future, all the graffiti from the suburbs need a more detailed visual study both as the fragments of ceramics and their exact professional sketches, and comparative analysis of this type of inscriptions from many ancient Greek sites.

The second bishop of Prešov, Jozef Gaganec is one of the greatest figures in the history of the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Prešov. During his tenure (1843–1875), Bishop Gaganec successfully continued the work of his predecessor, Bishop Tarkovič. He took upon himself a task of firmly establishing the eparchy and securing its future development and prosperity in the mid-19th century. He ensured its organizational stability, financial provision, and pastoral unity. Bishop Gaganec governed his eparchy in very uncertain and complicated times (revolution of 1848–1849, poor harvests, famines, emigration, etc.) that significantly affected his episcopacy. He made every effort to alleviate the social impacts that this period brought upon both the clergy and regular folks. Bishop Gaganec got involved in ecclesiastical and religious reforms, for instance, he introduced a strict liturgical order in the eparchy. He also channelled his effort into improving the religious life of the clergy and congregation. He strongly promoted cultural and publishing activities, which he considered vital for a spiritual life of his flock. Bishop Gaganec participated in almost all cultural activities of Greek Catholics and largely contributed to the establishment of many cultural institutions in the Prešov and Mukachevo eparchies. He also played an important role in the national and political life of Greek Catholic Rusins during and after the revolutionary years of 1848–1849. In appreciation of his many religious, cultural, and national activities, Bishop Gaganec was acknowledged by the Austrian emperor and the Roman Pontiff. He justly deserves the title “the Father of the Prešov Eparchy”.

AbstractThis paper looks at how histories of conflict and ideologies of language as a bounded entity mapped onto a homogeneous nation impact on attempts of translanguaging in the classroom in the conflict-affected context of Greek-Cypriot education. Drawing on ethnographic data from a highly diverse primary school, this study examines how nationalist understandings of language and belonging affect the ways in which a group of Turkish-speaking students of Pontian and Turkish-Bulgarian backgrounds relate to their Turkish-speakerness in classroom interaction. The findings show that, despite the multilingual and hybrid realities of this particular school, in formal educational practices Turkish-speaking students kept a low profile as to their Turkish-speakerness. Even when the teacher encouraged translanguaging practices and a public display of students’ competence in the Turkish language, this was met with inarticulateness and emotional troubles, fuelled by a fear that ‘speaking Turkish’ could be taken as ‘being Turkish’. In discussing these findings, the paper points to the impact that different overlapping histories of ethnonationalist conflict have on translanguaging practices in education; in our case by associating Turkishness with the ‘enemy group’ and socializing children within essentialist assumptions about language and national belonging. The paper argues that in this case the discourses of conflict create unfavourable ecologies for hybrid linguistic practices, which ultimately suppress creative polylingual performances.

This paper examines the connections of the Byzantine Empire and the Latin West on the eve of the Council of Constance. This Council has been analysed in the context of the conflict of King Sigismund of Luxembourg and the Republic of Venice. The project of the church council appeared in order to solve the conflict with the Roman pope as the mediator. Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos had the same interest as the European conflict was accompanied with Sigismund’s attempt of arranging an anti-Ottoman crusade. However, the King’s idea of an anti-Turk alliance contradicts to the interests of Byzantium which tried to keep neutrality under the current conditions. The author suggests that the Byzantine Emperor’s real aim was to assist the pope’s intermediary mission. Their contact was possible as negotiations concerning the church union. Byzantine diplomatist Manuel Chrysoloras’ visit to Constance has been analysed from the said standpoint. The situation was complicated by the fact that the prerequisites for solving the conflict of Western powers did not develop before the Council started. Therefore, the discussion of the Latin schism became topical at the Council of Constance, and the deposition of the Antipope John XXIII became inevitable. Thus, the solution of the problem facing the Greeks was postponed until the election of a new Roman pontiff.

Almost everything we know of Michael Marullus – Greek exile, Neoplatonist, mercenary soldier – is mediated by his poetry, much of which seems positively to invite biographical decoding. The poet tells us he was conceived in the year Constantinople fell to the Turks (1453), after which his family fled, via Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik), to Italy. Here he grew up under the Iliadae … tecta Remi (Siena?), received an excellent education, and from an early age was frequenting the humanist academy of Giovanni Pontano at Naples. Marullus reports that when just seventeen, fate tore him away from his studies and plunged him into a military career (Epig. 2.32.71–3). Between wars, both abroad and within Italy, he composed Latin poetry – including four books of controversial ‘pagan’ hymns –, edited Lucretius, and fraternised with such prominent figures in the literary and intellectual culture of the day as Jacopo Sannazaro and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Severed from an eventful life by a fittingly dramatic death, Marullus drowned in an attempt to cross the river Cecina in full flood. His poetic talents were much appreciated in his own time, for example by Leonardo Da Vinci and Thomas More. The love lyrics to ‘Neaera’, though perhaps stiff and conventional to modern taste, inspired Ronsard. His untimely death drew Latin epitaphs from all over Italy.

