Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politique et gouvernement – Serbie – 1945-'
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Koppa, Maria Eleni. "La formation des systèmes partisans dans les Balkans." Paris 10, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA100107.
Full textMasson, Diane. "La construction des systèmes politiques en Serbie et en Croatie (1989-1995) : de l'ethnification de l'espace politique à l'utilisation politique de la guerre." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0025.
Full textGlamočak, Marina. "Processus de transition entre démocratisation et fascisation : (analyse sociologique appliquée en Croatie et en Serbie)." Paris, EHESS, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000EHES0142.
Full textPetrović, Piroćanac Zoran. "Anatomie d'une auto-dégradation : la Serbie et l'ascension de Slobodan Milosevic (1982-1992)." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0130.
Full textThis investigation includes a first phase of ascension of Milosevic, a period when he becomes the secretary of the Ligue of Communists of Belgrade(1982), till a period just before a civil war 10 ex-Yugoslavia(l992). Research is split in three parts and XVI chapters. First part, Yugoslav Communist Regime and the end of Yugoslavia (1944 -1991), deals with the origins of Yugoslav crisis, beginning with an analysis of the emergence of the titoist regime in the Central and Eastern Europe and in the Balkans, from 1945 to 1991, as a process of long duration. In the second part, Search for Serbian synthesis, we make radiography of the apparatus of the Ligue of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), as well as the presentation of its roots (PCY). A third part, Battlefields and a beginning of the end, analyses a phenomenon of the Serb nationalism, and attempts of restoration of Serbian State, victim of federal Yugoslavia' s asphyxia. This investigation finishes with final negotiations on Kosovo, in the international political atmosphere resulting in independence of Kosovo Albanians, their geopolitical triumph. This work of research had as a goal to answer as well to the question why Serbia always turns to circle, without alternatives and where is lost this Iiberal constancy of Serbia ? Not this class, nor this system left the scene tIll today. Who was always an obstacle to this liberal option of Serbia? Why Serbia cannot become compatible with other countries of the region ?
Markovic, Sacha. "Les intellectuels marxistes humanistes de Serbie entre socialisme et nationalisme : aux origines intellectuelles et culturelles des transitions yougoslaves, des années 1920 aux années 1970." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100104.
Full textAt the end of the eighties, Yugoslavia is already quite far ahead with its desintegration process. This latter comes to light and forecasts a probable flight of violence. It also has in store many outward surprises as the presence of learned serbian marxist intellectuals by the side of Slobodan Milošević. Ljubomir Tadić, Mihailo Marković or Svetozar Stojanović, for instance, were among the more eminent figures of the yugoslav communism in the sixties and seventies. At first sight, this evolution takes place in the general upheavals that break out in Eastern Europe, during the liberal transition on the occasion of the communist collapse. The yugoslav decomposition and the individual mutations seem to be the result of a global transition process, territorial, political and socioeconomic at once, that takes the whole “Other Europe” at a glance. Thus, the serbian elites would just have experience a process of “conversion” to “liberalism” and the country would have been subjected to structural transformations because of the Tito’s regime collapse. However, the uncommon nature of the yugoslav self-management experience induces us to question the past of a country which went through many political and socioeconomic transitions, a good while before the eighties ones. These last-mentioned are able to explain the emergence of an exclusive nationalism, which has its source upstream from the eighties. This doctoral thesis intends to analyse the intellectual and cultural origins of the final yugoslav divisions by studiing the political evolution of a group which tells the Tito’s Yugoslavia: the humanist marxists of the University of Belgrade, from the birth of the humanist sensibility in the twenties, among writers, to the purge of the intellectual cercles of Belgrade in the seventies by the titist regime. This diving in the communist past of Yugoslavs reveals that neither the World War II nor the eastern communism collapse are the only historical matrix of the rise of nationalisms in Yugoslavia
Turcot, Christina. "Le nationalisme ethnique serbe et les conflits en ex-Yougoslavie : lecture audiovisuelle." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28565.
Full textBoughaba, Yassin. "Citoyennetés populaires en Suisse : Sociabilités et politique à Renens (1945-2013)." Thesis, Nantes, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016NANT2033.
Full textMy dissertation examines working-class citizenships, i.e. plural forms of political commitment of deprived individuals. It aims to establish findings on political participation of working-class people from a local study on ‘upper’ working-class, i.e. workers and lower employees who are however involved in volunteering or political activities. The purpose of this piece of research is to identify social divisions among the working-class and their consequences on political participation of deprived individuals. I have analyzed several commitments – in parties, unions, associations and during elections – in different historical contexts. Drawing on historical and ethnographic inquiries as well as statistical data, this study shows that the commitment in the Parti Ouvrier et Populaire of workers of the Swiss Federal Railways in the 1940’ is related to an exclusion of workers of the private sector; that the division between Swiss workers and foreign workers appears in the xenophobic statements held in the Swiss Workers’ Union during the 1960’ and the 1970’; and finally that, in the 2000’, although foreign residents are now involved in volunteering and political activities – the volunteer fire department and the local committee of the Parti Ouvrier et Populaire –, they are still discriminated in these organizations
Bataković, Dušan T. "La France et la formation de la démocratie parlementaire en Serbie 1830-1914." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040185.
