Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politique et gouvernement – Comores – 1945-1990'
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OULD, SIDYA KHABAZ MOHAMED. "L'evolution constitutionnelle et politique de la mauritanie de 1960 a 1988. " mimetisme et ou adaptation du constitutionnalisme moderne "." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010295.
During sevral ten years the french colonial state has neutralized the mauritanian traditional institutions and used them as a link between him and local populations. After independance, as like in other contries of the french tradition of legal field, a presidential constitution, even "presidentialist" was adopted in 20th may 1961. The regime was caracterized by the parliament enfeeblement and by the strengthening of the president powers, especially, after the institutionalization of the single party in 1965. In 1978, the beadlock in which the regime entered provocated by the western sahara conflit, and because of economic crisis and carcan of the single party all this determinated the military forces to overthrow the civil regime of president mokhtar o. Daddah the 10th july 1978. After this coup, a political evolution caracterized by the formalism and the permanent instability which was marked by the adoption of six constitutional chartes in 8 years. This work try to lay down and to resolve the problem of cohabitation of traditional political institutions and modern institutional schemas from 1960 to 1988 and describe the dialectrics which govern their interaction
Faxas, Laura. "Système politique et mouvement populaire en République dominicaine, 1961-1990." Paris, EHESS, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EHES0097.
The popular uprising in april 1984 has revealed the contradictions in the political system and the consequences of an aborted national-popular model in the dominican republic. The main point of this thesis (p. H. D. Dissertation) is to analyse the popular movement as a social actor and its relationship with the political system. These relationship are influenced by the historical process and by the impossibile development of a national-popular model and the destruction of myth elaborated around this model
Bonenfant, Thierry. "L'évolution des comportements électoraux dans le Grand Ouest, 1958-1988." Rennes 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1992REN11003.
The large West of France is an entity whose image as for a long time been stable especially as for as its conservative ways of voting are concerned. This large region which includes Brittany, the Loire area and Lower Normandy (three countries which happen to have similar socio-professional structures and economic evolutions) has enabled the left and more precisely and more precisely the non-communist left to show for the last thirty years or so its highest vote increases in France. These evolutions are analyzed on the basis of the results of the national elections (general and presidential). The various explanatory factors which are pointed out, and whose importance varies according to the places studied, have underlined the importance of the spatial dimension of these evolutions as shown in the included charts. The explanation lies on long-term and short-term factors. In the long term, it includes traditional variables such as the socio-economic redeployments, the demographic redistributions or the cultural heritage, revealing the electoral impact of a population drift, of an economic vitalization, of a weakening in the structures of the traditional social controle among which catholicism ranks first. In the short term it integrates the structure of the electoral offer and the so-colled factors of political conjuncture which gain a growing importance in the context of new social distributions. Can this progression of the Left which places today the West of France in the French average, be interpreted as an attenuation of the local specificities or, on the contrary, should it be seen as a transition towards the building-up of new strongholds ?
Pizard, Marianne. "L'éducation et ses problèmes en U. R. S. S. Et en Russie : de Khroutchev au début des années quatre-vingt-dix." Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010602.
Schools and education are an essential feature in the policy af any state. When it comes to the USSR, as they wanted to change society, the study of the school system and laws from Khruchtev till the beginning of the 90s i-e when the regime disappears, is indeed all the more interesting. The study of primary, secondary and polytechnical education vocational and technical education, higher education, as well as the study of teatcher training give us a complete picture of the school system in it, diversity and contradictions. The educational policy is part and parcel of the training and unification element of young soviets and at the same time its elitist touch is very clear throughout that period. In spite of the efforts to unify the training system to scool establishment seems to be shattered and ther's a great diversity in the training targets as well as in the means avaible especially in urban and rural areas, the teaching in russian ansd national languages in norussian speaking republics. Lastly, the temptation to use school as an basic element and seems to get stronger as the economic, social and political problems get more serious, is more and more opposed to by whole sections of society
Chirio, Maud. "La politique des militaires : mobilisations et révoltes d'officiers sous la dictature brésilienne (1961-1978)." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010654.
