Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politique et gouvernement – Gabon – 1970-'
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Bisso, Bikah Marcelle. "Dynamique socio-politique : de l'ouverture politique au pluralisme syndical au Gabon." Rouen, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998ROUEL323.
With the acquisition of the independence in 1960, the Gabonese local strengths are going to manage the professional relationships through the tools, which had been bequeathed by the colonization. If the Gabonese workers are evolving in a trade-union pluralism, the trade unionists will not be really accept by the political authorities. From 1967 to the late eighties, those same authorities will even set up a trade-union monolithism that won't be contested by the workers till the late eighties. Indeed, until that period, they are going to set off very violent demonstrations. We aim at understanding why the workers who were thus far apathetic demonstrated and what could be the nature of their movement. Therefore, we have given off the hypothesis that we were in front of a social movement as defined by Alain Touraine. In comparison with that hypothesis, we submitted the Gabonese workers to a social observation, which is the method of this writer when it does matter of wondering if a struggle could be defines as a social movement or not. It is that job of self-analysis made close to groups of workers, that is proposed here to the reader
Ossakédjombo-Ngoua-Memiaghe, Gisèle Marie-Hortense. "Les politiques du Gabon sur l'apartheid, le Moyen-Orient et la Palestine de 1960 à 1995 : discours et actions dans les Organisations des Nations Unies, de l'Unité Africaine et de la Francophonie." Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010545.
Makindey, Félix-Andy. "Le personnel gouvernemental gabonais 1968-1981 : approche prosopographique d'une élite politique." Bordeaux 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR30060.
President Bongo reaches the Supreme Office at the age of thirty two, the 2nd December 1967, in a country crossed by ethnolinguistic pluralism with political families already made up. (MBA's presidential and families of old political tradition). Add to that the greatest lack of qualified senior executives. In a context of single party, in which the weakness of the legislative power benefits to the executive one, this requirement in human resources is multiplied by twoRegarding to endogenous (geopolitical) and exogenic (freemasonry) factors, what are the factors which found the government's membership from 25th of January 1968 to 22nd of August 1981? Which capital the chosen of the government office's duty has at his disposal? Has the colonizer formed an elite to succeed him? How is the redistribution of government posts made during these thirteen years? In which point of view President Bongo is registered to manage the political heritage which his predecessor left to him ? On the basis of the double partition which founds his action : the consolidation of his power and the realization of the national unity; does President Bongo opt for the break or the continuity with the previous regimen ? To give answers to those questions, we have chose prosopography as support of our analysis. These approach endeavours the study of Gabonese governmental institution through people who make it
Mandjouhou, Yolla Eustache. "Neo-patrimonialisme, pouvoir personnel et politique étrangère au Gabon." Bordeaux 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002BOR40002.
Libreville as become an important diplomatic center in Africa. Because of is longevity in power and of is intervention in favor of peace in various mediation, Omar Bongo as become the african wiseman, the Félix Houphoue͏̈t-Boigny heir's. Keeping in mind the institutional model, and after a historical roundabout way, its appears that presidential institution is central in decision-making and foreign polyguidance in Gabon. Abundant case of parallel diplomacy to the detriment of Foreign affairs ministery is an additional evidence of his last one's preeminence uppon other institutional actors. .
Bignoumba, Moundemba Étienne. "Le système politique gabonais." Bordeaux 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992BOR1A001.
Koumba, Koumba Garcia. "La problématique de l’alternance au pouvoir en Afrique francophone : une analyse comparée des cas du Gabon et du Sénégal (de 1970 à 2019)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023UBFCF014.
Overall, this research explores the democratic process in Gabon and Senegal. But very precisely, she is interested in the problem of democratic alternation in power. Taking a comparative perspective, it uses the neo-institutional theoretical framework to understand and explain the divergences in trajectories in this area between the two countries.In total, the entire work includes two large parts preceded by an introductory part. Regarding the introductory part, most of the developments are devoted to the presentation of the research subject, to the initail question, to the hypotheses, in a word, to the theoretical and methodological aspects.In the first major part of the work, it is a question of establishing the points of convergence or similarities between the two countries. It is made up of three chapters. Regarding the second part, it highlights or exposes the points of devergence. Also composed of three chapters, each of them is designed from the three main angles of analysis of neo-institutionalism (namely ideas, institutions and interests)
Bernault-Boswell, Florence. "Démocraties ambiguës : la construction d'une société politique au Gabon et au Congo-Brazzaville, 1945-1964." Paris 7, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA070005.