Full textThe French influence on development of democracy in Serbia was considerable. It can be traced on several levels: 1 on political one from 1810 as the model of nation-state; corresponding with egalitarian and revolutionary experiences of Serbian history; 2 on ideological level because France was considered as the cradle of all democratic values: after reestablishment of the Serbian state in 1830, the French influence, up to 1914, was transmissioned by the "Parisians" who had scholarship of Serbian government in France. After 1838 they largely contributed to the formation of four political parties: liberal (1858), radical (1872), progressive (1881) and independent radical (1902). The French doctrines in Serbia were adapted to the local traditions. The strongest among the two radical parties, within their program and practical policy, the French influence was a basis for a development of a "rural democracy" finally established in 1903. This growth of French influence on ideological, cultural, political and financial plan was noticed by the frenchmen: they considered Serbia as the most francophile state in the world
Lazea, Dorin Dan. "Souveraineté des états et intégration européenne : le cas des balkans." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40049.
Full textN order to circumscribe the proposed research, some clarification of the historical and geographical boundaries of the subject is needed.From the historical point of view, the period begins in the late 1980s, with the fall of communism, which is practically the moment from which the question of the European reintegration of the States of the region is asked. However, it will be necessary to make some investigations in the history of the 20th century, and even before, in order to understand certain characteristics of the region. For example, the problem of Kosovo can not be understood without knowing its past and the symbolic value of this region considered by the Serbs as their historical cradle. From a geographical point of view, the political map of the Balkans is controversial. However, if one considers the Danube as the northern boundary of the region, some countries have their entire territory included in the Balkan region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Montenegro, Greece). But there are others whose territory - either in their entirety or part - lies in the northern part of the Danube (such as Croatia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia) or even outside Europe ( Turkey). To demarcate more clearly the countries that will be the subject of this research, the history of European integration over the last twenty years will be used as a demarcation criterion. Thus Greece, although a member of the EU since 1989, will also be the subject of this research because of the relevance for the future conditionality policy of the suspension of the agreement, decided by EEC at the time of the Regime of Colonels. Under these conditions, the countries concerned in a collateral fashion by this research cover all possible stages of integration:- States which are already members of the EU, such as Slovenia (since 2004), Bulgaria and Romania (since 2007) and Croatia (from 2013);- States to which the EU has granted the official status of candidate state, such as Macedonia, Montenegro, Turkey and Serbia;- States enjoying the status of potential candidate states, such as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo
Bernault-Boswell, Florence. "Démocraties ambiguës : la construction d'une société politique au Gabon et au Congo-Brazzaville, 1945-1964." Paris 7, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA070005.
Full textThis dissertation focuses on the political, social and cultural evolution of central african societies in the gabon and the congo-brazzaville from 1945 to 1964. This study traces the historical roots of the failure of the first african presidents of these newly independent countries (the coups of 1963 and 1964). This work demonstrates the new perception and the new image of public power (and of nation-state) among africans, in particular through the study of elections. In this perspective, this dissertation shows the role of the new colonial occupation in the 1940s and the 1950s. At the same time, it sheds light on the constant appropriation and the active invention of politics by the africans. The dissertation concludes on the important fluidity of political and cultural mobilization, and on the mobility of ethnic identities among africans during this period
Essono, Mezui Hervé. "Eglise catholique, vie politique et démocratisation au Gabon : 1945-1995." Lyon 2, 2006. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2006/essono-mezui_h.
Full textThe Catholic Church has become one of the main components of contemporary Gabon. We cannot make its history without accounting for the part played by this Church in the Gabonese society. In a little more than 150 years of effective presence, it has shared the joys and misfortunes, the hopes and despairs of the Gabonese people. Since 1945, the Catholic Church has been confronted with the agitated and ambiguous political evolution of Gabon through the electoral competitions, political independence, the institutions set up, political violence. It has known the period of the single party, the political involvment of its priests, the return to the multi-party system and democratization. In front of these facts the Catholic Church has a directive word, neither noisy, nor aggressive, but useful for the construction of the society. But this word is disputed or misunderstood because of an environment characterized by a climate of ambiguous secularity, secularization and the internal challenges of the Church. Beyond the relationship between the Catholic Church and political life, between 1945 and 1995, this work is also interested in the History of this Church in order to better understand its role in society. It recalls its evolution since the periods of the missions until the building of the Churches diocesan, while relating by the end of the Mission, the change in the episcopate, the creation of the episcopal conference, the visit of the John Paul II. It shows the strengths and limits of its action in a Gabonese society, al ready facing deep economic, social and cultural changes because of colonization, and the oil boom
Duhamel, Éric. "L'Union démocratique et socialiste de la Résistance, 1945-1965." Paris 4, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA040054.
Full textThe subject of this doctoral theis is the only french political formation exclusively issued from the resistance mouvements. Initially a federation, it later took the form of a party, dedicated to the expression and promotion of the projects of many "resistants" : to reniew the french political life around a great "labour party" under c. De gaulle's leadership. Udsr was then the largest conglomerate ever called together, merging people of many different tendancies, except the communists. The story of its failure reflects the very nature of "la resistance". It sheds light of the period of the first pst war years. Rene pleven, who was the first president of the new party, tried out unsuccesfully to bring together de gaulle and the "third force". Doing so he contributed to the extension of this "third force" toward the right, all the more sso because it was a pivot group. From the analysis of several remarquable polls it appears obviously that, from 1947 to 1951, the role plyaed by udsr in the assembly was invesrsely proportional to its numerical strength. F. Mitterand took advantage of the large number of his clients in the "mouvement de prisonniers de guerre" to exert a leadership in the party. He attacks pleven's proeuropean positions on behalf of african priorities. He became preisdent in 1953. After the come back of de gaulle in 1958, the party was used by mitterrand as in instrument to group togother all non communists left wingers, under the framework of the 5th republic institutions. The study of the udsr demonstrates that it was no so much a "parti de cadre" than an original, specific and original formula. Finally, this thesis is more than a detailed monography of a party that played a central role. It reveals several facts and new points, enlighting this history with various unknow aspects
OULD, SIDYA KHABAZ MOHAMED. "L'evolution constitutionnelle et politique de la mauritanie de 1960 a 1988. " mimetisme et ou adaptation du constitutionnalisme moderne "." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010295.