Hurtig, Christiane. "Les Princes dans la vie politique indienne depuis l'indépendance." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985IEPP0005.
Grignon, François. "Le politicien entrepreneur en son terroir : Paul Ngei à Kangundo (Kenya) 1945-1990." Bordeaux 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997BOR40035.
This thesis analyses the political career of paul ngei, a kenyan politician, from 1945 to 1990. Using the theoretical framework of political entrepreneurship and ressources management, it shows that it is necessary to consider the interactions between three arenas to analyse properly political competition in kenya : the constituency, district and national levels. In the first section, the birth of a political career is analysed (1945-1961), showing how an historic opportunity was given to paul ngei in parallel to the social fracture which developped in his constituency; kangundo, after the second world war. The second section focuses on the debut of paul ngei's political career (1961-1969). During those years ngei puts his first attempts to conquer positions of power and learns the hard way the normative constraints limiting the use of his political ressources. The third section is devoted the mature years of his political carreer (1969-1990). In the seventies ngei manages to use his local and national political resources to access the highest spheres of political power, becoming a member of "the royal family". But in eighties, ngei has to face both the change of the normative rules guiding political competition in kenya and the transformation taking place in his rural constituency. Throughout this study a special emphasis is given to the analysis of three political resources : the networks of mobilisation organised around women groups and clan associations and the use of the kithitu oath
Sung, Nak-In. "Les ministres de la Cinquième République française." Paris 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA020078.
Within the context of presidential preponderance, the ministres of the fifth french republic, directly subjected to the leadership of the president of the republic, are to be considered primarily as "power invested technicians". The few political personnalities who, in all evidence, do not belong to this category must follow the general lines of the presidential political program. The presidential preponderance has produced as a consequence a strict hierarchy of ministerial categories in respect to the head of state: "ministre d'etat - ministre ordinaire - ministre delegue - secretaire d'etat". The accentuation of the political bipolarisation, which led to the 1981-1986 alternance, has politically revitalised the ministerial fonction. In the "cohabitational gouvernement", the political parties of the majority play again a leading role since the ministers are called to their political allegiance
Obiang, Jean-François. "Les Rapports de dépendance réciproque entre la France et le Gabon, 1967-1990 : pratiques clientélaires et logiques d'État." Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA01A003.
Ahounou, Chantal. "Education noire et conscience politique de la jeunesse noire urbanisée en Afrique du Sud 1945 - 1990." Paris 7, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA070152.
By the late 1940s, the missionary education produced the emergence of Bantou education system in South Africa. His evolution is analysed between 1948 and 1990. When the government decided to introduce Bantu education, the black youth reacted vehemently. Since 1976, they created a culture of resistance
Tzamali, Ekaterini. "L'image balkanique dans la presse hellénique pendant la période de la dictature militaire en Grèce : 1967-1974." Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0052.
This research centralises on the study and presentation of the Balkan concept as depicted in the Greek press during the period of military dictatorship in Greece. We are trying to see how the press presented the attitude of the neighbour countries as well as the way the press dealt with the relations between these countries and the new Greek regime. Moreover we are interested in the rapport of the Junta with the communist countries and Turkey, reflected in daily newspapers. Thus, without ignoring the historic reality and the event, we focus our interest on the representations of these events in the press. According to the principal theory of this study, the way the Balkan countries are presented in the Greek press, depends on the history of this region but also on imaginary facts and structures provided by the Greek society of that period. One should not forget that the version of actuality as depicted in the newspapers is only a reflection of the dominant ideology in Greece during the period of 1967-1974. The dictatorial regime imposed clearly defined restrictions-censorship- on the content as well as the form of articles
Goncalves-Lemée, Carole. "Les mémoires de Vichy dans le présent : pratiques mémorielles, relations sociales et temporalités : Approche anthropologique de la Mémoire et des Temps Sociaux." Bordeaux 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009BOR21602.
