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Journal articles on the topic 'Polynesians'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Finney, Ben. "Rediscovering Polynesian Navigation through Experimental Voyaging." Journal of Navigation 46, no. 3 (September 1993): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0373463300011838.

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Over the last two decades, my colleagues and I have sailed a modern reconstruction of a Polynesian voyaging canoe some 40 000 nautical miles through Polynesian waters. This programme has been driven by two intertwined goals: one experimental – to test the sailing technology and navigational methods of the ancient Polynesians in order to resolve issues in Polynesian prehistory; and the other cultural – to enable contemporary Polynesians to relearn the means by which their ancestors found and settled their islands, and thereby gain a better sense of their uniquely maritime heritage and, ultimately, themselves. This paper focuses on the effort to rediscover how to navigate without instruments, and how that rediscovery is helping both to change scientific thinking about the colonization of Polynesia and to transform the selfimage of contemporary Polynesians.

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Morris, Paul. "Polynesians and Mormonism." Nova Religio 18, no. 4 (2014): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2015.18.4.83.

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Polynesia has a particular place in the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). The region that heralded the Church’s first overseas missions includes seven of the world’s top ten nations in terms of the proportion of Mormons in the population, and it is home to six Mormon temples. The Polynesian Latter-day Saint population is increasing in both percentage and absolute numbers, and peoples in the Pacific “islands of the sea” continue to play a central role in the Mormon missionary imaginary. This article explores Polynesians in the LDS Church and critically evaluates different theories seeking to explain this growing religious affiliation. Scholars of Mormonism and commentators explain this growth in terms of parallels between Mormonism and indigenous Polynesian traditions, particularly family lineage and ancestry, and theological and ritual affinities. After evaluating these claims in light of scholarly literature and interviews with Latter-day Saints, however, I conclude that other reasons—especially education and other new opportunities—may equally if not more significantly account for the appeal of Mormonism to Polynesians.

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3

Turner II, Christy G. "Dental Indications of Polynesian Affinity for Prehistoric Rotuma Islanders, South Pacific." Dental Anthropology Journal 18, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26575/daj.v18i2.134.

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Human skeletal reburial, reasonable from a religious and personal point of view, nevertheless diminishes the physical record of human evolution. The present study preserves some information for a small but rare Pacific Basin skeletal assemblage. Prehistoric human tooth-bearing cranial and jaw fragments and loose teeth of probably 19 individuals excavated on Rotuma Island were examined for crown and root morphology. The purpose of the examination was to assess whether these individuals were morphologically more like Melanesians or Polynesians. Rotuma is in the Polynesian culture area north of the Fiji group, which exhibits archaeological and ethnographic evidence of colonists from both Oceanic populations. Polynesians belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language family, so if the Rotuma teeth are similar to Polynesians they should also be more similar to Southeast Asian teeth than to those of linguistically different Melanesians or Australians. Indeed, this seems to be the case, although the small Rotuma sample size reduces confidence somewhat in this finding of Rotuma similarity with Polynesians and Southeast Asians.

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4

Yong, Sue. "Pride or prejudice: accounting and Polynesian entrepreneurs." Pacific Accounting Review 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 182–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/par-10-2017-0084.

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PurposeThis paper aims to discuss the role of accounting, accountants and the cash management processes of indigenous Māori and Pacific (collectively referred as Polynesian) entrepreneurs in New Zealand.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative research methodology was used; 43 in-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted with Polynesian entrepreneurs, key informants, business experts and accountants to align with the oral Polynesian traditions and protocols.FindingsThe paper highlights the influence of cultural values on Polynesians’ accounting decision-making processes. It also provides some unique insights into the interrelationships of the cultural, economic and social dynamics that sculpt Polynesians’ decisions towards accounting, cash management and their accountants.Research limitations/implicationsPurposive sampling of a small sample was drawn from Auckland, New Zealand. Though statistical generalisability is not possible, in-depth interview data provided rich and contextual evidence which are often missing from a quantitative research approach.Practical implicationsIt highlights the need for contextualised accounting services to Polynesian entrepreneurs by the accounting profession. It also calls for more cultural sensitivity when servicing and regulating Polynesian entrepreneurs.Originality/valueThis study identifies some unique insights into the interrelationships of culture, economic and social dynamics in Polynesian entrepreneurs. In particular, the cultural values of communality, reciprocity and “gift-giving” and respect for authority are important factors in shaping the Polynesians’ approach to accounting disposition and business cash management. It also identifies the power differentials between Polynesian entrepreneurs and their accountants, in which the former takes on a subordinate role to the latter.

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5

Jones, Terry L., and Kathryn A. Klar. "Diffusionism Reconsidered: Linguistic and Archaeological Evidence for Prehistoric Polynesian Contact with Southern California." American Antiquity 70, no. 3 (July 2005): 457–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035309.