Full textDuring sevral ten years the french colonial state has neutralized the mauritanian traditional institutions and used them as a link between him and local populations. After independance, as like in other contries of the french tradition of legal field, a presidential constitution, even "presidentialist" was adopted in 20th may 1961. The regime was caracterized by the parliament enfeeblement and by the strengthening of the president powers, especially, after the institutionalization of the single party in 1965. In 1978, the beadlock in which the regime entered provocated by the western sahara conflit, and because of economic crisis and carcan of the single party all this determinated the military forces to overthrow the civil regime of president mokhtar o. Daddah the 10th july 1978. After this coup, a political evolution caracterized by the formalism and the permanent instability which was marked by the adoption of six constitutional chartes in 8 years. This work try to lay down and to resolve the problem of cohabitation of traditional political institutions and modern institutional schemas from 1960 to 1988 and describe the dialectrics which govern their interaction
Hongphanut, Racchaneekorn. "La naissance de la thailande contemporaine de 1933 a 1945." Montpellier 3, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994MON30039.
Full textIn the years 1933 to 1945, thailand was faced with a number of difficult internal and external political problems. In the wake of the coup d'etat fomented by young civilian and military intellectuals in 1932, the revolutionary movement known as the "people's party" was constituted with the express purpose of modifying the political regime. Its ambitious program called for an evolution away from absolute monarchy toward a constitutional monarchy and democracy by means of an occidentalization of the nation's structures. The actions of great figures who have marked the history of thailand such as the statesmen praya pahonponpayuhasena, luang phibulsongkram and luang pradist are studied in depth. The projected political evolution did not take into account the fact that the working classes, 80% of whom lived in rural areas, were not ready to accept the proposed revolutionary ideology. The political class was more interested in personal ambition than in the interests of the country. Given this context, it was impossible for the liberal regime to come into being and, instead, thailand lived with "phibulism" and the dictatorship of an excessively nationalistic ideology
Fauconnier, Brice. "Tenkō 転向 : va-et-vient, convergences et changements idéologiques dans le Japon des années 1920-1950." Paris, INALCO, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012INAL0001.
Full textComparing with european cases largly influenced by religious conversions or recantations' idea, the ideological changes phenomenon called "tenkō " in Japan is valuable for two reasons. Firstable, it is public (therefore, immediatly controled, mediatized as a social and ordinary phenomenon through the public expression space), secondly, it lives through the twenties to the fifties (therefore, it represents the heart for rethinking continuity and dicontinuity among political elite from prewar to postwar). Mostly used pejoratively to mark out an official renunciation of marxist ideas or commitment in the thirties, it originally concerns marxits internal debate concerning the readaptation of the theoretical apparatus to new social and political conditions. The history of the word "tenkô", wich basically means "change of orientation", shows the developpement into ideological issues under the action the authorities from 1928 to the defeat and the difficulty for Japanese intellectuals to combine occidental heritage and patriotism. Qualifying "tenkō " the general evolution of Japan from the mobilization to total war in Asia-Pacific or the individual choices from 1945, amounts in many ways to denounce abrupt turnarounds or opportunism as lack of Resistance to "fascism" or a series of compromises with militarism and war worshiping. To avoid such simplification and in order to clarify postwar Japan discourses presuppositions concerning the war itself and the position of Japan in its international environment, this study intend to provide an historical overview on the reorientation of the 1920-1950 period
Pauthier, Céline. "L'indépendance ambiguë : construction nationale, anticolonialisme et pluralisme culturel en Guinée (1945-2010)." Paris 7, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA070125.
Full textGuinea's access to independence, in 1958, was a founding act, around which the nationalist narrative was forged. But the political and social mobilizations of the 1940s and 1950s are more complex than the nationalist mythology suggests. In a context of imperial reforms, political parties offered different ranges of anticolonialism. They also confronted about political legitimacy, that had to be refounded. At different scales, local politics, west-african formations, metropolitan strategy interacted in the cold war context and led to the daim to sovereignty. At the turn of independence (1956-1962), the Parti Démocratique de Guinée leadership came to imagine the nation as a community united by the one-party state led by its leader. All dissent, be it real or potential, was suppressed. As the regime radicalized, from 1961 to 1976, nationalism was reduced to anti-imperialism. Nevertheless, the process of nation-building was an ambivalent one. Through permanent mobilization and cultural nationalism, Guineans took part in performing the nation, between consent and constraint. This shared history, in spite of its turmoils, contributed to make the guinean nation an affective community. This is conspicuous in the memorial controversies that emerged from 1984 on. Often centered round the figure of the « hero of independence », they rekindle some parts of the nationalist narrative which are either meeting consensus or triggering dispute
Barzin, Nader. "L'économie politique de développement de l'énergie nucléaire en Iran : 1957-2004." Paris, EHESS, 2004. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00011311.