This thesis is about the constant presence and evocations of the Vichy period and its memory in French life between 1995 and 2008. This social phenomenon of memory is unprecedented in this country’s history. By studying its characteristics, development and especially the manner in which it is fed by the people’s exchanges and practices, it raises the question of the high incidence in contemporary society of memorial facts, a major trait of modernity today. The question of social communication and memorial actions is at the heart of this work. Advocating a pragmatic approach it allows a functional collection of socio-memorial logics as part of the dynamics of this phenomenon. It uses the diversity of practices and exchanges, studied in vivo as a tool for understanding in the face of questions that a study of “the memory of society” does not generally generate, but which are ever present in “the memory in society”. Memory being linked to social times, this study deal, within the scope of a regime of historicity based on linear and irreversible conception of time, with new problematic of relations with the “other” established in France between the Vichy past, the present and the future. By pointing out the exchanges and practices implied, the study concerns the ever increasing importance given today to the culture of memory. This on the basis of the massive and inter-individual recourse to the public uses of history, or to communal processes of historicity in which the “Vichy” theme together with that of the Shoah constitute the epicentre
Semur, François-Christian. "Contribution à l'histoire des faits politiques et sociaux en Nouvelle Calédonie (Pacifique sud) depuis la 4e République (1945-1990)." Bordeaux 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990BOR1D018.
Krakovský, Roman. "L' espace et le temps dans un régime autoritaire : la Tchécoslovaquie 1948-1989." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010684.
Aviran, Itzhak. "La République populaire de Bulgarie : modèle d'un Etat satellite soviétique de 1944 à 1985." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991IEPP0025.
The detailed analysis of the events, of the role of the political forces and of the characters that influenced Bulgaria's destiny enlightens a basic issue : why was it in Bulgaria that the sovietization process took place in the fastest and in the most total way? This research attempts to answer this question, while considering several components of both countries origins and on the track to their common destiny, Bulgaria and Russia, which was to become the Soviet Union, influenced each other mutually in a very close pattern, that gave birth to the myth of the "Bulgarian-Russian fraternity". This was what the basic principle of the sovietization process consisted of. It relied on several stages : military occupation, political re-organization and domination of the Bulgarian communist party, agrairian and industrial reforms, nationalizations, and especially a policy of socialist integration. It is the combination of these elements that enables us to understand the perfect loyalty that Bulgaria demonstrated towards the Soviet Union from 1944 to 1985
Felhi, Jamaleddine. "Les partis socialistes marocains depuis 1975." Nancy 2, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985NAN20011.
Bruandet, Evelyne. "Le modèle canadien à l'épreuve des années 1980." Nancy 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997NAN21025.
Like many former colonies, Canada has been looking for an identity distinct from its two mother-countries, France and the United Kingdom, but above all from its overpowering neighbor to the south, the United States. This obsessive quest for identity led, during the 1970s, to the creation of a bilingual and multicultural social-democracy. Yet hardly was this model defined when it was faced with the political and constitutional turmoil of the 1980s: a series of agreements and referendums endeavored to meet the various claims of Québec separatists, native populations, and the western provinces, all of whom questioned the federal structure. The first part of the study traces the difficult construction of the Canadians’ self-image and confronts it with the perception of foreign observers (limited to the three countries mentioned above). An analysis of the representation of Canada as it appears in a selection of the French, British and American weekly press then follows the evolution of this complex mirror game during the 1980s, whose impact on the Canadian image was minor yet perceptible. The rhetorical systems and projections of the nineteenth century linger on, but the model of a federation allowing peaceful coexistence between ethnic groups seems to have suffered from the turbulent decade and to have given way to a model of political experimentation and democratic debate. The portrait tells as much about the artist as about the subject: the observers' discourse on Canada is revealing of their own self-images and their continuing ideological debate about the vocation of the new world
Kim, Myong-Sob. "Intégrer pour régner : la stratégie globale de l'administration Truman et l'origine de la régionalisation tripolaire." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010277.