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While the prevailing theoretical orthodoxy of North American archaeology overwhelmingly discourages consideration of transoceanic cultural diffusion, linguistic and archaeological evidence appear to indicate at least one instance of direct cultural contact between Polynesia and southern California during the prehistoric era. Three words used to refer to boats - including the distinctive sewn-plank canoe used by Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers of the southern California coast - are odd by the phonotactic and morphological standards of their languages and appear to correlate with Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian terms associated with woodworking and canoe construction. Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers seem to have borrowed this complex of words along with the sewn-plank construction technique itself sometime between ca. A.D. 400 and 800, at which time there is also evidence for punctuated adaptive change (e.g., increased exploitation of pelagic fish) and appearance of a Polynesian style two-piece bone fishhook in the Santa Barbara Channel. These developments were coeval with a period of major exploratory seafaring by the Polynesians that resulted in the discovery and settlement of Hawaii - the nearest Polynesian outpost to southern California. Archaeological and ethnographic information from the Pacific indicates that the Polynesians had the capabilities of navigation, boat construction, and sailing, as well as the cultural incentives to complete a one-way passage from Hawaii to the mainland of southern California. These findings suggest that diffusion and other forms of historical contingency still need to be considered in constructions of North American prehistory.

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6

Amadéo, S., E. P. Noble, M. L. Fourcade-Amadéo, C. Tetaria, M. F. Brugiroux, L. Nicolas, X. Deparis, et al. "Association of D2 dopamine receptor and alcohol dehydrogenase 2 genes with Polynesian alcoholics." European Psychiatry 15, no. 2 (March 2000): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(00)00206-6.

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SummaryAlleles of the D2 dopamine receptor (DRD2) and the alcohol dehydrogenase 2 (ADH2) genes were determined in 69 French Polynesian alcoholic patients and 57 controls matched for racial origin. Three racial groups were studied: pure Polynesians (PP), Polynesians mixed with Caucasian (PCA) ancestry and Polynesians mixed with Chinese (PCH) ancestry. DRD2 A1 allele frequencies in the alcoholics compared to their controls in these groups were: PP,.26 vs .32 (P = .69); PCA, .44 vs .35 (P = .46); PCH, .40 vs 0.39 (P = .88). ADH2 1 allele frequencies in alcoholics compared to their controls groups were: PP, .56 vs .62 (P = .66); PCA, .75 vs .56 (P = .09); PCH, .78 vs .32 (P = .009). In the PCA group, the combination of the DRD2 A1 genotypes and the ADH2 1 homozygotes was strongly associated with alcoholism (P = .0027). This preliminary study shows the importance of ascertaining racial ancestry in molecular genetic association studies. Moreover, it suggests that a combination of genes are involved in susceptibility to the development of alcoholism.

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7

Barber, Ian G., and Thomas F. G. Higham. "Archaeological science meets Māori knowledge to model pre-Columbian sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) dispersal to Polynesia’s southernmost habitable margins." PLOS ONE 16, no. 4 (April 14, 2021): e0247643. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247643.

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Most scholars of the subject consider that a pre-Columbian transpacific transfer accounts for the historical role of American sweet potato Ipomoea batatas as the kūmara staple of Indigenous New Zealand/Aotearoa Māori in cooler southwestern Polynesia. Archaeologists have recorded evidence of ancient Polynesian I. batatas cultivation from warmer parts of generally temperate-climate Aotearoa, while assuming that the archipelago’s traditional Murihiku region in southern South Island/Te Waipounamu was too cold to grow and store live Polynesian crops, including relatively hardy kūmara. However, archaeological pits in the form of seasonal Māori kūmara stores (rua kūmara) have been discovered unexpectedly at Pūrākaunui on eastern Murihuku’s Otago coast, over 200 km south of the current Polynesian limit of record for premodern I. batatas production. Secure pit deposits that incorporate starch granules with I. batatas characteristics are radiocarbon-dated within the decadal range 1430–1460 CE at 95% probability in a Bayesian age model, about 150 years after Polynesians first settled Te Waipounamu. These archaeological data become relevant to a body of Māori oral history accounts and traditional knowledge (mātauranga) concerning southern kūmara, incorporating names, memories, landscape features and seemingly enigmatic references to an ancient Murihiku crop presence. Selected components of this lore are interpreted through comparative exegesis for correlation with archaeological science results in testable models of change. In a transfer and adaptation model, crop stores if not seasonal production technologies also were introduced from a warmer, agricultural Aotearoa region into dune microclimates of 15th-century coastal Otago to mitigate megafaunal loss, and perhaps to support Polynesia’s southernmost residential chiefdom in its earliest phase. A crop loss model proposes that cooler seasonal temperatures of the post-1450 Little Ice Age and (or) political change constrained kūmara supply and storage options in Murihiku. The loss model allows for the disappearance of kūmara largely, but not entirely, as a traditional Otago crop presence in Māori social memory.