Full text"Atoms for peace" was introduced in Iran under US initiative in 1957. The developing Iran of the era had no need of atomic technology. The US initiative was based on its position of weakness and desire of controlling the international nuclear sector. The launch of the nuclear industry in Iran in 1974 corresponded to the last phase of international cooperation in this field. US-Iranian relations had already entered the period of lack of trust due to the nationalization of Iranian oil industry by the Shah and his participation in OPEC prise increase. For these reasons the completion of the program was problematic and was aborted with the revolution of 1979. Our thesis holds that the revelation of Iranian enrichment capacity in 2002 serves two essential functions : first a "virtual dissuasion" against invasion of American forces that besiege Iran on all frontiers. Second, having demonstrated-and abandoned its military capability, Iran seeks to be finally able to operate its civilian nuclear industry after 30 years of obstacles
Talamoni, Jean-Guy. "Littérature et construction politique : l'exemple du Primu Riacquistu corse (1896-1945)." Corte, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012CORT0033.
Full textMarchesin, Philippe. "Etat et société en Mauritanie : 1946 - 1986 : de l'historicité du politique en Afrique." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010255.
Full textThis thesis which must be differentiated form the global analysis of the developmentalist and the neo-marxist approaches which have characterized numerous similar works concerning Mauritania for about 20 years, attaches importance to the historical aspect, avoiding however any cultural hyper determinism, in order to explain the politics in that country. After he has introduced Moorish and negro-African traditional societies which is shown to be essential for the understanding of the rest of the work, the author studies the contemporary state of Mauritania. First of all, by taking in account the political evolution since 1946 and by using the concept of a state with a variable focusing, the identifies six component areas of the post-colonial state of Mauritania ( the national-legal political, the ethnical, the tribal, the religious areas and areas of new solidarities and of external influences). By assessing the intensity of those varied mobilizations, he concludes that the tribal area is dominating, that leads him to describe the state of Mauritania as a "state with a variable focusing where the neo-khaldunism is dominant". Then, this thesis means to view plural strategies of the social actors, according. .
Zhang, Dubus Juxian. "Les relations diplomatiques sino-françaises (1964-1994) : l'historiographie chinoise à la lumière de l'historiographie française." Montpellier 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003MON30015.
Full textThe thesis described in depth the inflected process of establishing diplomatic relations between China and France after 1949, and analyzed a series of historical events taken place during the period of 1964 to 1994 and their impact on the development of the foreign relations between the two countries. The thesis is based on the author's understanding of a large number of documentations from Chinese and French archives
Cantier, Jacques. "L'Algérie sous le régime de Vichy : de la fin de la IIIe République aux lendemains du débarquement allié : le temps de la Révolution nationale." Toulouse 2, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999TOU20076.
Full textEstragnat, Dominique. "Technocratie et démocratie : essai sur la violence institutionnelle sous la Ve République." Lyon 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993LYO33008.
Full textRationalization of politics and social has led our republic into a galloping institutioinal violence. The french technocratic society maintains the opposition between, on the one hand, the force of the multitutde but ruled by the principle of pleasure, and ont the other hand, the instrumental reason of oligarchical elites. In this case, the principle of alienation is paradoxical : everyone lives out of the other one's recognition, and thus the need of the enemy, but an enemy first hidden in the citizen-indvidual's heart. Therefore, the only report of strength's relations which corrupt the french democracy from the inside, only leads, on its own, to a never ending institutionalization of the relations of domination v. Servitude. The state and its elites, administration, social groups, parties and tradeunions reflect the fight between slavery and freedom inside the individual because the freedom of the state only exists by the individual's one. The unity of the individual's partition into force-love-spirit is a condition of the unity and the freedom of the state and society. External liberation - the existence of authentic liberties and therefore, democracy - this way, finds its condition in an internal liberation of the individual
Lee, Han-Kyu. "Le développement politique et les partis politiques au Cameroun sous la colonisation française entre 1945-1958." Paris 10, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA100047.
Full textOur thesis is divided into three parts and deals essentially with two subjects. The first is the domination of europe, and in particular that of germany and france, in the dialectical relationship between colonization and civilization. The second is the political parties in cameroon and the dilemma they face in the political development process in that country. The story of colonization is not an ordinary story, even if it is related to an economic phenomenon (capitalism) and characterized by the use of force (imperialism). Since then, however, civilization has been based on the inequality between the people being civilized and the people bringing the civilization. Indeed, there can be no "civilizing mission" without the duties of civilization. The "civilizing mission" has not allowed the natives to become french because if that had happened, they would have experienced their rights as their duties. Thus, the capitalistic and imperialistic colonialism practiced by the french has been based on a "distinct" civilization that requires arbitrarily performing the duties of the colonized people. The political parties in cameroon came into being in this historical context. These parties, like those in most of the african countries colonized at the same period, have to reconcile two demands: the first is to fight against colonialism and the second, to provide the population with political structures. Thus, between 1945 and 1958, they gave themselves the task of transforming social forces (social conflicts) into political forces. For the parties in cameroon, politicization is a duty that falls on the people and not a right possessed because it is desired. They had recourse to all kinds of political actions, both violent and non-violent, irrespective of form or content. Through their efforts, the parties in cameroon were able to achieve a positive rather than the normative or doctrinal position that they had during the last phase of colonization. Whatever the basic socio-political conflicts may be, they will always exist and contribute to the functioning of a given society, because there is never a society without conflict. The political parties must face up to their responsibility with regard to socio-political conflicts. One characteristic of the political parties is that they form and break up constantly between groups of individuals who are united by common intere
Saab, Myra. "L'Orient arabe (1958-1976) vu par le journaliste libanais francophone Edouard Saab." Paris 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA040230.
Full text@This study analyses the Francophone Christian Lebanese journalist Edouard Saab's perception of the Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Egypt and the Israeli-Arab conflict from 1958 to 1976. .
Cain, Bernard. "La vie politique en Haute-Franconie depuis 1945 : réflexions sur le fédéralisme allemand." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040030.