Relevance. Currently, downy mildew of cucumber (peronosporosis) is the most harmful disease on this crop in the open ground, has an epiphytotic character and causes significant damage to the crop of greens. Material and methods. The research was carried out on selection and collection material of the laboratory of selection and seed production of pumpkin crops in the open and protected ground of the Moscow region. At least 300 collection and selection samples of cucumber were sown in the open and protected ground (Moscow region) every year, for phytopathological evaluation. Their defeat by downy mildew was taken into account on a 5-point scale. Results. Among the varieties of FSBSI FSVC selection, were less affected by this disease: Edinstvo, Electron 2, Vodoley, Vodopad, F1 Debut, F1 Krepish, F1 Brunette, F1 Frant, F1 Krasotka and F1 VNIISSOK 1. The most resistant to peronosporosis were Japanese varieties – Sadao rishu, Jibai, Higan Fushinari, Tropical slicer and others. Some Polish hybrids – Aladyn (SKW 190), Heron (SKW 290) and Parys (SKW 390), also had increased resistance to downy mildew. It should be noted that the varieties Jerelo and Geim from Ukraine; Dutch hybrids – F1 Sequenza, F1 Bejo 1612, F1 Pontia, 85/2292, F1 Donia mix; from the United States – F1 Calypso. In the selection for resistance to downy mildew you can to use varieties created in the Far East, the Crimean experimental breeding station. As a result of the annual assessment of parent forms on a natural infectious background, samples with increased resistance to downy mildew were selected.

The following pages make a case for the important role played by Aristotle’s Metaphysics α 2 982b11–21 in Renaissance poetics and especially in that of Girolamo Fracastoro. As this passage, and Aristotle’s Metaphysics in general, have traditionally been denied a major role in the poetics of the Renaissance, I have been obliged to develop my argument in three sections. [1.] The first focuses on Thomas Aquinas’s roundbreaking reading of the quotation in psychological and epistemological terms, and on how he and his contemporaries were able to harmonize it both with the corpus Aristotelicum and with the development of a place for poetry in the system of the arts. [2.] The second section illustrates how the first humanists used Aristotle’s authority to invert the meaning of the passage, transforming it into an argument in defense of the primacy of poetry over the rest of the arts. This appropriation had two undesiderable effects: either depriving the passage of its theoretical implications or, worse, assimilating Aristotle’s words into a Platonizing vision of poetry. Only with the recovery of the Greek text of Aristotle’s Poetics in the late fifteenth century did the passage escape its new status as a commonplace in humanist defense of poetry, and was briefly again considered as a point of departure for the analysis of concepts such as fabula (fiction) and admiratio (wonder), based on philosophical, poetic, and medical premises. [3] The last section introduces Galeotto Marzio’s and Giovanni Pontano’s pioneering works on these two concepts—fabula and admiratio—, as an introduction to the subsequent synthesis done by Girolamo Fracastoro, who, from the positions held by Marzio and Pontano as well as Aquinas’s original intuition, was able to harmonize natural philosophy and poetry by means of their psychological implications. This is what I have called here the ‘medical poetics of wonder’ or, more simply, mythotherapy.