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8

Martin, Gary J. "Islands, plants, and Polynesians: An introduction to Polynesian ethnobotany." Journal of Ethnopharmacology 39, no. 2 (June 1993): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-8741(93)90030-9.

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9

ADDISON, DAVID J., and ELIZABETH MATISOO-SMITH. "Rethinking Polynesians origins: A West-Polynesia Triple-I Model." Archaeology in Oceania 45, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4453.2010.tb00072.x.

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10

Santos, Ricardo Ventura, and Bronwen Douglas. "‘Polynesians’ in the Brazilian hinterland? Sociohistorical perspectives on skulls, genomics, identity, and nationhood." History of the Human Sciences 33, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119891044.

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In 1876, Brazilian physical anthropologists De Lacerda and Peixoto published findings of detailed anatomical and osteometric investigation of the new human skull collection of Rio de Janeiro’s Museu Nacional. They argued not only that the Indigenous ‘Botocudo’ in Brazil might be autochthonous to the New World, but also that they shared analogic proximity to other geographically very distant human groups – the New Caledonians and Australians – equally attributed limited cranial capacity and resultant inferior intellect. Described by Blumenbach and Morton, ‘Botocudo’ skulls were highly valued scientific specimens in 19th-century physical anthropology. A recent genomic study has again related ‘the Botocudo’ to Indigenous populations from the other side of the world by identifying ‘Polynesian ancestry’ in two of 14 Botocudo skulls held at the Museu Nacional. This article places the production of scientific knowledge in multidisciplinary, multiregional historical perspectives. We contextualize modern narratives in the biological sciences relating ‘Botocudo’ skulls and other cranial material from lowland South America to Polynesia, Melanesia, and Australia. With disturbing irony, such studies often unthinkingly reinscribe essentialized historic racial categories such as ‘the Botocudos’, ‘the Polynesians’, and ‘the Australo-Melanesians’. We conclude that the fertile alliance of intersecting sciences that is revolutionizing understandings of deep human pasts must be informed by sensitivity to the deep histories of terms, classification schemes, and the disciplines themselves.

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11

Armstrong, Robin. "Time to Face the Music: Musical Colonization and Appropriation in Disney’s Moana." Social Sciences 7, no. 7 (July 13, 2018): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7070113.

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Despite Disney’s presentation of Moana as a culturally accurate portrayal of Polynesian culture, the film suffers from Western ethnocentrism, specifically in its music. This assertion is at odds with marketing of Moana that emphasized respect for and consultation with Polynesians whose expertise was heralded to validate the film’s music as culturally authentic. While the composers do, in fact, use Polynesian musical traits, they frame the sounds that are unfamiliar within those that are familiar by wrapping them with Western musical characteristics. When the audience does hear Polynesian music throughout the film, the first and last sounds they hear are Western music, not Polynesian. As such, the audience hears Polynesian sounds meld into and then become the music that defines a typical American film. Thus, regardless of Disney’s employment of Polynesian musicians, the music of Moana remains in the rigid control of non-Polynesian American composers. Rather than break new ground, Moana illustrates a musical recapitulation of white men’s control and marketing of the representations of marginalized people. Moana’s music is subject to appropriation, an echo of how colonial resources were exploited in ways that prioritize benefits to cultural outsiders.

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12

Anderson, Atholl. "Subpolar settlement in South Polynesia." Antiquity 79, no. 306 (December 2005): 791–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00114930.

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Archaeological research in the Auckland Islands, south of New Zealand, has disclosed earth ovens, middens and flaked stone tools dating to the thirteenth–fourteenth centuries AD. This is the first site of prehistoric settlement in the outlying islands of the Subantarctic. Polynesians and their dogs survived on seals and seabirds for at least one summer. The new data complete a survey of colonisation in the outlying archipelagos of South Polynesia and show that it occurred contemporaneously, rapidly and in all directions from mainland New Zealand.

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Neukirch, Françoise, Renata Liard, and René Chansin. "Lung Function in Polynesians." American Review of Respiratory Disease 137, no. 6 (June 1988): 1511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm/137.6.1511.

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14

Bellwood, Peter. "On Melanesians and Polynesians." Journal of Pacific History 20, no. 2 (April 1985): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223348508572511.

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15

SMITH, TOM. "ISLANDERS, PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES, AND TRADITIONS REGARDING THE PAST IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY POLYNESIA." Historical Journal 60, no. 1 (August 4, 2016): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000157.

