Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politisk vold

Academic literature on the topic 'Politisk vold'

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Published: 25 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Holen, Øyunn. "Politisk vold og partnervold." Tidsskrift for Den norske legeforening 130, no. 12 (2010): 1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.4045/tidsskr.10.0424.

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Folkvord, Magnhild. "Trine Rogg Korsvik: Sex, vold og feminisme. Hvordan voldtekt og porno ble politisk på 1970-tallet." Historisk tidsskrift 97, no. 03 (September 7, 2018): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.1504-2944-2018-03-09.

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Lindtner, Synnøve Skarsbø. "Trine Rygg Korsvik: Sex, vold og feminisme – hvordan voldtekt og porno ble politisk på 70-tallet." Norsk sosiologisk tidsskrift 2, no. 05 (November 5, 2018): 434–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.2535-2512-2018-05-07.

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Leira, Halvard, and Benjamin de Carvalho. "Innledning: Privat vold i internasjonal politikk." Internasjonal Politikk 69, no. 03 (October 31, 2011): 437–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1757-2011-03-05.

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Essahli, Nora C. Warholm. "Aggressiv ikke-vold for vår tids politiske kamper." Agora 38, no. 01-02 (August 18, 2021): 395–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1500-1571-2021-01-02-20.

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Luyten, Dirk. "Ondernemer tussen volk en staat. Tony Herbert: enkele historiografische ankerpunten vanuit biografisch perspectief." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, no. 3 (September 10, 2013): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i3.12196.

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Dit artikel schetst een biografisch profiel van Tony Herbert. In het eerste deel wordt Herberts levensloop op hoofdlijnen beschreven. In het tweede deel wordt ingegaan op zijn betekenis voor de geschiedenis van de Vlaams beweging. Die is nauw verbonden met zijn ondernemerschap, van waaruit Herbert een groot deel van zijn politiek engagement gestalte gaf. Kenmerkend zijn, een cultus van de staat, het afwijzen van elke vorm van autonome werkenemersvertegenwoordiging en een sterke belangstelling voor ideologie, die via de pers verspreid wordt. Bekeken vanuit het perspectief van de praktische politiek, was Herberts optreden echter niet bijzonder succesvol.________Entrepreneur between nation and state. Tony Herbert: some historiographical points of reference from a biographical perspective.This article sets out a biographical profile of Tony Herbert. The first part of the article describes the outlines of Herbert’s life. The second part deals with his significance for the history of the Flemish movement. This is closely connected to his entrepreneurship, from which Herbert put a large part of his political commitment into practice. Characteristic aspects are the cult of the state, the rejection of any type of autonomous representation of workers and a clear interest in ideology that is distributed by the press. Viewed from the perspective of practical politics however, Herbert’s performance was not particularly successful.
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Tho, Tzuchien. "Politics and the Void." Radical Philosophy Today 4 (2006): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphiltoday2006426.

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Mittertrainer, Mina, and Barbara Thiessen. "»Ich würd‘ dann glaub ich voll untergehen…«." Blätter der Wohlfahrtspflege 166, no. 6 (2019): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-8574-2019-6-210.

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Junge Frauen interessieren sich nicht für Politik - oder? Im Projekt »FRIDA - Frauen in die Kommunalpolitik« an der Hochschule Landshut wird dieser Frage auf den Grund gegangen. In sechs Gruppendiskussionen berichten junge Frauen über ihr Verhältnis zu Politik und was sie davon abhält, sich politisch zu engagieren.
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Albinus, Lars. "Når værk bliver til vold." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 36, no. 105 (August 22, 2008): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v36i105.22041.