This dissertation focuses on the political, social and cultural evolution of central african societies in the gabon and the congo-brazzaville from 1945 to 1964. This study traces the historical roots of the failure of the first african presidents of these newly independent countries (the coups of 1963 and 1964). This work demonstrates the new perception and the new image of public power (and of nation-state) among africans, in particular through the study of elections. In this perspective, this dissertation shows the role of the new colonial occupation in the 1940s and the 1950s. At the same time, it sheds light on the constant appropriation and the active invention of politics by the africans. The dissertation concludes on the important fluidity of political and cultural mobilization, and on the mobility of ethnic identities among africans during this period
ENGONE, ROSINE. "Les parlementaires gabonais de la periode coloniale : 1947-1960." Nantes, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997NANT3008.
This doctoral thesis is about the biographies of the gabonese members of parliament during the colonial period focussing on their cariers as well as on their personalities. The 1947-1960 period corresponds to the political awakering of the african populations thanks to a number of decisions taken by the colonial authorities that led to the evolution of the colonial policy. During the conference of brazzaville gave rise to the idea of the creation of political means of expression, the constitution (1946) of the 4th republic brought about the creation of the (french union) and also to the realisation of the recommendations of the brazzaville conference. That is to say the establishment of metropolitan and local assemblies during which the first gabonese members of parliament appeared and gradually learnt their professions. Thanks to the blueprint-act (1956), there has been a development of these institutions and eventually a setting up of the community which paved the way for the independence of gabon. All theses stages furthered the political evolution of the french black african peoples
Matsiegui, Mboula Fortuné. "L'État et le tribalo-régionalisme au Gabon : de 1990 à nos jours." Amiens, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AMIE0016.
Toung-Ondo, Albert. "Image(s) du Gabon dans la presse quotidienne nationale française : de 1980 à 1985." Bordeaux 3, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990BOR30011.
One talks of gabon only in idyllic terms. With its riches the country would be some sort of a tropical eden. Its population would be the happiest in black africa. It is a staunch ally of france in the region. Regular chiches. Yet with the political changes which began in france in last this image becomes somewhat confused. It all started with the assassination, in southern france, of the lover of president bongo's wife by gabonese security police. Then political opposition (morena) to his government reappeared. And, lastly, a political crisis developed between paris and libreville. The publication by pierre pean of his book affaires africaines did not help matters. The result has been a focus of attention by the press on gabon. What emerges from the articles is hardly glittering: riches have not been matched by prosperity, independence has not led to liberty, cooperation with france is individualised. Surprising chronicle of an african country which never lacks reputation
Biyandza, Jean-Bosco. "Un exemple de leadership présidentiel et de processus de démocratisation en marche dans l'Afrique aujourd'hui : le processus de démocratisation au Gabon." Paris 10, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA100174.
Agnama-Eboumi, Pascal. "La décentralisation territoriale et le développement local au Gabon." Toulouse 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU10014.
In a country in full change, the question of the distribution capacity between the local State and its levels is essential, especially after 30 years of excessive centralization. The new law relating to decentralization in Gabon, voted in 1996, obliges to raise the question of the application of such a policy to Gabon. The object of this thesis is to see territorial decentralization up to what point can apply to Gabon according to its constraints and its realities. The installation of decentralization in Gabon has interest if it makes it possible to support the development of the local levels. However, this is not possible that under certain conditions
Ndjoyi, Lucien Blaise. "Le rôle de l'État dans les anciens territoires colonisés : le cas du Gabon (1930-1980)." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29394.
Boukinda, Agathe. "Relations entre le Gabon et la Guinée équatoriale du temps de Macias Nguema." Paris 4, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA040093.
Midépé, Thierry Aristide. "Le vote au Gabon : lecture du processus électoral à travers les élections législatives et présidentielles, 1946-2001." Bordeaux 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR30058.
Nowaday, political election has become synonymous with democratic political life. In black Africa, heaviness around this institution seems it looks like a game which result is already known. However, is it possible to really undrstand black. Africa without looking back to its roots? Practice inherited from the complicated colonial history, the electoral process knew a long history and various seasons. Keeping in mind its historical dimension, it results that the gabonese specifical situation is central in the political life functioning. The election maintenance and practice in the different political governments to the detriment of freedom rules and economic competition are the evidence of a certain interest in election with regard to other political institutions. The electoral practices logics results complex and some of them don’t permit empirical analysis. When the election role is analysed in the political history of the country, it seens that they represent one of the most important instrument responsible for the long life the leader’s political mandate. To reach this immobilization, the main actors didn’t hesitated to mobilize etnic groups. So, after being, at the beginning, organized and controled by the colonizer, the elections were devoted to political authoritarianism when the country was proclamed independant in 1960. The democratic influence and the coming back of plural elections throw the political scene into confusion and promoted the emergence of african democratic exemples. In Gabon, this hope seems to dwindle away faced with the death throes of the national opposition and with the hegemony of the former single party and both announce the single party is coming back
Mbongo, Otando Guy-Gervais. "Transition démocratique et juridictions de droit public au Gabon." Toulouse 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU10021.