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ABSTRACTIn this article, I consider Polynesian genealogies, which took the form of epic poems composed and recited by specialist genealogists, and were handed down orally through generations of Polynesians. Some were written down in the nineteenth century, reaching an English-speaking audience through a number of works largely neglected by historians. In recent years, some anthropologists have downplayed the possibility of learning anything significant about Polynesian thought through English-language sources, but I show that there is still fresh historical insight to be gained in demonstrating how genealogies came to interact with the traditions of outsiders in the nineteenth century. While not seeking to make any absolute claims about genealogy itself, I analyse a wide body of English-language literature, relating chiefly to Hawai‘i, and see emerging from it suggestions of a dynamic Polynesian oral tradition responsive to political, social, and religious upheaval. Tellingly, Protestant missionaries arriving in the islands set their own view of history against this supposedly irrelevant tradition, and in doing so disagreed with late nineteenth-century European and American colonists and scholars who sought to emphasize the historical significance of genealogy. Thus, Western ideas about history found themselves confounded and fragmented by Polynesian traditions.

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Prebble, Matthew, Atholl J. Anderson, Paul Augustinus, Joshua Emmitt, Stewart J. Fallon, Louise L. Furey, Simon J. Holdaway, et al. "Early tropical crop production in marginal subtropical and temperate Polynesia." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 18 (April 8, 2019): 8824–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1821732116.

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Polynesians introduced the tropical crop taro (Colocasia esculenta) to temperate New Zealand after 1280 CE, but evidence for its cultivation is limited. This contrasts with the abundant evidence for big game hunting, raising longstanding questions of the initial economic and ecological importance of crop production. Here we compare fossil data from wetland sedimentary deposits indicative of taro and leaf vegetable (includingSonchusandRorippaspp.) cultivation from Ahuahu, a northern New Zealand offshore island, with Raivavae and Rapa, both subtropical islands in French Polynesia. Preservation of taro pollen on all islands between 1300 CE and 1550 CE indicates perennial cultivation over multiple growing seasons, as plants rarely flower when frequently harvested. The pollen cooccurs with previously undetected fossil remains of extinct trees, as well as many weeds and commensal invertebrates common to tropical Polynesian gardens. Sedimentary charcoal and charred plant remains show that fire use rapidly reduced forest cover, particularly on Ahuahu. Fires were less frequent by 1500 CE on all islands as forest cover diminished, and short-lived plants increased, indicating higher-intensity production. The northern offshore islands of New Zealand were likely preferred sites for early gardens where taro production was briefly attempted, before being supplanted by sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), a more temperate climate-adapted crop, which was later established in large-scale cultivation systems on the mainland after 1500 CE.

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Newman, Erica A., Carlea A. Winkler, and David H. Hembry. "Effects of anthropogenic wildfire in low-elevation Pacific island vegetation communities in French Polynesia." PeerJ 6 (June 20, 2018): e5114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5114.

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Anthropogenic (or human-caused) wildfire is an increasingly important driver of ecological change on Pacific islands including southeastern Polynesia, but fire ecology studies are almost completely absent for this region. Where observations do exist, they mostly represent descriptions of fire effects on plant communities before the introduction of invasive species in the modern era. Understanding the effects of wildfire in southeastern Polynesian island vegetation communities can elucidate which species may become problematic invasives with continued wildfire activity. We investigate the effects of wildfire on vegetation in three low-elevation sites (45–379 m) on the island of Mo’orea in the Society Islands, French Polynesia, which are already heavily impacted by past human land use and invasive exotic plants, but retain some native flora. In six study areas (three burned and three unburned comparisons), we placed 30 transects across sites and collected species and abundance information at 390 points. We analyzed each local community of plants in three categories: natives, those introduced by Polynesians before European contact (1767 C.E.), and those introduced since European contact. Burned areas had the same or lower mean species richness than paired comparison sites. Although wildfire did not affect the proportions of native and introduced species, it may increase the abundance of introduced species on some sites. Non-metric multidimensional scaling indicates that (not recently modified) comparison plant communities are more distinct from one another than are those on burned sites. We discuss conservation concerns for particular native plants absent from burned sites, as well as invasive species (includingLantana camaraandParaserianthes falcataria) that may be promoted by fire in the Pacific.

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Todd, Maya Rani Louise Chandra, Stephen Sikaveke Kodovaru, Georgia Antoniou, and Peter J. Cundy. "Clubfoot deformity in the Solomon Islands: Melanesian versus Polynesian ethnicity, a retrospective cohort study." Journal of Children's Orthopaedics 14, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/1863-2548.14.190172.