Full textIn the Free State of Bavariaʺ (Freistaat Bayern) , one of the federate states (Länder) of the Federal Republic of Germany , the Upper-Franconia (Oberfranken) is one of the seven regions (Bezirke) in possession of a certain degree of political and administrative autonomy , and a high sense of particularism , which it expressed in several ways towards the centralism of Munich , including some kinds of claimings for its independance , from 1945 since today. Through the study of the principal events of its contemporaneous political life , this analysis tries to insist on the affirmation of the Upper-Franconia as a place with a strong identity , which seems to be representative of the rise of the european regions , and could make today a profit on its position inside Germany and Europe , with its eastern extension , by seating its experience with regard to the historical heritage and actual tendencies of the german federalism , the conceptions and practices of the bavarian governments , so as the problems and perspectives of the institutional construction of the European Union and the place which could be devolved in it to the regional entities
Kaciaf, Nicolas. "Les métamorphoses des pages Politique dans la presse écrite française (1945-2000)." Paris 1, 2005. https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01078668.
Full textOllivier-Yaniv, Caroline. "État et communication gouvernementale : histoire d'une nécessité démocratique 1939-1976 : du Commissariat général à l'information au Service d'information et de diffusion du Premier ministre." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010332.
Full textBy the term governmental communication, this thesis refers to the means used by the state to establish an exchange of information between government institutions and citizens. Both vast and familiar, this information is recognised as a full right in the contract between the state and the nation. But it is also defined by its necessity as well as by the commentaries which stress its intrinsicly democratic nature. If the communication of the state poses questions inherent in the practice of representative democracy, it is far from offering an answer to what type of relationship between the government and the governed is the most direct possible. As a unique form of relationship between the people and the executive, governmental communication is itself a kind of governance, a mode of regulating between the accessibility and the inacessibility of the government vis-a-vis the governed. Governmental communications can be understood as a realization of the public face of state information. Two areas will be considered for analysis and explanation: the genesis and the economics of governmental communication. Through documentary and archival research covering the period from 1939 through 1976 - the year in which the prime minister's information and broadcasting service (service d'information et de diffusion du premier ministre or sid) was created - this thesis first demonstrates that governmental communication is a rationalized form of relationship between the state and its information. Then, by considering how the sid has functioned over the last 20 years, its procedures and the actors involved in it or around it - ascertained through both a series of semi-direct interviews and a questionnaire - this thesis demonstrates that the state has not created a new sphere of action but that the sid appears rather to be a dramatic device intended to disseminate the different guises of the state. Thus, governmental communications can be considered as a kind of theatre characteristic of the democratic system
Diener, Georges. "Résistance populaire et maquis en Roumanie (1945-1965)." Paris, INALCO, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000INAL0005.
Full textThe popular resistance to the collectivization in Romania is a distinct unknown phenomenon both in the West and in Central and Eastern Europe. In this country which has become known by the ferocity of its political police - redoubtable Securitate - and by the traditional passivity of the society versus soviet and communist enslavement inherited from a history of sequential occupations, a blustering popular opposition to the communist dominance emerged however. Indeed, from 1945 to 1965, several peasant riots burst out, joined by underground rebels, the partisans (maquis) spread out on the whole Carpathian arc. The presentation of this resistance - daily life of the partisans ; the typology of rebels ; rural riots etc - underlines the study of political forces and their evolution from soviet invasion to the unlimited domination, of the Romanian Communist Party and analyzes mechanisms of the collectivization in agriculture, main cause of the peasant discontent
Faxas, Laura. "Système politique et mouvement populaire en République dominicaine, 1961-1990." Paris, EHESS, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EHES0097.
Full textThe popular uprising in april 1984 has revealed the contradictions in the political system and the consequences of an aborted national-popular model in the dominican republic. The main point of this thesis (p. H. D. Dissertation) is to analyse the popular movement as a social actor and its relationship with the political system. These relationship are influenced by the historical process and by the impossibile development of a national-popular model and the destruction of myth elaborated around this model
Vergnon, Gilles. "Catastrophe et renouveau : socialistes, communistes et oppositionnels d'Europe et d'Amérique du Nord sous l'impact de la victoire nazie : crises et reclassements (1933-1934)." Grenoble 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994GRE29005.
Full textThis work, which concerns the main european countries (including the ussrand the usa) in two decisive years (1933 and 1934), tries, after a picture of the german left from 1930 till 1933 and an overview of the vision of nazi rise from the main currents of the ruropean left, to sound out and to produce the typologie of their reactions against what is called as early as 1933 the "german disaster". Then, this transnational study brings out three succesive plans of renewal of leftist political strategies, each of them supported by different actors : the attempt of build "new parties", the "revolutionizing" of socialist parties, around "planism" or not, unity with communist parties, which, on communist's initiative, rapidly widens in "all-inclusive democratic blocs"
Nayouf, Salah. "La formation de la pensée politique en Syrie (1945-2000) : les courants idéologiques." Paris 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA030036.
Full textThis thesis highlights the situation of ideological movements in Syria and debates how to build a new Syria. The principal idea and aim of this work is the distinction between two stages of the political thought in Syria: the stage of constructing the national State and the democratic project after the independence, and the stage of constructing the State/Party or the totalitarian and authoritative project of the Baath party. For that, this study has several approaches. The first relates to the definition of the evolution of ideology and political thought in Syria, and the forms of this definition. The analysis approaches the historical point of view within a framework of relationships between the political ideas and the social and economic development. The second relates to the relationship between ideology and reality, and that gives an analysis of the political social and economic practices
Ahmet, Illa. "Instabilité et démocratie en Afrique subsaharienne francophone : le Niger et la Côte d'Ivoire." Toulouse 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005TOU10025.