During the campaign of 2018 the international underwater archaeological expedition has explored the waters of Tendra Spit and Kinburn Spit on the shelf of the Black Sea, in Mykolaiv and Kherson regions of Ukraine. Underwater archaeological exploration focused on the waters near the northern tip of Tendra Spit, from both the Gulf of Tendra and the sea, and north-western tip of Kinburn Spit. In addition to the visual reconnaissance, divers were using sonar, profiler and side-scan sonar. As a result, the bathymetric map has been compiled. In the initial part of research the work was limited to mapping and taking photographs of the discoveries. During these works was discovered and cleansed the ancient Shipwreck of the late 4th — early 3rd century BC. It was possible to identify the well-preserved fragment of the hull of ancient Wreck of a length of 9.45 m in situ with ballast stones, ceramic material from the cargo, lead plating and him constructions elements. After clearing of the sand from the preserved part of the ship hull with the help of a hydro injector the video and photo documentation was carried out. As a result of these works, large-scale photo mosaic of the object and its 3D-model were made. The condition of the wooden hull is excellent, the technological holes, connections, bronze and iron nails are preserved. Outside of Ukraine several shipwrecks of the same period are attested. The best studied are the following: shipwreck of the 3rd century BC at Grand Congloue, France; the Mazotos shipwreck of the 4th century BC in Cyprus; the Porticello shipwreck of the end of the 5th or beginning of the 4th century BC in Italy; the Alonnisos shipwreck from the end of the 5th century BC, Greece; the Kyrenia shipwreck from the end of the 4th — beginning of the 3rd centuries BC in Cyprus. In the Black Sea, in 2011 a shipwreck from the end of the 4th — beginning of the 3rd centuries BC near Eregli, Turkey (ancient Herakleia Pontica) was discovered by a deep-sea expedition of the research vessel «Nautilus» under the direction of Michael Brennan at a depth of 101 m. Most of the known merchant ships of this period were small, ranging from 12 to 17 m (table). Boris Peters provides a reconstruction sketch of the Lake Donuzlav ship of the late 4th — early 3rd centuries BC. It is almost identical to the reconstruction of the Kyrenia merchant ship, based on its hull which was preserved by 75 %, The replica named «Kyrenia 2» was built and made several voyages. It can be assumed that the Kinburn Spit ship found in 2018 was of similar appearance but further research will provide more detailed information.

Disciplinary behavior increases children's responsibility and self-control skills by encouraging mental, emotional and social growth. This behavior is also related to school readiness and future academic achievement. This study aims to look at read aloud with the media of large books in improving disciplinary behavior during early childhood. Participants were 20 children aged 5-6 years. By using qualitative methods as a classroom action research, data collection was carried out by observation, field notes, and documentation. The results of pre-cycle data showed that the discipline behavior of children increased to 42.6%. In the first cycle of intervention learning with ledger media, the percentage of children's discipline behavior increased to 67.05%, and in the second cycle, it increased again to 80.05%. Field notes found an increase in disciplinary behavior because children liked the media which was not like books in general. 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The variety described here is Pontic Greek (ISO 639 name: pnt), and specifically the variety that originates from Trapezounta in Asia Minor (present-day Trabzon in Turkey) as spoken today in Etoloakarnania, Greece by second-generation refugees. The term ‘Pontic Greek’ (in Greek: ) was originally an etic term, while Pontians called their language by other names, mainly [ɾoˈmeika] ‘Romeika’ (Sitaridou 2016) but also [laziˈka] ‘Laz language’ (Drettas 1997: 19, 620), even though Pontians and Laz people do not share the same language, the latter being Caucasian. Nowadays, is the standard term used not only by researchers, but also by native speakers of Pontic Greek born in Greece to refer to their variety (but see Sitaridou 2013 for Romeyka in the Black Sea). Pontic Greek belongs to the Asia Minor Greek group along with other varieties, such as Cappadocian Greek (e.g. Horrocks 2010: 398–404; Sitaridou 2014: 31). According to Sitaridou (2014, 2016), on the basis of historical reconstruction, the Pontic branch of Asia Minor Greek is claimed to have been divided into two major dialectal groups: Pontic Greek as spoken by Christians until the 20th century in Turkey and Romeyka as spoken by Muslims to date in Turkey. Triantafyllidis (1938/1981: 288) divides Pontic varieties, as were spoken in Asia Minor, into three dialectal groups, namely Oinountian, Chaldiot, and Trapezountian, the latter consisting of the varieties that were spoken at Trapezounta, Kerasounta, Rizounta, Sourmena, Ofis, Livera, Tripolis, and Matsouka in Asia Minor (Trabzon, Giresun, Sürmene, Of, Yazlık, Tirebolu, and Maçka respectively in present-day Turkey). However, Triantafyllidis does not explain his criteria for this classification (Chatzissavidis 2012). According to one other classification (Papadopoulos 1955: 17–18; Papadopoulos 1958: $\upzeta$ ), the variety that was used in Trapezounta belongs to the dialectal group in which post-stressed /i/ and /u/ delete along other varieties, such as e.g. the ones that were spoken in Chaldia (present-day Gümüşhane), Sourmena, and Ofis (as opposed to the rest of Pontic varieties, such as the one of Kerasounta, in which those vowels are retained). Trapezountian Pontic Greek can also be classified with the group of varieties that retain word-final /n/, such as the varieties of Kerasounta and Chaldia, as opposed to the varieties that do not retain it, such as the ones of Oinoe (present-day Ünye) and (partially) Ofis (Papadopoulos 1958: θ).