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Purpose Congenital talipes equinovarus (CTEV) has a high incidence in the South Pacific, with New Zealand Maori and Polynesian rates of up to seven per 1000 live births, at least five times higher than the Caucasian population. A genetic component is suggested to explain this, however, there is little information regarding the difference of incidence between Polynesian and Melanesian ethnicity in the South Pacific. Our aim was to investigate the effects of ethnicity on the incidence of CTEV in the Solomon Islands, specifically comparing Melanesian and Polynesian ethnicity. Methods Between 2011 and 2017, data was collected in the Solomon Islands from over 40 clinics upon introduction of the Ponseti programme for treatment of CTEV. Records were kept using the validated Global Clubfoot Initiative data form. Ethnicity was documented, including family history. Results In total, 138 children presented during this period, with 215 affected feet reviewed and treated. In all, 74% of children had solely Melanesian parents and 6% Polynesian. Using the general population ethnic breakdown of 95.3% Melanesian and 3.1% Polynesian, the odds of CTEV in children of Melanesian parents were 0.41 times lower compared with the odds in children of Polynesian parents. Conclusion The results indicate that in the Solomon Islands, CTEV in Melanesian children was less than half as likely to occur in Polynesian children. Our findings also support the theories of minimal Polynesian genetic material persisting in the Solomon Islands and a different genetic risk of CTEV between Polynesians and Melanesians. Level of Evidence III

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Wuethrich, B. "ANTHROPOLOGY:Proto-Polynesians Quickly Settled Pacific." Science 286, no. 5447 (December 10, 1999): 2054b—2056. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.286.5447.2054b.

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Kieser, J. A., K. J. Dennison, and G. R. Dias. "Premaxillary suture in early polynesians." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 9, no. 4 (July 1999): 244–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1212(199907/08)9:4<244::aid-oa478>3.0.co;2-i.

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Hurles, Matthew E., Jayne Nicholson, Elena Bosch, Colin Renfrew, Bryan C. Sykes, and Mark A. Jobling. "Y Chromosomal Evidence for the Origins of Oceanic-Speaking Peoples." Genetics 160, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/genetics/160.1.289.

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Abstract A number of alternative hypotheses seek to explain the origins of the three groups of Pacific populations—Melanesians, Micronesians, and Polynesians—who speak languages belonging to the Oceanic subfamily of Austronesian languages. To test these various hypotheses at the genetic level, we assayed diversity within the nonrecombining portion of the Y chromosome, which contains within it a relatively simple record of the human past and represents the most informative haplotypic system in the human genome. High-resolution haplotypes combining binary, microsatellite, and minisatellite markers were generated for 390 Y chromosomes from 17 Austronesian-speaking populations in southeast Asia and the Pacific. Nineteen paternal lineages were defined and a Bayesian analysis of coalescent simulations was performed upon the microsatellite diversity within lineages to provide a temporal aspect to their geographical distribution. The ages and distributions of these lineages provide little support for the dominant archeo-linguistic model of the origins of Oceanic populations that suggests that these peoples represent the Eastern fringe of an agriculturally driven expansion initiated in southeast China and Taiwan. Rather, most Micronesian and Polynesian Y chromosomes appear to originate from different source populations within Melanesia and Eastern Indonesia. The Polynesian outlier, Kapingamarangi, is demonstrated to be an admixed Micronesian/Polynesian population. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that a geographical rather than linguistic classification of Oceanic populations best accounts for their extant Y chromosomal diversity.

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Graydon, J. J. "Blood Groups and the Polynesians.1." Mankind 4, no. 8 (February 10, 2009): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1952.tb00257.x.

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23

Swinburn, BA, SJ Ley, HE Carmichael, and LD Plank. "Body size and composition in Polynesians." International Journal of Obesity 23, no. 11 (November 1999): 1178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.ijo.0801053.

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Morton, RandallP, and C. S. Benjamin. "NASOPHARYNGEAL CARCINOMA, SALTED FISH, AND POLYNESIANS." Lancet 334, no. 8673 (November 1989): 1210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(89)91811-4.

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Séguigne, Clémentine, Johann Mourier, Éric Clua, Nicolas Buray, and Serge Planes. "Citizen science provides valuable data to evaluate elasmobranch diversity and trends throughout the French Polynesia’s shark sanctuary." PLOS ONE 18, no. 3 (March 22, 2023): e0282837. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0282837.

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Observers of the Polynesian Shark Observatory (ORP), a citizen science network organized mainly through the Polynesian dive centers, collected an unprecedented amount of data from more than 13,916 dives spanning 43% of the islands of French Polynesia between July 8, 2011, and April 11, 2018. The objective for this type of data collection, which is not accessible within the standard research context, was to provide a unique dataset, and the opportunity to explore the specific diversity, distribution, seasonality and abundance of many elasmobranch species spread out throughout the territory of French Polynesia. Since the data are based on random citizen observations, the spatial distribution was biased toward the most frequented sites and islands where scuba diving is most developed. Overall, the increase in observed abundance of rays and sharks observed in French Polynesia, and the three most sampled islands as well as the high specific diversity recorded for the region, provide first evidence on the effectiveness of the French Polynesia’s Shark Sanctuary, established in 2006. These data, collected randomly by the volunteers, also provide insights into potential movement patterns and site fidelity of some of the more commonly observed species. While no final conclusions can be drawn, it is clear that the network of volunteers that regularly contributes information to the Polynesian Shark Observatory plays a very important role in the delivery of much needed data for conservation and management action, as well as providing perspectives for new directions in research on sharks and rays in French Polynesia.