Democratic transition started in 1990 aims for building a constitutional state. Then, none constitutional state can subsist without an effective jurisdictional system just as emergence of an independent judicial authority in an authoritarian state is difficult or even impossible. In conclusion, there is an interdependence between political regim and system of justice. In Gabon, the current democratization leaded to reform judicial institution and particularly jurisdictions of public law. The latters was marginalised during the former regim and democratic opening has restored them to favour. In return, judges of public law, brough back into their traditional missions, and moreever responsible for news competences, work towards democratization's stability
Obiang, Jean-François. "Les Rapports de dépendance réciproque entre la France et le Gabon, 1967-1990 : pratiques clientélaires et logiques d'État." Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA01A003.
Ndombet, Wilson-André. "Du multipartisme au monopartisme gabonais : les mécanismes d'intégration des masses et unité nationale : 1960-1986." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010285.
This work is research in political science witch is focused of the study of mechanism of integration masses, by the gabon political parties, in the interaction with the national unity. We have try to show the theme of national unity was used by the political parties : since 1960. The intres of this work reside in the study of the different ideologic fakes and their application. We have tried to show that never nor the bloc democratique gabonais have managed to make unity. But, the have used for party in power to consolider its autority and the opposing party to conquer power their strategies are the same in so far as clientelism, patrimonialism the domination of ethnic group on the others, they entail contadiction with and up with sever social crises. Finally the national unity is bean to conquer power
Mvelle, Minfenda Guy. "Aide au développement et coopération décentralisée : esquisse d'une désétatisation de l'aide française : les cas du Cameroun, Congo, Gabon, RCA, Tchad et Rwanda." Lyon 3, 2005. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2005_out_mvelle_g.pdf.
Okalas-Okonigui, Eudoxie. "Les fondements sociologiques du blocage démocratique au Gabon." Lille 1, 2001. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/RESTREINT/Th_Num/2001/50377-2001-1.pdf.
Moundounga, Mouity Patrice. "Le Gabon et le nouveau partenariat pour le développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD)." Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00350423.
L'entrée du Gabon dans cette dynamique transnationale est due avant tout à l'inspection externe des bailleurs de fonds. Il s'agit donc pour ce pays de transformer une contrainte d'inspection externe en ressource politico-stratégique interne afin de se conformer à la loyauté du système international et régional. En s'attachant à appréhender les figures du pouvoir dans leur banalité, on peut se rendre compte que la diplomatie gabonaise essaie de s'adapter au « temps mondial », passant ainsi pour un modèle d'application des injonctions internationales. Ce faisant, ce pays fait preuve d'inventivité avec des jeux tantôt d'esquive, de ruse, mais également de contournement. Dans ces conditions, ici l'énonciation du politique se nourrit, en effet, de cet imaginaire particulier fondé sur la dérision et dont le résultat est d'aboutir à des régimes hybrides et inédits où les dynamiques formelles et informelles s'agencent pour donner sens à des systèmes d'intérêt. C'est ce qui explique la promotion d'une certaine homologie sociale et institutionnelle entre les pays africains et le monde développé. Le facteur externe influence, sans conteste l'environnement interne.
Cette thèse qui s'inscrit dans le thème plus global de la formation des institutions autour d'une dynamique collective de changement politique, est au centre des problématiques contemporaines de la science politique africaniste. Portant spécifiquement sur les nouveaux enjeux du développement de l'Afrique, elle prend appui sur le Gabon, en dressant à partir des temporalités successives un bilan de la trajectoire historique du Gabon et du NEPAD et examine l'évolution des forces politiques en Afrique, leurs interactions avec le niveau local, les stratégies véhiculées par les acteurs influents ainsi que leur emprise sur le jeu politique, tout en rendant compte, -à partir d'une méthodologie reposant sur les lectures d'ouvrages et les entretiens-, des représentations que les populations africaines se font de ce programme.
Meye, Ndong Serges. "La sécurité et la défense du territoire du Gabon. Analyse géopolitique." Thesis, Reims, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REIML009.