The american region-building policy applied at global level was a crucial factor that helped generate the difference between European region-building and Asian regionbuilding. Instead of encouraging regional identity as they did in western Europe, U. S. Officials had deep fear vis-a-vis Asian regionalism misused for a Japanese expansion in the form of pan-Asianism. If European region-building was partly based on the revival of the mediaval tradition of European civilization against modern nationalism, regionbuilding in maritime East Asia was basically under the setting of american expansionism competing against Japanese unilateralism, as well as with European unilateralism in Asia. The worst possible threat to the eyes of the u. S. Officials was the combination of communism with pan-Asianism in favor of the putative soviet "power complex. " the U. S. Officials who opposed, at first stage, the forma colonialism persisting in hullian view, began to admit the enlarged European interest in maritime east Asia. When European region-building was brought to a deadlock because of the chronic dollar gap, u. S. Foreign officers attached their hope to an "alliance with European powers" for their east Asian interests to smother nationalistic communist threat. In the final phase, however, the U. S. Foreign officials wanted to combine their enlarged interest of maritime east Asia with the revival of greater east Asia co-prosperity sphere. This resulted in an "american-Japanese consortium" in maritime east Asia preventing a genuine Asian regional cooperation
Donatello, Luis Miguel. "« Le catholicisme de la libération en Argentine et ses options politiques et religieuses : de l'effervescence sociale et politique dans les années 60 et 70 à la résistance au néo-libéralisme dans les années 90 »." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0137.
This thesis places in a series of general reflections on the relations between Catholicism and politics in the Modern Argentina. For it we will approach the problem from the concepts of political ascetics and political - religious options, justifying the utilization of both, in the measure that they allow us to realize of an intersection between spheres Hereby, we centre on a part of this crossing, on that one that, in a beginning, we will name a Liberationist Catholicism. In this way, our analysis will be founded on two singular manifestations of the phenomenon. On the one hand, in those militants, groups and catholic organizations that in the 60s ' and 70 ' sought to expand the borders of the religious thing across political parties, and especially in the insurrectional alternative. Another singular manifestation to which we will approach, they will be the options politician religious objected to the neoliberalism in nineties
Falciola, Luca. "Sbagliando si spara : la contestazione del 1977 in Italia e la reazione dello Stato." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0071.
This research aims to contribute to a preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was charaterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite widespread and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this "movement" shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with oldstyled armed revolutionaries. Thus, finding an inclusive description of it is still an open challenge and the escalation of political violence is still awaiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this research is twofold On one hand rebuilding a coherent and realistic picture of the phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the "movement" and chronicles. On the other hand, the present work aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from States archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting
Katsakioris, Constantin. "Leçons soviétiques : la formation des étudiants africains et arabes en URSS pendant la guerre froide." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0006.
The thesis explores the Soviet educational aid towards African and Arab countries from the mid-1950s to the end of the Cold War (1989). Soviet aid responded to the need of postcolonial countries and national liberation movements to train students who would then put their qualifications in the service of national independence. State-building and economic development. At the same time it constituted a means for the USSR to influence the political and economic orientation of postcolonial countries. Despite wariness vis-à-vis the USSR, the reception of students in many Soviet higher educational institutions, most often prestigious ones, continued unabated. Third world students' academic, social, cultural and political life in the USSR was extremely rich. Yet a number of violent incidents provoked disillusionment and the reactions of part of the Black African students. Nevertheless, seen in the context of the rivalry between the communist East and the capitalist West, the training of thousands of students and the implementation of concrete social and economic goals, allow arguing that Soviet aid for the newly independent countries of major importance
N'Zelomona, Berthin. "Le Congo et le non-alignement (1963-1983)." Paris 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA010637.