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Athens, J. Stephen, Timothy M. Rieth, and Thomas S. Dye. "A Paleoenvironmental and Archaeological Model-Based Age Estimate for the Colonization of Hawai’l." American Antiquity 79, no. 1 (January 2014): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.1.144.

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AbstractRecent estimates of when Hawai’i was colonized by Polynesians display considerable variability, with dates ranging from about A.D. 800 to 1250. Using high resolution paleoenvironmental coring data and a carefully defined set of archaeological radiocarbon dates, a Bayesian model for initial settlement was constructed. The pollen and charcoal assemblages of the core record made it possible to identify and date the prehuman period and also the start of human settlement using a simple depositional model. The archaeological and paleoenvironmental estimates of the colonization date show a striking convergence, indicating that initial settlement occurred at A.D. 940–1130 at a 95 percent highest posterior density region (HPD), and most probably between A.D. 1000 to 1100, using a 67 percent HPD. This analysis highlights problems that may occur when paleoenvironmental core chronologies are based on bulk soil dates. Further research on the dating of the bones ofRattus exulans, a Polynesian introduction, may refine the dating model, as would archaeological investigations focused on potential early site locations.

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Darres, Amandine, Ronan Delaval, Alain Fournier, Emilie Tournier, Olivier Cointault, Francoise Moussion, Dominique Chauveau, et al. "The Effectiveness of Topical Cerium Nitrate-Silver Sulfadiazine Application on Overall Outcome in Patients with Calciphylaxis." Dermatology 235, no. 2 (2019): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000493975.

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Background: Calciphylaxis (CPX) is a rare and life-threatening disease characterized by vascular calcification and development of painful and necrotizing skin lesions with a challenging management. Mechanisms of CPX are complex and include an imbalance between vascular calcification promoters and inhibitors, and frequently vitamin K deficiency. Objectives: To describe the various presentations and identify predictive factors of death in patients with CPX. Methods: In this multicenter retrospective study, we included 71 CPX patients followed in South-West France (n = 26) and in French Polynesia (n = 45), and who all received sodium thiosulfate (25 g thrice weekly for a median of 61 days). Results: Characteristics at presentation significantly differed between metropolitan and Polynesian French patients. Polynesians were less frequently on regular dialysis at the onset of CPX, had a higher incidence of diabetes mellitus and obesity, more disturbances of calcium-phosphorus metabolism, and received vitamin K antagonists less frequently than patients from South-West France. Despite intensive management, the 1-year mortality rate was 66% and median time to death was 200 days (IQR, 40; 514). The number of body areas involved (i.e., three: OR 2.70 [1.09; 6.65], p = 0.031; four: OR 8.79 [1.54; 50.29], p = 0.015) was the only predictive factor for death, whereas application of topical cerium nitrate-silver sulfadiazine was protective (OR 0.44 [0.20; 0.99], p = 0.046). Surgical debridement, hyperbaric oxygenation therapy, and geographical origin were not associated with overall outcomes. Conclusions: Cerium nitrate may lead to vascular decalcification and chelation of reactive oxygen species, and prevent infection. Cerium nitrate-silver sulfadiazine was associated with better outcomes and should be tested in a prospective comparative trial in CPX patients.

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Beus, Yifen. "Possessing Polynesians: The Science of Settler Colonial Whiteness in Hawai‘i and Oceania, Maile Arvin (2019)." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 269–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00075_5.

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29

Wolff, John U., and Peter Bellwood. "The Polynesians: Prehistory of an Island People." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112, no. 4 (October 1992): 653. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604480.

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30

Henry, S. M., L. A. Simpson, and D. G. Woodfield. "The Le(a+b+) Phenotype in Polynesians." Human Heredity 38, no. 2 (1988): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000153768.

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31

Hedrick, Philip. "East Asian and Melanesian Ancestry in Polynesians." American Journal of Human Genetics 83, no. 1 (July 2008): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajhg.2008.06.004.

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32

Zemski, Adam J., Shelley E. Keating, Elizabeth M. Broad, Damian J. Marsh, Karen Hind, and Gary J. Slater. "Preseason Body Composition Adaptations in Elite White and Polynesian Rugby Union Athletes." International Journal of Sport Nutrition and Exercise Metabolism 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsnem.2018-0059.