Gabon‘s territory‘s security involves stakes rooted less in its old status of the “little Cinderella of Central Africa“ than in its geopolitical representations of the political power which views the country as a “small state” rich in geostrategic resources stirring up covetousness, above all from outside powers. Together with territorial issues, come up land and sea borders' problems, above all the new threats, in which illegal migration, internal threats -particularly the new forms of criminality- sociopolitical conditions, socioeconomic poverty, social matters as well as difficulties to control the territory, are at the top of the list. Internal and external threats and stakes around which Gabon organizes itself in order to establish security within its territory. The country takes into account local and regional levels of the territory, mainly relying on police and military forces which seek to set up public and civil security, oversee the territory while preparing its effective defense. Aside from this security initiative, the government endeavors to improve sociopolitical conditions, people's socioeconomic' standards of living, and the protection of the environment. Gabonese's security‘s issue goes beyond its borders, as part of a regional cooperation where Gabon negotiates the political peace based on regional order and entente cordial between political powers. An economic security which would improve food expenses, a police cooperation through “mutual judiciary assistance “and, possibly, the recovering of its territory‘s order. Moreover, Gabon's foreign policy is to maintain peace within the area to avoid its territory to be influenced by external conflicts. From the international point of view, Gabon together with France tries to reinforce its military forces and to make a possible peacemaking in the region. So far, this whole initiative hasn't met the country' expectations. The police ‘efforts are inefficient and there is more and more insecurity. The human dimension is relative; rather, the shining government's authoritarianism, the opposition and the military phagocytosis as well as the territory's control are inefficient. Outside, the foreign judiciary assistance fails to cut food expenses and to fend off of external threats whether on sea or land. The defense cooperation with France seems to be more effective in stabilizing the established power than in reinforcing the military forces. The Gabonese territory is not safe.Safety, Defense, Territory, Geopolitic, Gabon
Nach, Mback Charles. "Genèse et dynamiques des réformes décentralisatrices dans les États d'afrique subsaharienne (1990-2000) : une approche comparée : Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Gabon, Mali, Niger." Bordeaux 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000BOR40046.
Makouatsa, Boupo Nina-Marinette. "La dynamique de coopération dans le secteur de l'économie sociale et solidaire au Gabon : Cas de la COOPEAN et de la COOPAM : état des lieux et perspectives." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR2029.
This thesis is the result of an empirical survey carried out in Gabon from 2012 to 2014, with two cooperatives: COOPEAN and COOPAM respectively located in Libreville and Ntoum. In this thesis, I make a comparative analysis of the cooperative relations and practices through the behaviors and the social representations of its actors. I put into question the responsibility of the State and that of the members of these cooperatives in relation to the weak dynamics of these structures. On one hand, the responsibility of the State is summed up by its lack of control over modern cooperative systems and its weak support for these structures; On the other hand, cooperators, in the face of economic competition and local beliefs, adopt strategies and behaviors that are more in keeping with their particular ambitions and interests. Surveys and field observations show that the cooperation of the members in the various cooperatives is deployed in dynamics in which affinities, complexes of superiority and inferiority, a break in confidence, jealousy, tensions, contradictions, Economic and social uncertainties. The use of occult forces and the use of sorcery and fetish practices related to competitions, productive and commercial rivalries, and the conflicts associated with unequal power and the management of common resources, constitute serious obstacles in the cooperation of members and the development of cooperatives. These internal realities of cooperatives show that the members do not show a real will for freedom, equality, transparency, democracy, consideration and ethics specific to cooperatives
Essono, Mezui Hervé. "Eglise catholique, vie politique et démocratisation au Gabon : 1945-1995." Lyon 2, 2006. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2006/essono-mezui_h.
The Catholic Church has become one of the main components of contemporary Gabon. We cannot make its history without accounting for the part played by this Church in the Gabonese society. In a little more than 150 years of effective presence, it has shared the joys and misfortunes, the hopes and despairs of the Gabonese people. Since 1945, the Catholic Church has been confronted with the agitated and ambiguous political evolution of Gabon through the electoral competitions, political independence, the institutions set up, political violence. It has known the period of the single party, the political involvment of its priests, the return to the multi-party system and democratization. In front of these facts the Catholic Church has a directive word, neither noisy, nor aggressive, but useful for the construction of the society. But this word is disputed or misunderstood because of an environment characterized by a climate of ambiguous secularity, secularization and the internal challenges of the Church. Beyond the relationship between the Catholic Church and political life, between 1945 and 1995, this work is also interested in the History of this Church in order to better understand its role in society. It recalls its evolution since the periods of the missions until the building of the Churches diocesan, while relating by the end of the Mission, the change in the episcopate, the creation of the episcopal conference, the visit of the John Paul II. It shows the strengths and limits of its action in a Gabonese society, al ready facing deep economic, social and cultural changes because of colonization, and the oil boom
Mondjo-Londo, Edgard. "Élites, pouvoirs et sorcelleries au Gabon de 1946 à nos jours." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOU10071.
Mbadinga, Michel. "État, entreprises et développement au Gabon : contribution à une étude géographique." Montpellier 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006MON30018.
The territory of Gabon east since the 19th century the object of multiple transformations. They were as of the departure does it colonial power, through the large companies of draft. Partisan of a colonization whose these companies would be the instrument, the colonial capacity waited they which equip the territory with infrastructures essential to its development. Since 1960, this action is from now on the fact of the State, through strategies of development and space organization. Through this study, it acts, for locating us the various actors and studying their various implications in the development and the space organization of Gabon. The gravity of the crisis which pass through considerable countries of Africa, Gabon particularly, shows that the policies of development recommended the shortly after its independence, did not have true repercussions. As, since the beginning of the years 1990, vis-a-vis concern as difficult the State to solve the problems which depend on its kingly capacity, the private sector from now on is regarded as the only able one to impel a new dynamics of development. Our research must thus try to answer the following questions: Which were the various strategies of develop and organization space recommended in Gabon, and which were their impact? In what the private sector can it be carrying hope of development and insertion in the world economy ?