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When Work is Violence:Drawing on examples as divergent as current Muslim responses to the Danish cartoons and German terrorism in the 70s, this article aims to show how a closed alliance between art, politics and religion carries the risk of inducing violence which, among other things, annuls the function of art as being inherently ambiguous.It is argued that the function of art in Islam is bound up with the inviolable authority of the prophet and is therefore basically unable to fulfil satiric purposes. Although satire and laughter were also confined to unofficial activities under the Roman Church in medieval times, it is claimed, along the lines of Bakhtin, that a ‘culture of laughter’ actually did survive in the European history of art and paved the way for the appreciation of the potential of satirical critique. Following Benjamin, it is further claimed that the post-auratic function of art joined up with the revolutionary hope for a new aesthetics of life contrary to the fragmentary world of urban capitalism. Finally, as its major case, the article discusses the sliding of aesthetic provocation into political activism in 70s Germany resulting in Urban terrorism. In this case, the function of art once again falls back into a totalitarian critique which merely acknowledges a singular picture of the world. In conclusion, it is pointed out that aesthetic expressions are only imbued with an anti-violent vitality due to a non-condemning, ambiguous openness.
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Sørensen, William Østerby, and Eva Bertelsen. "Betydninger af køn i dansk «kønsneutral» politik, der adresserer intim vold." Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning 47, no. 2-3 (October 27, 2023): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/tfk.47.2.2.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Oldenbourg, Andreas. "Wer ist das Volk? : Eine republikanische Theorie der Sezession / Andreas Oldenbourg." Frankfurt : Campus, 2019.

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Mayer-Hirzberger, Anita. ""... ein Volk von alters her musikbegabt" der Begriff "Musikland Österreich" im Ständestaat." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990745325/04.

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Philipp, Thomas [Verfasser], Helmut [Akademischer Betreuer] König, and Christian [Akademischer Betreuer] Volk. "Demokratie als Dynamik zwischen Kontingenz und Ideologie. Genese und Perspektiven der Agonistik / Thomas Philipp ; Helmut König, Christian Volk." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1162560096/34.

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Omenukor, Vernantius Igboeruche. "A study of the evolution of the politics of African women in the traditional and modern period the case of Ashanti (matrilineal) and Ibo (patrilineal) societies /." Hamburg : [Universität Hamburg?], 1989. http://books.google.com/books?id=cAhyAAAAMAAJ.

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de, Silva Purnaka Lohendra. "Political violence and its cultural constructions representations & narrations in times of war /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2000. http://dare.uva.nl/document/83697.

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Gerber, Jan [Verfasser]. "Ein Prozess in Prag : Das Volk gegen Rudolf Slánský und Genossen / Jan Gerber." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2016. http://www.v-r.de/.

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Barti, Alexander [Verfasser]. ""Geschenk für die Seele des Volkes" – herrschaftliche Architektur befriedet das Volk?! : Eine politikwissenschaftliche Untersuchung der Berliner Schlossplatzdebatte von ihren Anfängen bis zur Bundestagsentscheidung 2002. / Alexander Barti." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1022645730/34.

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Gausmann, Ulrich. ""Für Volk und Vaterland" : eine historisch-soziologische Studie über die Politik der Kommunistischen Partei Deutschlands zur nationalen Frage 1945 - 1949 /." Paderborn : IFB-Verl, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/337455449.pdf.