This thesis studies the doctrines and the policy of non-alignment of the Congo's regimes from 1963 to 1983. It was indeed in 1963 that the second republic adopted a "radical" non-alignment whose principal aim was to enforce on open and antibloc foreign policy. This was designed not only to provide the economy with massive and diversified aid but also to strengthen the cohesion of the non-aligned countries so as to bring about the democratisation of the international relations. However, the 1968's marxist coup d'etat brought Congo under the soviet political wing. Henceforth, Congo defended the "natural alliance" between non-aligned and socialist countries and became the axis of the sovieto-cuban expansionism in africa (the seizure of angola). Though, the soviet imperialism proved to be as ruinous as the western one. The third marxist party conference of 1979 decided therefore to change this policy. The liberalisation of the economy was a temporary success. While the alignment on moscou was maintained contradicting the true non-alignment officially undertaken by Congo at the sixth Havana's conference of 1979
Tchoukarine, Igor. "Politiques et représentations d'une mise en tourisme : le tourisme international en Yougoslavie de 1945 à la fin des années 1960." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0118.
This dissertation examines the development of international tourism in socialist Yugoslavia from 1945 to the end of the 1960s. It argues that the complex relationship between politics and tourism is manifested both in the administration of tourism and in textual and iconographic representations of Yugoslavia. The thesis has two sections. The first analyzes the role of Yugoslav political and tourist institutions in the promotional effort that the country undertook vis-à-vis France and Czechoslovakia (the two countries that constitute the study's comparative focus). The second part compares Czechoslovak, French, and domestic representations of Yugoslavia through a wide ranger of pre-and post-1945 brochures, tourist guidebooks and travelogues. Within the context of Cold War politics, the development of international tourism in Yugoslavia imparts additional legitimacy on the country, whose open-border policy preceded similar policies in other socialist countries, and affirmed the uniqueness of Yugoslav socialism
Bebe, Beshelemu Emmanuel. "Presse écrite et expériences démocratiques au Zaïre : sous la première république, 1960-1965 et pendant la transition démocratique, 1990-1995." Paris 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA020068.
The independance of the congo ( ex belge ) on june 30th 1960, as well as the end of the monopartism system in zaire on april 24th 1990, brought about a real dawning of the written press. This study intend to analyse and to compare the principal newspapers on these two periods, one interrogation be present in the center of this research : in 1960 as well as in 1990 have we been or are we face to face with one information press, or, on the contrary, in the presence of one opinion press or perhaps a masked press of politic parties ? the differents functions of the press must be determine by the classification and the analysis of the content of the newspapers, bernard voyenne warns. That's the matter of this study, and we'll do it through one comparative analysis ( quantitative and qualitative ). Out of the content, this study will be interested in the analysis of the " one ", the editorial line, the printing and the periodicity. The status , the margin of exercise and the grow of the press being linked to the nature of the politic power, to the relations that it maintains with this one and the general context of the country, we will survey again, quikly, in mains, the story of congo-zaire from 1960 up today. Memory of their times, the newspapers will serve us as reflective mirror
Payet, Frédéric. "La vie politique à la Réunion 1946-1982 : permanence de la question du statut." La Réunion, 2006. http://elgebar.univ-reunion.fr/login?url=http://thesesenligne.univ.run/06_11_Payet_F.pdf.
Our study relates to the political life of Reunion's island, of 1946 to 1982 in the prism of the question of the statute. The constant of this set of themes is in close link with the problems of the relationship between the overseas department and its "Metropolis". It acquires starting from the departmentalization, in 1946, a dimension which durably focuses most of the political debates and constitutes a central stake of the electoral consultations. Until the end of the years 1950, this question of the statute opposes a line in the island preaching a "measured" assimilation and a communist movement which defends a total and immediate integration. Since 1959, it is a separatist project carried by the Communist party Reunionnais which is developed against a camp departementalist and which is matched, since 1971, of a financial shutter around the idea of a "globalized assistance" of France. The problems of the statute are found the another stake proof like the idea of regionalization or that to break with the only statutory axiom in the debate of la Reunion's policy. It loses its force with the withdrawal of the watchword of autonomy in 1981
Chaffel, Alain. "Les communistes de la Drôme : de l'euphorie de la Libération à la désillusion du printemps 1981." Lyon 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997LYO20025.