Zogo, Ondo Cyrille. "Libertés publiques et nouvel ordre politique en Afrique depuis la fin des partis uniques : le cas du Gabon." Paris 11, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA111003.
Ingueza, Hervé. "Dynamiques des champs politiques locaux au Gabon : Contribution à l'analyse de l'intégration politique." Bordeaux 4, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR40024.
The political trajectory of the Gabonese State can be read through three phrases of time : the time of apprenticeship and appropriation of political participation mechanisms (1946-1967), the time of political exclusiveness proposed by a unique Gabonese party (1968-1990), and the time of the democratic revival intervening from 1990. Throughout that configuration, our work enables to set the practice of local spaces within a perspective of political intégration. In such a context, besides the State dimension which identifies their nature, the political structure building of those local spaces fits into logical schemes of control and legitimation. Those elements condition contractual outlines of the articulation between the central power and local spaces. Whether they are conceived as spaces of the centre's extension and domination, or as spaces of conquest and visibility for antagonist political forces, relational modes are marked by the structural characteristics of the Gabonese State (which is indeed a centralized and Jacobin one). Structurally determined by local contigencies, and otherwise marked by attempts of political neutralization, Gabonese local political fields are characterized by an elective practice and insert themselves in a mode of captation controlled by the central power. In 1990, the central power domination was weakened by the democratic renewal. In that context dominated by the rise of new political forces, local fields crystallize political life in Gabon. On the one hand, the frenzied increase in number of administrative units brings about fresh spaces of political competition. After the saying "divide and rule", one discovers a new political axiom which is : "split and share". On the other hand, those places are bound to the State by means of its organization in several levels of administration and the geography of its hegemony. The State survives and thrives as long as it can maintain the territorial coalition of those places which provide it with a geographical shape. The State depends on the support of those places, which inversely also depend on the centre's political influence. The political continuity of the Gabonese system is implemented by the investment of local spaces acting as places of legitimation and getting round concerning a controlled political protest
John-Nambo, Joseph. "Les enjeux de la construction de l'État au Gabon : essai d'anthropologie et d'histoire du droit." Paris 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA010266.
The state of gabon under construction is an original one, it is original because it is run along the lines of a redistribution complex. The redistribution complex which we conceive as an image of a "polymachine", is the hub which links the machinery of the state to the many communities which participate in the domestication of the state itself. However the redistributive complex particularly plays a role in transforming social relations : it is in this way that it contributes efficaciously to the regulation of gabon's society. Behind the construction of the state, the study of the stakes, thanks to a diacronic and anthropological method allows us to comprehend the problems inherent in the construction of gabon's society as a whole. This society, albeit based on community relations functions according to a plural logic whose fundamentalstake is interdependence which encourages complementary and national cohesion
Rousseau, Isabelle. "Transformations politiques et économiques au Mexique, 1970-1995 : les élites gouvernementales, leurs stratégies et le rôle du secrétariat d'Etat au plan et au budget." Paris, EHESS, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EHES0089.
To solve the problems the mexican political system was beginning to experiment at the end of the sixties, various groups from the governmental elites had been developping strategies to gain central positions in order to define new mechanisms adapted to the necessities of growth and modernization. Some projects failed ; anothers seemed to be successful. Nevertheless, failures or sucesses are never definitive. How is it possible to change the revolutionnary legacy in a country which society is baxed on a great nationalism and clientelism and which political system is so strongly institutionalized ? this is our main question. An organizational sociology approach a prosopographical study, a very large bibliographical research and multiple interviews in the upper circles of the federal administration enlight the conditions the group of the planification and budget state secretary had been able to conceive and developp a project to change the revolutionary legacy in the country. The important crisis encountered by this project from 1994 invite us to think about the nature and the degree of the resistance (agents, mechanisms. . . ) this little group has been unable to evaluate
Erdoğan, Bariş. "Médias, pouvoirs et violence : gestion des oppositions kurde et islamiste en Turquie." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0051.
During the last two decades of the 20th century, internal and external dynamics supported the rise to power of new ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious actors in Turkish public and politic space. Their greater visibility became increasingly threatening for the official ideology of the secular and national Republic, as well as for the privileged positions of "the establishement". Faced with this transformation, "the establishement", wich suports Turkey's integration into European and world institutions, tried to derail the rise of the new actors (who were rooted in political Islam and Kurdish nationalism), while respecting the institutional framework of Turkey's democracy. In order to marginalize all attempts to cultivate minority identities, " the establishement " manipulated the media - and by extension the general public. The purpose of this thesis is to show how the dominant official speeches and messages were produced and woven into the daily pratice of Turkish reporters and editors in the years 1980-1990. The thesis is based and analysis of newspapers from the period, discussions with journalists and the economic situation of the Turkish press. The analytical framework is intended to highlight the close and unequal interaction between authorities, media organizations and journalists. This thesis suggests that journalistic language, wich is unfavorable to Kurdish nationalist actors and political Islam, is related not only to various pressures exerted on journalists by military, political and economic forces, but is also related to journalistic habits, particularly of the elites who come almost exclusively from privileged social categories
Righou, Nestor Ide. "Les Nzèbi du Gabon, des origines à 1915 : essai d'étude historique." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010542.