Full textAfter thirty years of civil and military dictatorship, pressure from the international community has pushed the Republic of Niger and Côte d'Ivoire to renew ties with the democratisation process. This process entered into grudgingly by the leaders in these two countries and running up against steering locks. This thesis tackles the reasons that explain this phenomenon. Regarding the study, the blockage is linked to the behaviour of the military and civil elite, to the dysfunctions of the administrative structures and the followers as well as the international and economic environment. The deconstruction of the administrative structures caused by corruption, nepotism and favouritism has provoked communal and tehnic tensions in Côte d'Ivoire. This situation is the cause of the political crisis that is taking place in the country today. The army's refusal to stay out of the political arena as well as its incapability to protect the republican institutions has been detrimental to the reinforcement of democracy in the two countries. The bias of the frameworks in charge of electoral issues (electoral commission, electoral justice) combined with a bad regulation of the political game by the political actors (political parties and elite) constitutes another source of the blockage. The democratic instabilities in Niger and Côte d'Ivoire are also linked to the drastic economic crisis that the two nations are going through. The infectiveness of the African integration and especially the absence of economic aid from the international community are supplementary causes of this crisis
Hurtig, Christiane. "Les Princes dans la vie politique indienne depuis l'indépendance." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985IEPP0005.
Full textBonenfant, Thierry. "L'évolution des comportements électoraux dans le Grand Ouest, 1958-1988." Rennes 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1992REN11003.
Full textThe large West of France is an entity whose image as for a long time been stable especially as for as its conservative ways of voting are concerned. This large region which includes Brittany, the Loire area and Lower Normandy (three countries which happen to have similar socio-professional structures and economic evolutions) has enabled the left and more precisely and more precisely the non-communist left to show for the last thirty years or so its highest vote increases in France. These evolutions are analyzed on the basis of the results of the national elections (general and presidential). The various explanatory factors which are pointed out, and whose importance varies according to the places studied, have underlined the importance of the spatial dimension of these evolutions as shown in the included charts. The explanation lies on long-term and short-term factors. In the long term, it includes traditional variables such as the socio-economic redeployments, the demographic redistributions or the cultural heritage, revealing the electoral impact of a population drift, of an economic vitalization, of a weakening in the structures of the traditional social controle among which catholicism ranks first. In the short term it integrates the structure of the electoral offer and the so-colled factors of political conjuncture which gain a growing importance in the context of new social distributions. Can this progression of the Left which places today the West of France in the French average, be interpreted as an attenuation of the local specificities or, on the contrary, should it be seen as a transition towards the building-up of new strongholds ?
Mavroidis, Constantin. "La construction de la nation grecque (1780-1922)." Montpellier 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997MON10013.
Full textTrechniewski, Boris. "Le facteur tchèque dans les relations polono-hongroises (1918-1939)." Paris 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA030037.
Full textInside the Polish-Hungarian relations between the two World Wars, Czechoslovakia appears as an unmissable factor, because it plays a crystallization’s rule, inserted between these both countries. Poles and Hungarian make their policy according to Czech affairs, searching to build again their mutual border, in Carpathian Ruthenia. The study of different alliances combinations deployed by these three nations in order to neutralize each other, broadened the evocation of various union and federation projects, which have been considered in order to guarantee the peace in the Danubian basin and more generally in Europe. As for Polish-Hungarian connection in the thirties, in the frame of the totalitarian rise in Central Europe, leads to realize the mutual border, after the Munich agreement, in september 1938
Monnier, Jean-Jacques. "Le comportement politique des bretons : étude historique et géographique, 1945-1993." Rennes 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993REN20006.
Full textEighty years after the "political picture of western France" by A. Siegfried, it important to focus on Breton political mutations, as the economy and society have undergone deep upheavals. Through work in the field and from archives, as well as the study of economic, socio-cultural and historical data, the political evolution of Brittany since 1945 is retraced, comparing it to its French context and to that of non-Breton western France. The left receded (1946-65), the right receded (1965-81) followed by a more stable period before the 1992 93 crisis and the emergence of abstention, of ecologism and of the extreme right, without any significant transfers of left to right. The long term gives an impression of stability, particularly the existence of four sharply contrasting regions of opinion : three "white" areas where there was often an endogenous economic development, based on agricultural cooperatives and on private initiative; a left area the size of a department, with a communist-like core and a "pinkish" periphery. Two-thirds of the electorade and of those in office identify with a Breton political model that is reformist, egalitarian and pragmatic, centred on economic development - the posterity of 35 years of regional action
Yagil, Limore. "L'Homme nouveau et la Révolution nationale de Vichy, 1940-1944 : étude du régime, de son idéologie et de ses pratiques." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0014.
Full textRey, Matthieu. "Le parlementarisme en Irak et en Syrie entre 1946 et 1963 : un temps de pluralisme au Moyen-Orient." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0076.