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During preseason training, rugby union (RU) athletes endeavor to enhance physical performance characteristics that are aligned with on-field success. Specific physique traits are associated with performance; therefore body composition assessment is routinely undertaken in elite environments. This study aimed to quantify preseason physique changes in elite RU athletes with unique morphology and divergent ethnicity. Twenty-two White and Polynesian professional RU athletes received dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry assessments at the beginning and conclusion of an 11-week preseason. Interactions between on-field playing position and ethnicity in body composition adaptations were explored, and the least significant change model was used to evaluate variations at the individual level. There were no combined interaction effects with the variables position and ethnicity and any body composition measure. After accounting for baseline body composition, Whites gained more lean mass during the preseason than Polynesians (2,425 ± 1,303 g vs. 1,115 ± 1,169 g; F = 5.4, p = .03). Significant main effects of time were found for whole body and all regional measures with fat mass decreasing (F = 31.1–52.0, p < .01), and lean mass increasing (F = 12.0–40.4, p < .01). Seventeen athletes (nine White and eight Polynesian) had a reduction in fat mass, and eight athletes (six White and two Polynesian) increased lean mass. This study describes significant and meaningful physique changes in elite RU athletes during a preseason period. Given the individualized approach applied to athletes in regard to nutrition and conditioning interventions, a similar approach to that used in this study is recommended to assess physique changes in this population.

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33

Haryono, Timbul. "IN SEARCH OF POLYNESIAN ORIGINS: WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LAPITA CULTURE." Berkala Arkeologi 7, no. 2 (September 26, 1986): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30883/jba.v7i2.460.

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The islands of Polynesia make up the largest group among the islands in the Pacific ocean. This group, in fact, consist of many islands forming a triangle. The main groups in the west are the Tongan, and Samoan and Ellice groups. The Cook, Society and Tuamotus lie in the east, with Easter Island as a far-off isolate, while the Hawaiian Islands and New Zealand are separated to the north and south respectively of the main west-east belt. The location of these islands between Asia in the west, Australia in the south and South America continent in the east is of considerable significance to the peopling and cultural development of the region. Many scholars have therefore been led to postulate the route of human movement into these scattered islands. Archaeological and anthropological researches have been carried out within the area to determine where the Polynesians originally come from. Various hypotheses have been proposed thereafter.

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34

Rosenfeld, Jean E. "Prophets, Land, and Law: Maori Holy Spirit Movements and the Domesday Book." Alternative Spirituality and Religion Review 12, no. 1 (2021): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asrr202211880.

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The experience of colonialization and Christianization among the Maori of Aotearoa (New Zealand), the Polynesians’ furthest settlement in the Southern Hemisphere, resulted in significant population decline of the Maori, land alienation, the rise of nativist revitalization movements, and British laws regarding land tenure that conformed to a Domesday Book tradition of conquest and social stratification. Nativist religious movements attempted to regain the land, reverse Maori population decline, and avoid the pathological consequences of aporia, a Greek word that signifies “without a bridge.” Three successive “Holy Spirit” movements arose to heal the breach between the old world of the Polynesians and the new world of British colonization and Christianization. Adherents assumed an identity as Israelites—the children of Shem—and challenged the Christian dominance of the Pakeha (European New Zealanders). From this culture clash came the Land Wars of the nineteenth century and the emergence of a new, biracial nation.

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35

Rull, Valentí. "Human Discovery and Settlement of the Remote Easter Island (SE Pacific)." Quaternary 2, no. 2 (April 2, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/quat2020015.

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The discovery and settlement of the tiny and remote Easter Island (Rapa Nui) has been a classical controversy for decades. Present-day aboriginal people and their culture are undoubtedly of Polynesian origin, but it has been debated whether Native Americans discovered the island before the Polynesian settlement. Until recently, the paradigm was that Easter Island was discovered and settled just once by Polynesians in their millennial-scale eastward migration across the Pacific. However, the evidence for cultivation and consumption of an American plant—the sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas)—on the island before the European contact (1722 CE), even prior to the Europe-America contact (1492 CE), revived controversy. This paper reviews the classical archaeological, ethnological and paleoecological literature on the subject and summarizes the information into four main hypotheses to explain the sweet potato enigma: the long-distance dispersal hypothesis, the back-and-forth hypothesis, the Heyerdahl hypothesis, and the newcomers hypothesis. These hypotheses are evaluated in light of the more recent evidence (last decade), including molecular DNA phylogeny and phylogeography of humans and associated plants and animals, physical anthropology (craniometry and dietary analysis), and new paleoecological findings. It is concluded that, with the available evidence, none of the former hypotheses may be rejected and, therefore, all possibilities remain open. For future work, it is recommended to use the multiple working hypotheses framework and the strong inference method of hypothesis testing, rather than the ruling theory approach, very common in Easter Island research.

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36

Trent, R. J., K. N. P. Mickleson, J. Yakas, and M. Hertzberg. "Population Genetics of the Globin Genes in Polynesians." Hemoglobin 12, no. 5-6 (January 1988): 533–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/03630268808991642.