Аннотация Статья рассматривает ряд определяющих факторов, связанных с войнами Антиохии-Армении, т.е. с циклом военных столкновений между княжеством Антиохийским и королевством Армения. Этот цикл войн, протекавших с небольшими перерывами в период между 1185 и 1226 годами, обескровил христианские государства северного Леванта, и по праву может считаться одним из наиболее интенсивных и сложных конфликтов эпохи крестовых походов. Исходными факторами в продолжающихся конфликтах служило стремление франкских князей Антиохии восстановить свое господство над давно утраченными территориями Киликийской Равнины и прямо противоречившее этому стремление гораздо более сильной стороны – армянского «властителя гор», а позднее первого короля Армении – к утверждению своего господства над Антиохией. Цикл войн Антиохии-Армении самым парадоксальным образом разделил жителей Киликии и северной Сирии. Abstract The article examines a series of factors, connected to the Antioch-Armenia wars, in other words — the cycle of military conflicts between the Crusader Principality of Antioch and the Kingdom of Armenia. This cycle of wars, which raged — with brief interludes — between 1185 and 1226, bled-dry the Christian states of the northern Levant, and can be rightfully called one of the most intense and complex conflicts of the Crusades. There were two motives for the continuing wars: the ambition of the Princes of Antioch to reclaim their rule over the longlost Cilician Plain, and the opposing desire of the far stronger ruler — the Armenian “Lord of the Mountains” and later on — the King of Armenia — to assert his authority over Antioch. The cycle of the Antioch-Armenia wars divided the inhabitants of Cilicia and northern Syria in the most paradoxical ways. The “Crusader” ruler of the Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli — Bohemond IV — completely ignored the demands and interdicts of the Roman pontiff, literally murdered (or rather — ‘condemned’ to slow and painful death) the Latin Patriarch, restored a Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Antioch (from which — for about 2 years — he and his nobles accepted the sacraments), along with the Muslim rulers of Syria and Anatolia he continuously raided the Christian lands and settlements of the Kingdom of Armenia… Nevertheless, this excommunicated ruler was supported not only by the Latin population (including a significant part of the nobility) of Syria, but also by the Knights Templar. Bohemond IV’s main rival — King Leo (Levon) I the Great — proved to be an equally complex statesmen, willing to renounce the religious and social ties traditional for the medieval world in order to secure the desired political alliances and to promulgate his own aims. To secure the recognition of his state and regnal title he forced the Armenian Church to accept the Union with Rome (even though the Armenians did have a plethora of the Union’s proponents, including the great theologian — the Armenian Archbishop of Tarsus St. Nerses of Lampron). In his war for Antioch he secured the support of the Knights Hospitaliers and a major part of the Frankish nobility of Antioch. Yet he proved equally acute to the ethno-religious balance in Antioch: if initially (in 1193) he tried to take Antioch used the forces of the fervent Armenian Miaphysite Hethum of Sasoun, later on the first Rex Armeniae entrusted the war for with the predominantly Greek Orthodox city and Principality to a Chalcedonian Armenian (Greek Orthodox) baron — Adam of Baghras.In his attempts to secure the sympathies of northern Syria’s population, King Leo I welcomed the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch in his kingdom and handed over to him a significant part of ecclesiastic properties, confiscated from the Latin Church. This step, naturally, ensured a papal excommunication for the newly-enthroned ‘Catholic’ king. But even after a formal excommunication from the Roman Church, Leo I continued to enjoy the support of two Catholic military orders — the Hospitaliers and the Teutonic Knights. Also, this monarch — whom later-day Armenian historiography viewed as a hero of Armenian nationalism — left his kingdom to a regent who was an adherent of the “Greek faith”, and a suitor for his young daughter — whom — in any scenario would be a Latin. Obviously, the article examines not only the motivation of the heads of state, but also of social, regional and ethno-religious communities that made this series of wars and a radical deconstruction of medieval norms and alliances possible. The author also examines the traditional chronology of this war cycle, especially the campaigns of the so-called War for the Antiochian Succession.

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. In May 2020, however, the fires were back in the media, when the Bushfires Royal Commission found that the Black Summer “played out exactly as scientists predicted it would” and that more seasons like it were now “locked in” because of carbon emissions (Hitch). It now remains to be seen whether the revelatory extent of the climate change blame frame that played out in media discourse on the fires will be sufficient to garner meaningful action and policy change—or whether denialist discourses will again obscure climate change revelation and seek to maintain the status quo. References Anderson, Deb, et al. "Fanning the Blame: Media Accountability, Climate and Crisis on the Australian ‘Fire Continent’." 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