Missang, Bibang Covacks. "La justice administrative au Gabon et au Cameroun : contribution à l'étude de la réception des droits étrangers en Afrique noire francophone." Toulouse 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOU10005.
The germination and the evolution of the institution of administrative justice in Africa coincide with the development of the colonial administration. It will be maintained at the time of the accession to international sovereignty, even if its organization will depending on the States : on a side, those which, according to the example of Senegal, have, by preoccupation with the simplification, broken with the french solution of jurisdictional duality ; and other, those whose leader could be the Malagasy Republic, which prefered a solution closer to the preceding system. It is in the last category that is necessary to arrange Gabon anf Cameroon, two neighboring States of central Africa. However, the budgetary weight of the new organization and especially the absence of staff specialized in administrative dispute led in most States setting up a general-purpose Supreme court. The opening of the democratic transition also starts the beginning of the dismantling of this jurisdictional monism, more especially at the tendency is rather is the installation of autonomous administrative jurisdictions. All the excuses testify to the difficulty of the African States of obtaining a system adapted for the regulation of the litigations opposing administration and citizens. In a continent where one aspires more ever to setting-up and the consolidation of the Rule of law, it is not any more opportunity of such institution which would be matter with interrogations. On the other hand, its organization, its integration in a sometimes hostile sociological medium continue to feed doctrinal debates as well as political. Those which incarnate the institution are not in remainder. Thus, the timidity of the administrative judges and his promptitude to import foreign jurisprudence, particularly french, are far from supporting the emergence of a public law which is adapted to the States
Ondo, Télesphore. "La responsabilité introuvable du Chef d'Etat africain : analyse comparée de la contestation du pouvoir présidentiel en Afrique noire francophone (exemples camerounais, gabonais, tchadiens et togolais)." Reims, 2005. http://theses.univ-reims.fr/exl-doc/GED00000265.pdf.
There is no power without accountability. This combination, inherent in democratic constitutionalism, seems unachievable in some States in Africa notably Cameroon, Gabon, Chad and Togo, where the presidentialism left his mark. In fact, the majesty and the supremacy of the presidency and, consequently, the control of the constituent, legislative and electoral process by the Head of State, represent some insurmountable obstacles to organize an efficient system of his accountability. The consequence of this situation is the swing of the political systems in Africa to substitutive, formal and informal, chaotic and peaceful, national and international, political and criminal procedures. Those aim either, to destitute the supreme leader or, to control, limit and share his power. But in practice, the effectiveness of those mechanisms of protest is very low. The essential condition to establish a constitutional democracy in black Africa is to find a peaceful solution to the unaccountability of the main ruling leader
Midepani, Lévi Martial. "Élites politiques et démocratisation au Gabon : contribution à une sociologie de la construction démocratique en Afrique noire." Amiens, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AMIE0012.
Gabon does not have escaped with the dynamics of democratization of the year 1990. On, economic bottom of crisis and social protests, the political authorities of this country convened a national conference on march 27th 1990. The observation of the Gabonese political field shows that the hoped-for transformations at the end of 1980, truly did not take place. Precisely on the level of political community, there is a very low renewal which is accompagnied by the hard emergence of the pratics and the repports/ratios of liberal democracy. The present thesis wants to seize these ambivalences and paradoxs of the Gabonese democracy. Why, in spite of the introduction of certain standars of the liberal democracy in 1990, of new personalities and new political practices have evil to impose itself? Organised around an assumption of the passive revolution, this thesis demonstrate that the evolutions of the Gabonese political regime are the result of the succession of political generations and that the whole of the political changes recorded between 1945 and 2005 was even controlled, instrumentalized by the political elite
Ndoumbe, Eboule Jacques-Alfred. "Succession présidentielle en Afrique sub-saharienne et continuité de la politique étrangère : l'expérience du Cameroun 1982-1990." Paris 10, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA100098.