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Lubbe, Lesley. "Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17813.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
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Conradie, Rachelle (Rachelle Willene). "Henk van Woerden se Een mond vol glas en die skep van 'n kultureel meerstemmige Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52874.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to investigate Henk: van Woerden's Een mond vol glas (1998) (A Mouthful of glass (2000) translated by Dan Jacobson) as a contribution to the creation of a multi-voiced South African history. Een mond vol glas clearly contributes to such a project, because it recognises the histories of the Dutch immigrants, die Cape Muslims and especially the Cape "Coloured" community through the figure of Demitrios Tsafendas, better known as the murderer of Hendrik Verwoerd. The key concepts in this study are cultural diversity and a processing of the trauma caused by apartheid. Postcolonial theory will be used to explain cultural diversity as the result of transference and to contextualize the growing interest in the transnational histories of migrants in literature. Een mond vol glas cannot easily be described according to one specific genre or classification. This study will make use of the description "literature produced in a context of cultural diversity" to show the problematic nature of two classifications of Een mond vol glas that is currently being used. Processing the trauma caused by apartheid in literature, comes down to a resistance to the isolating force of trauma. This study uses the trauma theory of Judith Herman which states that the healing process or the processing of traumatic experiences can only take place in the sharing of people's stories in the connectedness with others. In South Africa this process begins to take place in a society where cultural multi-voicedness has become possible. In the end I will conclude that Een mond vol glas proves to be a reconstruction of history that is multi-voiced, making this part of South African history accessible for a larger audience.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doelstelling met hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na Henk van Woerden se Een mond vol glas en hoe dit bydra tot die skepping van 'n kultureel meerstemmige Suid- Afrikaanse geskiedenis. Een mond vol glas lewer duidelik hierdie bydrae omdat die werk ook erkenning gee aan die geskiedenisse van die Nederlandse immigrante, die Kaapse Moslems en die Kaapse bruin mense in die besonder deur die figuur Demitrios Tsafendas, beter bekend as die moordenaar van Verwoerd. Die sleutelbegrippe in hierdie studie is kulturele meervoudigheid en verwerking van die trauma veroorsaak deur apartheid. Postkoloniale teorie word gebruik om kulturele meervoudigheid te verduidelik as die resultaat van verplasing sowel as om die toenemende fokus op die transnasionale geskiedenisse van migrante in die letterkunde te kontekstualiseer. Een mond vol glas kan nie volgens een erkende genre of klassifikasie beskryf word nie. Hierdie studie hanteer die omskrywing "letterkunde geproduseer in 'n konteks van kulturele meervoudigheid" waarbinne twee reeds erkende klassifikasies van Een mond vol glas geproblematiseer sal word. Die verwerking van die traumatiese gevolge van apartheid in die letterkunde kom neer op die teenwerking van die isolerende uitwerking daarvan. Hierdie studie gebruik die traumateorie van Judith Herman dat verwerking en herstel slegs kan begin deur die vertel van traumatiese verhale in die verbondenheid met ander. In Suid-Afrika het hierdie verwerking en herstel begin plaasvind in 'n samelewing waar kulturele meerstemmigheid moontlik geword het. Ek sal uiteindelik tot die slotsom kom dat Een mond vol glas 'n herkonstruksie van die geskiedenis bied wat kultureel meerstemmig is en ook toelaat dat die hierdie deel van die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis vir 'n groter publiek toeganklik word.
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Books on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Lien, Lise-Merete. Legitimering av politisk vold i Nord-Irland. Bergen: the author, 1994.

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Roller, Edeltraud, Frank Brettschneider, and Jan W. van Deth, eds. Jugend und Politik: „Voll normal!“. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-90094-0.

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Arnim, Hans Herbert von. Volksparteien ohne Volk: Das Versagen der Politik. München: Bertelsmann, 2009.

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Egholm, Elsebeth. Vold og magt: Roman. Kbh: Politiken, 2010.

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Seifert, Anke. Kaiser, Senat & Volk: Politik und Gesellschaft im Römischen Reich. [Köln]: Landschaftsverband Rheinland, 2011.

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Zobel, Jan. Volk am Rand: NPD : Personen, Politik und Perspektiven der Antidemokraten. Berlin: Edition Ost, 2005.

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Betlen, János. Aktuális volt. Pécs: Alexandra, 2002.

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Pels, Dick. Opium van het volk: Over religie en politiek in seculier Nederland. Amsterdam: Bezige Bij, 2008.

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Bellers, Jürgen. Weltgeschichte der Politik: Volk, Idee, Raum und Ruhm: ein chronologisches Handbuch. Berlin: Lit, 2011.

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Beise, Arnd. Geschichte, Politik und das Volk im Drama des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Barudio, Günter. "Volk." In Politik als Kultur, 390–97. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03526-4_79.

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van Baarle, Kristof. "VOID." In The Routledge Companion to Theatre and Politics, 228–31. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge theatre and performance companions: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203731055-57.

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Virchow, Fabian. "»Wir hatten dann wirklich die Nase voll«." In Edition Politik, 235–44. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839464977-017.

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Die rassistischen Morde von Solingen haben eine breite Welle des Protestes ausgelöst, an denen sich in großem Umfang auch türkeistämmige Menschen beteiligt haben. Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die Proteste, die sowohl konventionelle Formen annahmen, aber zum Teil auch konfrontativ waren. Teilnehmer der damaligen Proteste verdeutlichen, dass sich in den Aktionen vielfach Erfahrungen von Diskriminierung, verweigerter Anerkennung, Nicht-Wahrnehmung und offen rassistisch motivierter rechter Gewalt bündelten.
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Kutscher, Nadja. "2.2. Wer ist das Volk - und wer nicht?" In Edition Politik, 38–75. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839469668-006.