Once a stronghold of the pcf (french communist party) at the liberation, the drome became a weak link in 1981. During four decades the communist members' and voters' geographical location changed while keeping some basic features. Relying on rural groups at the liberation the pcf gradually became more urban, but the communist density in underpriviledged rural areas was always higher. The pcf remained a party of working class male adults. The workers were always in greater numbers. However the impact of workers and farmers lessened in favour of employees, as the middle classes gained more influence, especially the teaching profession who took the lion's share. More women were entering the party too. The control from the centre as regards the appointment of the federal secretary and the key role played by the candidature commission in the choice of the members of the federal committee remained the rule. The machinery was consistently under the control of a group of seasoned leaders. Nevertheless the necessity to replace former leaders by other reliable elements resulted in handing over the controls to the militants' own children. The way members looked at themselves, at the party at society and the world at large hardly changed - except for the years 1978-1981 - but communism in the drome was never monolithic. The geographical location, the sex, the occupation, the year one joined the party or the family background shaped several types of militants. Is this local form of communism lacking in originality ? of course the answer is twofold. The answer is yes if one considers but the pcf main political lines or the principal aspects of militancy. The answer is no if one is interested in the members' behaviour and sociology
Baulon, Jean-Philippe. "Sans défense ? : antimissiles et stratégie nucléaire aux Etats-Unis (1946-1976)." Paris, EPHE, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EPHE4132.
America’s first missile defense system was developed and deployed between 1946 and 1976. Albeit proving to be operationally ineffective, it nevertheless became a key issue in strategic thinking. As numerous sources show U. S. Interest, then disinterest, in strategic defense was not just the fruit of technical determinism. Unclassified and declassified documents as well as publications and congressional hearings reveal a multifaceted missile-defense problem marred by R&D difficulties and accompanied by serious ramifications on doctrine, bureaucracy, policy and diplomacy. Missile defense had a direct influence on moulding a specific U. S. Vision of nuclear strategy and went well beyond the dream of restoring insularity. It raises the underlying questions as to the pertinence of deterrence, stability, victory and survival. Missile-defense controversies contributed to the emergence of long-lasting features in U. S. Nuclear strategy: interest in operational details, the application of technical and managerial rationality, doctrinal swings from assured destruction to controlled war, a desired fusion of efficiency and morality as well as the claim to a universal vision. Dividing experts and leaders, the debate left in its wake those in favour of establishing stable deterrence and those seeking military superiority to offset the inevitably delicate strategic balance
Malsagne, Stéphane. "Fu'Âd Chihâb (1902-1973) : contribution à l'étude d'une figure historique majeure du Liban contemporain." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010643.
Meunier, Valentine. "Du bout du monde au centre de l'Allemagne : ethnologie comparative de deux sociétés rurales sur l'ancienne frontière inter-allemande." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100125.
This thesis results from a comparison between two villages, each of them located on a side of the former border between GDR and FRG. Conciliating the diachronie means and the thematic comparison, the research is focused on the differences and analogies between Gompertshausen (Thuringia) and Alsleben (Bavaria). The first part deals with the period of the division of Germany and with the process of structuring the differences. It shows how national politics can influence on local societies and the limits of that influence. Three points are developed: the village and its powers, the agricultural organisation and the boundary which means in other words, in the everyday life, what were the meanings of the iron Curtain at the limits of the village. The second part is about the structural and social transformations set by the German unification. It focuses mainly on the Thuringian village, Gompertshausen. Yet, one of the work hypothesis is that the unification also implicates social changes within the border villages of Western Germany. Therefore, the study of the Bavarian village is included in this part. Two points are developed: the political transformation and the new agricultural exploitation. The third part is about the way they lived in the unified Germany, right in the "Centre of Germany", at the time of the fieldwork (1995-1999). The topic is about the former border, the spatial practices, and the relationships between the social actors of the two villages. At last, we wonder about what characterises these villages in 1999 and how the various political decisions influence on their current social structures
Kekli, Aïda. "Genèse de l'islamisme tunisien." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0080.