The 4th of November 1982, the president of the United Republic of Cameroon, Mr Ahmadou Ahidjo, whose presidential mandate was supposed to expire in 1985, announced his resignation from his position of Head of State. On the 6th of November 1982, in accordance with the constitutionnal arrangements, he was replaced by the Prime Minister Mr Paul Biya, presidential apparent, appointed at this occasion. With this practise of "delphinat", the presidential succession appears to be like the rationalization of the political mode of regulation giving the opportunity to assure the continuity of the executive power, and beyond the political regime survival and its "governmentality". In spite of some serious risks of split in the system, provoked by the post-successorals conflicts between the presidential successor and his predecessor, the old and the new elites have made a historical and global compromise in order to renew the building methods, both local and extrovert in origin, of a modern state. From that time on, Mr Biya's plan, formaly of renewal and change, was doomed to deal with the constraints, resistances and necessities inherent to that building goal of a modern system of inequality and domination put in place twenty-two years ago. The dynamics of foreign policy in Cameroon has suffered the same structural obstruction in its way to renovation, for there is no real disconnection between the choices in foreign
Contreras, Osorio Rodrigo. "Le renversement de la politique : pouvoir politique, démocratie libérale et néo-conservatisme au Chili." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0043.
In this thesis we try to make a critical study of free market democracy in Latin America using the example of Chile. In order to accomplish this we develp three independent theses. The first one is that the stability and legitimacy of a free market democratic system depend on the possibilities and real conditions and objectives available to the citizens to establish horizontal and equal relational exchanges because it is these that ensure the effective autonomy of people and real equality of rights. Subsequently, we affirm that in Chile as well as in the rest of Latin AMerica, free market democracy exists in a context marked out by an ensemble of limitations and contradictions that affect its stability and legitimacy. Thus, our second thesis is that these limitations and contradictions arise from the way which power is exercised and distributed in each of our countries, given that the degree of economic, political and social democratisation depends on this, as do all the possibilities of distribution of wealth and all advantages that a society can offer to its members. This leads us to our third thesis : the distribution and exercise of power in our societies, and especially in the case of Chile, are the result of a free market social order defined from an authoritarian interpretation of a free market doctrine; an interpretation that is not accidental, but, on the contrary, obeyx the historic transformation of authoritarianism that is connected to the sensibility and the neo-conservative ideological attachment, characteristic of the dominant group in Chile
Jolly, Jean-François. "Régir le territoire et gouverner les territoires : la politique publique de décentralisation en Colombie entre 1982 et 2002." Paris 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA030083.
The study of "territory issue" and "government issue" make it possible to assert that public policy of decentralization implanted in Colombia since 1982 to 2002 correspond to both need of ruling the Colombian Territory and governing territories of Colombia. It means to assure governability combining territory government and territories governance, primacy of sovereign State and legitimating of multiple actors in public action (public policies). Analysis of public policies responsibility of the mayors and governors show true nature of implementation of decentralization process: complex relations between power and territory. In disregard of norms and sentences, the dealing of Colombian mayors and governors demonstrate that, unlike "déconcentration", decentralization redistributes not only responsibilities but also the power
Ngye, Alain Patrick Patou. "Domination personnelle et élite politique au Gabon (1968-2009)." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40034.
The present thesis lights the intelligibility of gabonese political regime under OMAR BONGO (1968-2009). More precisely, it notices that personal domination and elitist analysis are two supplementary approaches in the understanding of politics in Gabon and in sub-Saharan Africa. It shows with this effect that OMAR BONGO could not count that on itself to stay in power during almost half a century. He must also have leaned on a group of actors, called political elite, of which the organization and functioning being imprinted by its personal power. Indeed, access to this elite was governed by clientelism and nepostism, two reports of exchange which OMAR BONGO had established in principle of management of the upper personnel of the State. The first allowed him to build up clients able of working on the instructions or in an autonomous manner in his political longevity. Because of that, the actors who composed these clients were endowed to each of a capital of various resources which they activated and made bear fruit in order to help him to keep its scepter. The promotion of this capital to OMAR BONGO led them besides to devote themselves a persevered conflict. As for nepotism, it brought to OMAR BONGO to make members of its official family and those of its semiofficial family his close collaborators in the government, the presidential administration and the PDG, the party in power. Policy of affection, it allowed him so to have a more important hold on political elite and on State apparatus. Because, by making of his power a family business, OMAR BONGO knew how he will count on actors among whom fidelity and determination would be also a trump for his political longevity
McNaught, Mark Bennett. "L'orthodoxie politique américaine." Bordeaux 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR40015.
Lee, Jae-Sung. "Les problèmes de démocratisation en Algérie et en Corée du Sud : étude [de] sociologie historique comparée." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040291.