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Kremp, Werner. "Demokratische Funeralien oder: Warum erhält das Volk kein Staatsbegräbnis?" In Politik und Tod, 257–65. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-94972-1_6.

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Lenk, Kurt. "Wem gehört das Volk? Vom konservativen Blick auf die Massen." In Kultur und Politik, 143–50. Wiesbaden: Vieweg+Teubner Verlag, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-91776-8_12.

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Buchheim, Hans. "Ein Volk “gibt sich eine Verfassung” – was kann das heißen?" In Politik – Wissenschaft – Medien, 453–56. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-91219-6_28.

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Romeyn, Esther. "Das Boot ist voll, The Boat is Full." In The Politics of Replacement, 37–50. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003305927-4.

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Hawkins, Angus. "Opposition without Form and Void." In Parliament, Party and the Art of Politics in Britain, 1855–59, 152–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08925-3_9.

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Fairbanks, Charles H. "The Public Void: Antipolitics in the Former Soviet Union." In The End of Politics?, 91–114. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25251-0_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Sávai, Marianna. "A visegrádi országok jelenlegi fiskális keretrendszere." In Társadalmi és gazdasági folyamatok elemzésének kérdései a XXI. században. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/tgfek21sz.4.

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A visegrádi országok közös jellemzője, hogy a fiskális politika „húzd meg, ereszd meg” politikájának köszönhető GDP ingadozás és a látszólag magas növekedési potenciál az uniós szabályoknak való megfeleléssel párosult a rendszerváltozásuk óta. Ezen hasonlóságok és az esetleges különbségek fiskális keretrendszerre gyakorolt hatásának kirajzolása a célja a tanulmánynak. Kiemelve az időszak azon eseményeit és az országok sajátos gazdaságpolitikai helyzetét, amely a jelenlegi fiskális keretrendszer kialakulására hatással volt. A keretrendszer időbeli fejlődésének alakulását összegzem, melyben nemcsak a fiskális szabályok, hanem a független fiskális intézmények kialakítására is kitérek. Az országok fiskális keretrendszerét az Európai Unió értékelési rendszerében elfoglalt helyezések alapján is összehasonlítom.
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Lomonosova, Marina, and Aleksandr Bykov. "UNDERSTANDING FAMINE THROUGH VISUAL AND DIGITAL MEDIA: WESTERN PERSPECTIVES ON THE 1921-22 FAMINE IN RUSSIA." In 4th International Conference Modern Culture and Communication. Institute for Peace and Conflict Research, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/978-5-6048848-7-4-01.

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In the contemporary era, the intersection of history, technology, and the politics of memory has grown increasingly vital. Nations with technological prowess wield history as a potent tool to shape present ideologies. This dynamic has intensified ideological battles in the digital domain, where virtual policies can diverge from reality. Memory institutions, governmental and private, have harnessed digital platforms to disseminate their interpretations of history, often linked to political agendas. While these institutions hold significant sway, they remain underexplored in Russian academia. Developing post-Soviet states have established institutions such as the Polish Institute of National Remembrance and the Hungarian Historical Service to shape historical narratives. These entities emerged after the USSR's dissolution or the EU's formation, infusing an anti-Soviet stance into the politics of memory. This has led to the rise of "post-truth" journalism, distorting historical truths for narrative purposes. However, the need for similar institutions in Russia remains an underexplored topic in academic circles. Visual documents play a crucial role in sociological exploration, offering glimpses into historical realities. While often overlooked within Russia, they have been used abroad for political and ideological purposes. Addressing this void, the State Archive Service of the Samara Region published a two-volume documentary collection on the 1921-22 famine, providing a crucial resource for scholars. Russian researchers possess a distinct advantage in accessing archival materials, enabling them to counter myths and influence memory politics. Their engagement safeguards historical memory and shapes societal values. Western researchers, despite challenges, employ digital platforms extensively, influencing narratives disproportionately.
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Șancariuc, Delia-Raluca, and Dragoș Cosmin-Lucian Preda. "Initial Conditions and Monetary Freedom in Former Communist Countries: An Instrumental Variable Approach." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.27.