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37

Wade, Lizzie. "Polynesians, Native Americans met and mingled long ago." Science 369, no. 6500 (July 10, 2020): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.2020.6500.369_128.

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38

Simmons, D., and B. H. Brier. "Do polynesians have obesity-driven fuel-mediated teratogenesis?" Diabetes Care 23, no. 12 (December 1, 2000): 1855–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2337/diacare.23.12.1855a.

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39

Wade, Lizzie. "Polynesians, Native Americans met and mingled long ago." Science 369, no. 6500 (July 9, 2020): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.369.6500.128.

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40

ABBOTT, W. G. H., P. L. J. TAN, M. A. SKINNER, J. MARBROOK, J. S. PEAKE, D. G. WOODFIELD, and A. GEURSEN. "T cell receptor polymorphisms in Caucasians and Polynesians." Immunology and Cell Biology 71, no. 6 (December 1993): 543–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/icb.1993.60.

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41

Caughley, Graeme. "The colonisation of New Zealand by the Polynesians." Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand 18, no. 3 (September 1988): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03036758.1988.10426469.

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42

Terrell, John Edward. "Polynesians and the seductive power of common sense." cultural geographies 20, no. 2 (May 31, 2012): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474011432663.

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43

Linderholm, Anna, Daisy Spencer, Vincent Battista, Laurent Frantz, Ross Barnett, Robert C. Fleischer, Helen F. James, et al. "A novel MC1R allele for black coat colour reveals the Polynesian ancestry and hybridization patterns of Hawaiian feral pigs." Royal Society Open Science 3, no. 9 (September 2016): 160304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.160304.

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Pigs ( Sus scrofa ) have played an important cultural role in Hawaii since Polynesians first introduced them in approximately AD 1200. Additional varieties of pigs were introduced following Captain Cook's arrival in Hawaii in 1778 and it has been suggested that the current pig population may descend primarily, or even exclusively, from European pigs. Although populations of feral pigs today are an important source of recreational hunting on all of the major islands, they also negatively impact native plants and animals. As a result, understanding the origins of these feral pig populations has significant ramifications for discussions concerning conservation management, identity and cultural continuity on the islands. Here, we analysed a neutral mitochondrial marker and a functional nuclear coat colour marker in 57 feral Hawaiian pigs. Through the identification of a new mutation in the MC1R gene that results in black coloration, we demonstrate that Hawaiian feral pigs are mostly the descendants of those originally introduced during Polynesian settlement, though there is evidence for some admixture. As such, extant Hawaiian pigs represent a unique historical lineage that is not exclusively descended from feral pigs of European origin.

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Moyrand, Alain. "Can the Polynesian Languages be Used in the Proceedings of the Assembly of French Polynesia?" Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i2.5132.

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In 2010 the European Court of Human Rights rejected a petition relating to the right to use a Polynesian language in the Assembly of French Polynesia. This article considers the relationship between the French Constitution and the Organic Law, relating to the status of French Polynesia, and the use of languages other than French in the proceedings of the Assembly of French Polynesia. The consequences of case law for the use of a Polynesian language in the Assembly of French Polynesia are also examined. The article concludes is that there is no right to use a Polynesian language in the French Polynesian Assembly, but that the use of Tahitian and other Polynesian languages is a long established practice of the Assembly and that their use in a number of limited cases does not render the proceedings in which they are used invalid.

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45

Palencia-Madrid, Leire, Miriam Baeta, Tamara Kleinbielen, Nerea Toro-Delgado, Patricia Villaescusa, Elena Sanchez-Bustamante, Marian M. de Pancorbo, et al. "Post-Austronesian migrational wave of West Polynesians to Micronesia." Gene 823 (May 2022): 146357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gene.2022.146357.

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46

Lyne, C. J., P. L. Clark, M. A. Lyne, and D. G. Woodfield. "The Rh Phenotype r’r’ in Polynesians." Human Heredity 35, no. 6 (1985): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000153579.

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47

Water, Neil Van de, Ruth Williams, Andrew Dare, William Abbott, and Peter Browett. "The Prevalence of Factor V Leiden (Gln506) in Polynesians." Thrombosis and Haemostasis 78, no. 02 (1997): 962–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1657663.

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48

Gibbons, A. "First Polynesians launched from East Asia to settle Pacific." Science 354, no. 6308 (October 6, 2016): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.354.6308.24.

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49

Gumerman, George J. ": The Polynesians: Prehistory of an Island People . Peter Bellwood." American Anthropologist 90, no. 3 (September 1988): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1988.90.3.02a00280.

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50

Lawler, A. "Beyond Kon-Tiki: Did Polynesians Sail to South America?" Science 328, no. 5984 (June 10, 2010): 1344–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.328.5984.1344.

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