Full textContrary to an historiographical trend which denounces the parliamentary system as a corrupted period, our work aims at shedding a new light on its importance in the understanding of Iraqi and Syrian history between 1946 and 1963. Thanks to an analysis of political practices and political configurations, we managed to show how new states emerged and tried to face -very differently -numerous social demands. In a five-step study, we have retraced the trajectory of these two parliamentary systems. After providing a background of this regime in itself, we have chosen to focus on the first years that followed the Second World War. For both countries, the parliamentary experiences appeared as determining in the conquest of a real sovereignty. However, the crises that the year 1948 experienced imposed a new semantics of power in which efficiency and concentration of powers were of primary importance: Two authoritative formulas were briefly tried out. They were questioned in 1954; this calling into question led to new parliamentary configurations. A consensus government, aiming at unifying extremely fragmented political forces, was set up. Nevertheless, this system paralyzed and both regimes yielded to revolutionary waves. The new regimes intended to implement a real liberal parliamentary system but failed. In 1963, the constitutionalist formula seemed to run dry and the coups d'Etat by hizb al-ba 'ath (Ba'ath party) destroyed every foundation principle of the rule of law in both countries. We have tried to explain the extent to which the notion of parliamentary system could not be confined to a mere institutional arrangement. On the contrary, as we studied the dynamics which affect architectures of powers, we managed to show how the making process of public politics worked. Going beyond an approach which limited parliamentary system to the political sphere, we intended to seize the numerous interactions that exist between states and societies. Finally, we have proposed a set of ways to comprehend the disappearance of this form of power. Parliamentary system is an abundant and extremely rich reality. Thanks to hitherto non-studied Arabic sources, we were able to re-establish and to reassess the importance of this period
Delporte, Christian. "Dessinateurs de presse et dessin politique en France des années 1920 à la Libération." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991IEPP0007.
Full textThe present article seeks to give weight to newspaper cartoons as historical documents and the same time to contribute, through a study of cartoonists - on an individual and collective basis - to the history of journalists and journalism. The interwar period is marked by the massive inclusion of cartoons in main newspapers. Caricaturists, bowing to the demands of the press, transform their profession and give up their traditional artistic spirit in order to become authentic journalists. They participate with spirit to the controversies of their era and transform newspaper cartoons into a fearsome political weapon which spoke out with particular violence in the 1930's. To such and extent that caricatures can be considered by historians as a genuine instrument of evaluation in the political debate. Newspaper cartoons, neglected by Vichy, stood out as privileged tool of propaganda for the Parisian collaboration movement. The period of liberation, at last, marks the history of newspaper cartoons and caricaturists, like a deep period of rupture
Assogho, Obiang Romuald. "Culture politique et politique européenne de la Grande-Bretagne de Harold Wilson à Tony Blair : Entre souverainisme anti-intégrationniste et minimalisme pragmatique." Bordeaux 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999BOR30033.
Full textBelhaj, Saif Mohammed Rachid. "La politique scolaire du protectorat français au Maroc (1912-1940)." Paris 5, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA05H078.
Full textThe colonial school introduced in morocco has been clearly marked by the marechal Lyautey's ideological choice. Three essential principle were defined : - principle of "difference" that consisted to create specific schools for every school public : European school, franco-jewish school and franco-arabic school ; - principle of "differenciation" that distinguished on one hand between schools reserved for the sons of the leading citizens and populars schools and, on the other hand, between barbers and Arabs ; - principle of "lingering evolution" : the schooling of natives has not to confer more values to his public and to turn out soured elements. The analysis and questioning of several data have shown that these principles had been effectively applied
Akpo-Vaché, Catherine. "L'A. O. F. Et la Seconde Guerre mondiale : la vie politique (septembre 1939 - octobre 1945)." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010552.
Full textThree stages marked political life in French West Africa (F. W. A) during the second world war. First of all, there were the schock of the defeat, the stablishment of Vichy's regime and its laws. This government was accepted by a large part of public opinion but it gave birth to several forms of resistance. Two year later, f. W. A. Joined the "allies" who continued the fight against the axe countries. The Boisson-Eisenhower agreement about political life could not keep in check the democratic claim of national and resistance associations. At the same time, the french partners were ready to agree on a new deal of colonial power in their territories as well as in the world. From Boisson's departure from power in july nineteen forty three, the "gaullistes" assumed political power in F. W. A. . They proposed new colonial politics which were debated at Brazzaville. French launched the project. Africans hoped that it would give them more rights and greater equality with white people. They put forward electoral strategies and managed to have their deputies elected to the french parliament. They could share the direction of political life with the french power
Durand, Jean-Daniel. "L'opinion mosellane face à la politique allemande : janvier 1933-septembre 1939." Metz, 1998. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/UPV-M/Theses/1998/Durand.Jean_Daniel.LMZ9801_1.pdf.
Full textOne of the main goals of this research is to establish the evolution of political analyses and commentaries by the press in moselle for the whole period (completed by archive documents). Events in german interior and exterior policy affect the sensitivity of journalists in moselle. In this type of nearly erupting volcano that europe became starting in 1935-36, it is difficult for observers, even ones as well-informed as journalists, to form and voice steady opinions. How can you not give in to dread when germany is hurriedly rearming and remilitarizing, not succumb to panic when hitlerian acts of force are multiplying ? Should a rapprochement with berlin be attempted or, on the contrary, should one remain aloof and rearm ? Can the religious persecutions of the third reich be condemned at the risk of seeing "catholic brothers" across the rhine undergo even greater harassment ? Is it possible, conceivable, to set off a conflict with its accompanying deaths and disasters (the memory of the first world war is still present in remarks made) in order to save "weak" austria, "little" czechoslovakia, "non-existent" memel ? These few examples show the difficult situations about which people in the moselle will react, worry, demonstrate. If the moselle population can sometimes have doubts, the journalists must reach decisions, choose, be affirmative, and all this while undergoing local and national political influences. Hate, or sympathy for, the front populaire still has repercussions. Parliamentary, and especially ministerial, fits and starts sometimes put the written press into annoying situations leading to feelings of impotence and, in reaction, the wish of certain journalists to see a strong government set up, one having an unwavering, firm policy. So many french and international events punctuate the period studied ! They will highly influence the evolution of public opinion. Other than the influence of the "leagues", the war in abyssinia, the war in spain, the franco-russian entente, british "appeasement", are all part of these marking events that have probably weighed on the thoughts and minds of northern Lorraine
Neira, Samanez Hugo. "Minorités politiques et lutte pour le pouvoir dans les premières décennies du Pérou contemporain (1895-1948) : étude des trois minorités actives et projets nationaux." Paris, EHESS, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986EHES0101.