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Economic literature has widely discussed the importance of insti­tutions in general, and that of monetary freedom in particular, for economic growth in post-communist countries, yet less is known about the determi­nants of institutional quality in these countries. While some studies argued that initial social conditions matter for institutional building, not much em­pirical work has been done to econometrically demonstrate their influence. The present paper fills this void by using regression analysis in order to assess the impact of the strength of civil society right after the fall of communism on monetary freedom in subsequent years, on a sample of former commu­nist countries. As a simple OLS regression is prone to endogeneity problems, the author uses an instrumental variable approach, instrumenting the ini­tial strength of civil society through the number of victims of terror during communism. The paper proves that the initial strength of civil society has a positive, significant and sizeable impact on monetary freedom 5-6 years after the transition process has begun.
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Rohrbach, Wolfgang. "CHURCH SERVICES - OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF ECUMENISM." In International scientific conference challenges and open issues of service law. Vol. 2. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxmajsko2.147r.

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The progressive secularization of Europe has become an undeniable social fact in recent decades. The separation of state and church, religion and politics, is now widely regarded as the fundamental achievement of modern times. At the same time, however, Europe follows a tradition of Christianity that is over 1,500 years old. At the meeting of the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches (February 9-15, 2022), it was emphasized, among other things: "European churches are struggling with the influence of a secularized society on their lives and witness." Individual churches cannot solve complex problems, but together there would be more opportunities than challenges. In Montenegro, about half of the population (with higher education) sees a promising future for their country in ecumenical and cosmopolitan thinking and action. Another part of the population of Montenegro still sees nationalist structures and their political representatives as salvation and maximum independence for their country. However, in a populist way, the fact that, especially small countries, need external partnerships is ignored. It seems that the politicians in question are more concerned about their position, about which Caesar said in ancient times: "It is better to be first in a Gallic village than second in Rome". To explain ecumenism in more detail, let's use an analogy - imagine that all Christian churches are housed in one multi-story building. Each church occupies one floor. What good is it for a church on the 20th floor, for example, to only reinforce the walls and floors in its premises for stabilization, if the foundation of the entire house, including the supporting pillars (which connect several floors in the lower and upper parts) would be unstable. Many church decision-makers today see ecumenism as an opportunity for preservation, salvation and future-oriented influence on the "house" of Christian cultural heritage. It should be noted that, although an increasing part of the European population stopped participating in traditional religious practice (at least, regularly), the level of private religious beliefs remained relatively high.
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Shamanna, Jayashree, and Gabriel Fuentes. "Preserving What? Design Strategies for a Post-Revolutionary Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.30.

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The Cuban Revolution’s neglect of Havana (as part of a broader socialist project) simultaneously ruined and preserved its architectural and urban fabric. On one hand, Havana is crumbling, its fifty-plus year lack of maintenance inscribed on its cracked, decayed surfaces and the voids where buildings once stood; on the other, its formal urban fabric—its scale, dimensions, proportions, contrasts, continuities, solid/void relationships, rhythms, public spaces, and landscapes—remain intact. A free-market Cuba, while inevitable, leaves the city vulnerable to unsustainable urban development. And while many anticipate preservation, restoration, and urban development—particularly of Havana’s historic core (La Habana Vieja)—”business as usual” preservation practices resist rampant (read: neoliberal) development primarily through narrow strategies of exclusion (where, what, how, and why not to build), museumizing Havana as “a city frozen in time.”Seeking a third option at the intersection of this socialist/capitalist divide, this paper describes 4 student projects from THE CUBA STUDIO, a collaborative Integrative Urban Studio at Marywood University’s School of Architecture. Over the course of 16 weeks, students in THE CUBA STUDIO speculated urban futures for a post-revolutionary Havana–strategizing ways of preserving Havana’s architectural and urban fabric in the face of an emerging political and economic shift that is opening, albeit gradually, Cuba to global market forces. And rather than submitting to these forces, the work critically engages them toward socio-cultural ends. Some driving questions were: What kind of spatial politics do we deploy while retrofitting Havana? How will the social, political, and economic changes of an “open” Cuba affect Havana’s urban fabric? What role does preservation play? For that matter, what does preservation really mean and by what criteria are sites included in the preservation frame? What relationships are there (or could there be) between preservation, tourism, infrastructure, education, housing, and public space? In the process, students established systematic research agendas to reveal opportunities for integrated“soft” and “hard” interventions (i.e. siting and programing), constructing ecologies across a range of disciplinary territories including (but not limited to): architecture, urban design, historic preservation/ restoration, art, landscape urbanism, infrastructure,science + technology, economics, sustainability, urban policy, sociology, and cultural/political theory. An explicit goal of the studio was to expand and leverage“preservation” (as an idea, a discipline, and a practice) toward flexible and inclusive design strategies that frame precise architectural interventions at a range of temporal and geographic scales.
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Reports on the topic "Politisk vold"