If Algeria and South Korea have in common the fact that they are two traditional countries which became nation-states after a more or less prolonged colonization period, their present political landscapes, resulting from a little more than three decades of history, are nonetheless considerably dissimilar in terms of democracy. The former has not yet achieved its transition whereas the latter has succeeded in introducing a democratic regime after a long period of authoritarian regime. How did this happened? Why are there differences? In an attempt to better understand these two societies' relationship to democracy, we have chosen to deal, in a descriptive manner, with the events which seemed significant to us and which gradually led to the introduction of democracy. The existence or the absence of a political opposition constitutes one of these major differences. The dialectical interaction between those in power and their opponents is quite revealing of the slow introduction of democracy in South Korea, whereas the absence of oppositionists to the Algerian populist regime is revealing of the problems in the running of the country. The pressure put by the foreign countries on the domestic policy is not inconsiderable and political populism is one of the main obstacles to democracy. In the end, the emphasis placed on freedom is more essential than the emphasis placed on equality
Seguel-Boccara, Ingrid. "La sociogenèse des passions politiques et leur expression au Chili durant l'Unité populaire (1970-1973)." Paris 7, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA070098.
This work analyses the social representations in chile during the 3 years of the popular unity government (1970-1973). It discribes, through the "social experience" of people, the political climate and enables to understand the different conflicts and tensions which led to a confrontation. Through the question of the building of political identities, il seels to explain how individuals and social groups have perceived the experience of the popular unity. The concern having been to wonder what, in the perception and construction of the social reality by differents groups has managed to work out such an upheaval, the analyse of some historically signigicant events has been integrated to this work. The sociohistorical analyse, without being a contemporary history of chile, seeks determine as a prologue to this revolution the events or social facts that have contributed to mark and build a social memory and mould identites, to induce divisions and alliances, to make split lines and to show marks. The case of santa maria de iquique school (1907), which ended in a staughter and took place in the crisis chile was having at the beginning of the century, illustrates very well the search of new marks, new identifications, new equilibrium among social agents while the workers' party taks form. It is also the case of the toma (the appropriation) of what has been called the victoria (victory) district. It deals with the new form of a population demand -the pobladores (the popular district inhabitants) - who asks at that time (1957) the right to speak and, building their own identity on a particular struggle, gave birth to this general form of claim that constituted the tomas' ground in the 1960's and 1970's. At last the trivial event of chacal de nahueltoro (1961)
Ibrahime, Mahmoud. "Parcours d'un notable comorien en politique : Saïd Mohamed Cheick (1904-1970)." Paris 7, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA070086.
Boukoukou-Boussaga, Louis Pascal. "La presse quotidienne parisienne devant trois crises politiques d'Afrique Centrale francophone." Bordeaux 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993BOR30023.
The 1960s saw the arrival on the international scene of many new states as a result of the decolonization process. The states were unfortunately soon plunged into various political crisis. In this study we have looked at three political crisis : the crisis in congo leopoldville which later led to the tragic death innjuly 1960 of the prime minister patrice lumumba, the fall of president fulbert youlou in congo brazzaville inn august 1963 and finally the military coup d'etat of february 18, 1964 which overthrew president leon mba, leading to the intervention of the french army designed to bring him back to power. This institutional instability allowed the paris daily press to give a certain image of africa to the french opinion. It is this image that this study intends to find out. The study will also help us to measure the space given to africa in those newspapers. To do this, we will analyse how the paris daily press treats news about africa with regards to three principal themes : the inter-state relations, the political elites and the political institutions
Aguilar, Sánchez Martín Gerardo. "Mouvements sociaux et démocratie au Mexique : trois études régionales 1982-1998." Grenoble 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002GRE21018.
Carrasco, Brihuega Daniel. "Les carrières ministérielles en France et au Mexique : une étude comparée : 1981-2002." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21016.
Texeraud, Marie-Thérèse. "L'influence du Mexique dans les relations internationales 1970-1982." Bordeaux 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989BOR1D002.
The object of our research consists of a study applied to the concept of the influence of mexican foreign policy. The preliminar part analyses the connection between this concept and that of mexico, international relation assessed factors of power. Then we follow on with four main directions. The first: (mexican usa relationship) allows us to study the concept from a privileged stand, that of a state with one of two super powers. The second direction (mexican pvd relationship) and the third (mexican american relationship) introduces the concept with the help of a coalition in practise on an international and or continental level. The fourth direction (mexico international system: i. S. ) provides the case of a stately influence face to face with the i. S. And the affect it has on this state. -about this item, we know since 1970, that mexico has develope a influence of politic in the world, because it has a basic relationship with the usa. As concern of this program, we consider that since 1970, the mexico has developed an influence political of the world by the means of the relation which has with usa. The powerful of mexican and the influence political which allow in mexico to engage a regulation force of i. S. In fact mexico definite an indirect influence political towards usa -an influence political base on persuasion -inside an influence political group which substitute in the present (ex: latine america) -an influence political which assure a conversion on an i. S. Between the game of perturbation; and those of conciliation function
Mattina, Cesare. "La régulation clientélaire : relations de clientèle et gouvernement urbain à Naples et à Marseille (1970-1980)." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21024.
Yeghaneh, David. "Crise et recomposition du système politique japonais 1993 - 2000 : jeu des acteurs et influence des institutions." Paris 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA020048.