Full textThe third and most important - part of the thesis is devoted to APRA in Peru. Not the whole of the party, however, but only the elite of its founders and leaders in the "twenties and" thirties. The first tow parts deal worth the political elites before the apparition of aprisma, viz. The establishment in Peru from the end of the XIXth. Century to 1919, and the people in the wake of Leguia, the authoritarian and modern-minded despot, bet between 1919 and 1930. The thesis investigates each and every political and social group, the establishment, the "leguistas" and the "apristas". The characteristic phenomenon studies is that of active minorities and their limits. In each of the three cases studies are included the various intelligentsias which may or may not coincide with the prevailing group. The study also includes the description of the successive national projects which bear the stamp of positivism and marxism. Aprisma is studied from its beginnins as a "social movement" in the sense Alain Touraine gives to the phrase, before being a full-fledged political party. Those social movements of young anarchist, trade-unionist workers and intellectuals influenced by the university reform in the "twenties will build up and become a radical intelligentsia. “juvenile” is the characteristic of the period. (3rd part) if this thesis be true how did the aprisma become a party ? Hence its original character, the heterogeneous composition of its members and the need for internal hierarchy intensified in the "thirties by persecutions. The thesis shows the metamorphosis of the movement - party into a "political religion" in the sense Raymond Aron gives to the phrase, during the "thirties and "forties". Hence the study of the social atmosphere wich generates political charisme and authoritarianism
Noll, Maria Izabel. "La construction du varguisme : l'ordre pour principe, le progrès comme fin." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0023.
Full textThis thesis deals with the history of the construction of the brazilian national state between 1930 and 1945 and of the tensions which had appared during this period between the project of plitical centralization and the oligarchic federalism of the old republic (1889-1930). The research had concentrated, ont the one hand, on the political construction of the "varguismo" or national level and, on the other hand, the ideology sources that founded this politics. It deals both with Getulio Varga's intelectual upbringing and his experience in regional politics. He has gratuated from the free faculty of law of Porto Alegre before he had gone into politics through the republican political party from the state of Rio Grande do Sul (PPR) whose ideology base was the positivism of Augusto Comte. Going over his speeches, as well as his diary, it had been possible to disover the most outstanding traits of his political strategy after the Revolution of 1930. Vargas started the processes which led to nationalization of the politics, to the regional oligarchy control, the valorization of the military corporation as the factor of national unification without forgetting the politics of industrialization which the state had coordinated and the incorporation of the proletarian through the syndicates of the State owing to social integration
Bazenguissa, Rémy. "Histoire sociale du champ politique congolais : 1946-1991." Paris, EHESS, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995EHES0091.
Full textMy sociological study of congolese political practices constitutes a historical account divided in six parts. I strove to show, for each period, how in their fight for power, the actors played differents trumps : the influences which they could prevail over religious circles, as well as military, political, and ethnical, their own capacity in mastering eloquence, and elegance, and finally, the valorization of their scholar diplomas, when they had any
Hedjan, Jonel. "La politique ecclésiastique de Byzance envers les pays balkaniques : l'exemple de la Serbie et de la Bulgarie (1346-1402)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040167.
Full textSince the ninth century, many aspects of the state and of the ecclesiastical organization as well as of the spiritual and material culture of the South Slav peoples have been directly inherited from Byzantium. During the second half of the fourteenth century, the Turkish conquest induced drastic changes in the Balkan states including the Byzantine empire. These changes have led to many shifts in the way of functioning but also in the relationship between not only the churches but also between the states. This thesis examines more deeply the issues at stake between Byzantium and the secular and ecclesiastical powers of the Slavic Balkan countries, the way that these issues have transformed the Byzantine policy in this area, and finally how, in return, political instability of these states has shaped the politics of the Byzantine Church. It will thus be an attempt to understand how the Byzantine Church has endorsed the role of guardian of the secular interests of the endangered Byzantine Empire, first facing the Serbian expansionism and then facing the disappearance of the Bulgarian state and lastly facing the Russian's ambitions considering that they were the only growing orthodox power at the time
Seggelke, Sabine. "Les stratégies de la communication politique des Présidents de la République : étude comparative depuis 1958." Paris, EPHE, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EPHE4076.
Full textMy thesis pursues two goals: First, it inquires into one distinct institution, the French presidency, basing this investigation on a multitude of theoretical approaches. Second, the thesis is designed as an historical comparison in order to analyze the changing patterns in the interaction between the Elysée and the media since the beginnings of the Fifth Republic in 1958. This approach does not only insist on the incumbent and his decisions, but assumes that the relationship between politics and the media can be characterized as an essential power sharing. Methodically, the thesis relies on four techniques: First, a vast corpus of relevant literature was established which contains not only scientific research papers but also books of politicians, journalists and PR-consultants. Then, a qualitative press and broadcasting analysis was conducted. Finally, 21 semi structured interviews with politicians, political counselors, PR-consultants and journalists were conducted; a technique I already used for my Masters thesis
Chirio, Maud. "La politique des militaires : mobilisations et révoltes d'officiers sous la dictature brésilienne (1961-1978)." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010654.
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