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Vuksanović, Vuk, and Srđan Hercigonja. Između emocija i realizma: Dva lica turske spoljne politike na Balkanu. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, June 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/dvvy2324.

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U poređenju sa komentarima o delovanju Rusije i Kine, prodornijem odnosu Turske prema Balkanu se ne poklanja dovoljno pažnje. Kako bi se ova praznina popunila, istraživački tim Beogradskog centra za bezbednosnu politiku (BCBP) sproveo je istraživanje zasnovano na analizi sekundarnog izvornog materijala ali, što je još važnije, i na razgovorima koji su sa šesnaest istraživača i pripadnika akademiske zajednice obavljeni u Istanbulu i Ankari. Iako konsultovani izvori imaju različite biografije i političke simpatije, istraživanjem je utvrđeno da su im određene teme svima zajedničke. Turska spoljna politika na Balkanu, naime, ima dva aspekta. Prvi je zasnovan na emocijama, i tu je spoljna politika države definisana njenim posebnim vezama sa tom oblašću, odnosno zajedničkom istorijom, društvenim vezama, faktorima identiteta i nasleđem Otomanskog carstva. S obzirom na društveno-kulturne veze i činjenicu da je Bosna i Hercegovina država u kojoj je to nasleđe najprisutnije, ona se u kontekstu posebnih veza sa Turskom pominje najčešće. Drugi pristup je ukorenjen u tradicionalnom spoljnopolitičkom realizmu koji proizlazi iz objektivne i proračunate procene regionalnog odnosa snaga i sopstvenih interesa. U okviru tog pristupa, Turska iz bezbednosnih i strateških razloga nastoji da deluje pragmatično i ostvaruje svoje namere na Balkanu, a da se pritom ne uplete u krize koje bi mogle da joj ometaju uticaj u regionu. Ovaj pristup Tursku vodi ka aktivnim odnosima sa Srbijom, koja je u strateškom smislu značajna zemlja u regionu, jer je Ankara duboko uverena da, ukoliko želi da bude delotvorna na Balkanu, mora da ima partnerski odnos sa Beogradom. Pri tome, mora da uspostavi ravnotežu između emocija i realizma. Mora pažljivo da neguje odnose sa zajednicama sa kojima ima kulturne i verske veze, kao što su Bošnjačke i Albanske, ali i da istovremeno pazi da od sebe ne odgurne države poput Srbije, čije joj je partnerstvo neophodno ukoliko želi da postigne uspeh na Balkanu. Turska spoljna politika u regionu prošla je kroz dve faze. U prvoj joj je politika prema Balkanu bila previše fokusirana na istoriju i faktore identiteta. Ta praksa je posebno došla do izražaja u fazi koju kritičari vole da nazivaju „neoosmanizmom“, a koja se najčešće povezuje sa Ahmetom Davutogluom, nekadašnjim ministrom inostranih poslova Turske (2009-2014) i kasnije premijerom (2014–2016). Treba naglasiti da je Redžep Tajip Ergodan i tada bio na vlasti, ali je za politiku prema Balkanu bio zadužen prvenstveno Davutoglu. Međutim, upravo zbog retorike kojom se akcenat stavljao na emocije, istoriju i kulturu, spoljna politika Ankare u regionu je tokom tog perioda doživljavala neuspehe jer su lokalni hrišćanski narodi Tursku doživljavali kao ekspanzionističku silu koja se poziva na ranije imperijalno nasleđe, i kao pristrasnog posrednika koji favorizuje muslimanske zajednice kakva je npr. bošnjačka. Realistički impulsi turske spoljne politike su na površinu izbili u drugoj fazi. Ona je započela odlaskom Ahmeta Davutoglua, kada je predsednik Redžep Tajip Erdogan preuzeo čvršću kontrolu nad spoljnom politikom zemlje, pa i prema Balkanu. Ankara od tada stavlja veći naglasak na realizam i pragmatizam, za razliku od ranijeg insistiranja na strastvenoj, istorijskoj retorici. Ovu transformaciju simbolizuju bliže veze sa Srbijom koje balkanskoj politici Ankare daju veću slobodu. Pre nego što se pojavila vest o Erdoganovoj pobedi, tokom predsedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora koji su u Turskoj održani u maju 2023. godine vodila se žestoka debata o budućem smeru spoljne politike zemlje. Dok su neki tvrdili da ona mora da ostane nepromenjena bez obzira na ishod izbora , drugi su verovali u potencijalne promene u sveukupnom odnosu zemlje sa akterima kao što su EU, SAD i Rusija . Međutim, ni pre ni nakon izbora nije bilo naznaka da će se spoljna politika Turske prema Balkanu bitno promeniti. Naprotiv, može da se očekuje da će upornost međunarodnih i domaćih faktora koji su u igri dovesti do dosledne balkanske politike Turske, te da će tamošnje spoljnopolitičke elite, kada se angažuju na Balkanu, i dalje biti prinuđene da balansiraju između emocija i realizma.
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Guérin, Laurence, Patrick Sins, Lida Klaver, and Juliette Walma van der Molen. Onderzoeksrapport Samen werken aan Bèta Burgerschap. Saxion, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14261/ff0c6282-93e2-41a7-b60ab9bceb2a4328.

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In het TechYourfuture project ‘Samen werken aan Bèta Burgerschap’, dat plaats vond in de periode maart 2015 - maart 2020, gaven de onderzoekers samen met scholen en bedrijven concreet invulling aan burgerschapsonderwijs. De maatschappij en maatschappelijke vraagstukken worden steeds complexer. Politieke, technologische, economische, sociaal-culturele of ecologische aspecten van een vraagstuk zijn met elkaar verweven. Daarnaast spelen ook globale en lokale dimensies een rol. Er zijn alleen hierdoor al meerdere antwoorden mogelijk op een vraagstuk. Gedurende het project hebben basisschoolleerlingen (wereldwijde) maatschappelijk-technologische vraagstukken geanalyseerd, bediscussieerd en daar oplossingen voor bedacht. Leraren hebben in het project geleerd bèta burgerschap activiteiten te ontwikkelen, uit te voeren en te evalueren. In de kern gaat het er in Bèta Burgerschap om dat leerlingen door groepsgewijs vraagstukken op te lossen burgerschapscompetenties ontwikkelen. Het gaat hier om drie hoofdcompetenties: (1.) Collectieve argumentatievaardigheden, (2.) Attituden ten opzichte van maatschappelijk technologische vraagstukken en, (3.) Bèta- en techniekkennis. In het onderzoek ‘Samen werken aan Bèta Burgerschap’ is gekeken naar de ontwikkeling van deze drie hoofdcompetenties bij leerlingen die deelnamen aan Bèta Burgerschap activiteiten, alsook naar de effecten van de training en video-coaching die de leerkrachten in het project gevolgd hebben. De resultaten hiervan zijn in het onderzoeksrapport te lezen. Het onderzoek laat zien dat Bèta Burgerschap een aanpak is die leerlingen mogelijkheden biedt om te oefenen met groepsgewijs probleem oplossen als burgerschapscompetentie. Door op school met maatschappelijk-technologische vraagstukken aan de slag te gaan, doen leerlingen meer kennis op over deze vraagstukken en worden zij zich meer bewust van wat er in de wereld speelt en van hoe zij zich verhouden tot deze vraagstukken. Om met Bèta Burgerschap aan de slag te gaan en het netwerk denken en de discussie doeltreffend te begeleiden, blijkt het professionaliseringstraject van toegevoegde waarde te zijn.
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