What we call the Islamism is mainly caused by politicians that work behalf of the religion. The Tunisian Islamism had emerged in the 19th centuries, to preserve his Arab and Muslim culture, Christian occident facing an increasing present. Prior to independence this Islamism kept its strength from wide nationalist sentiments. Starting of the years 1960-1970, the Tunisian Islamism, still has that need at dissenting front an occident still very present. However that dispute, the Tunisians Islamist, of the Ennahdha movement lived from inside. . . They fought for their governments, finally accept politically and socially, to be finally thrown in jail or worse. Tunisian Islamism has always been part of global Islamism, but these movements even more revolted face the West wich he considers a decadent libertine has become globalized and jihadist assassin
Le, Huérou Anne. "" Acteurs locaux et régionaux face aux transformations du pouvoir en Russie, 1989-1999 "." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00692786.
Rouxel-Dolivet, Sylvie. "La transformation des relations Église-État en Espagne (1931-1986)." Rennes 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002REN20070.
From a chronological point of view, the thesis aims to make the analysis of a progression. Its shows that since the thirties, Sapin had three regulatory systems for the relationship between Church and State. In the 30's in an atmosphere of fighting anti-clericalism, the Republic developed a system of radical separation aiming to isolate the church in a private sphere. The Franco-period in agreement with the magistracy set up a catholic regime according many privileges to the Roman Catholic Church. The Vatican Council allowed the opening up of a third way and the loosening of ties between Church and State. A regime of religious freedom open to the presence of the churches in public life came about and was finally established in the period from 1970-1980
Péters, Marie Martine. "Le mouvement associatif dans la vie politique à La Réunion du début de la Ve République à l’installation du C. C. E. E. : 1958-1994." La Réunion, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LARE0012.
The associative movement is a significant component in the evolution of Reunion Island’s political life between 1958 and the end of the 20th century. The analysis of the birth of associations and their actions reveals their growing role in local political life. It also points out rhythms that are specific to the life of associative movements. Hence it is of interest to place this associative life back in the framework of the political history in order to reveal the richness, the diversity and the effect of the associations’works. In the first decade, associations and their supporters undergo the violent political confrontations opposing the U. N. R. And the P. C. R. . Between 1969 and 1975, the relationships between the political world and associations change. A new generation, more consensual, turns away from clashes. As a result there is a greater respect for democratic practices in political life and the associations quickly expand their activities. The end of the 70’s is a turning point for the acknowledgment of Reunionese identity and history. Likewise, air transport is democratized and political life is renewed: associations are the driving force of this evolution. From 1984, as the regional power grows, so does the Cultural, Educative and Environmental Council, whose prerogatives broaden. The associative world, now collaborating with the new political institutions through the C. C. E. E. , launches the revival of education, cultural diversity, secularity, women s empowerment, and outreach to Indian Ocean partners
Gonçalves, Cécile. "Estado Novo salazariste et « sortie de la religion »." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0090.
This thesis is an attempt to define the nature of the political system established by Antonio di Oliveira Salazar in the wake of the military coup occurred in 1926 in Portugal. The Salazar regime shares many similarities with the Mussolini regime (exaltation of the nation, one-party system, taste for uniforms, hate of communism). But it constitutes a different form of recomposition of the "ordinating primacy of politics. " Its recomposition proposed to renew an alliance between secular and spiritual authorities to create a "strong state". Analysis of this alliance between Church and State has been the guiding principle of our work in the context of a comparison with totalitarianism or "secular religion". Even if the Estado Novo is a product of the crisis of democracy of the interwar period, it remain different in nature from Nazi and fascist totalitarianisms because he did not hope to return to thi primordial unity between religious and political structures of stateless societies but it wanted to return to the stage of collaboration between political and spiritual powers characterizing the era of early modernit that is to say the absolute monarchy. Our idea is that Salazar's "art of governing" was more indebted to Marquis of Pombal's regalism than to the anthropological revolution orchestrated by the Nazi and fascism regimes
Ostromooukhova, Bella. "Jouer et déjouer : construction sociale d'une jeunesse active à travers le théâtre amateur d'étudiants soviétiques, 1953-1975." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00661244.
Verluise, Pierre. "Les mutations géopolitiques de l'Europe, 1989-2004." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040262.
After the end of the Cold War, how were the maps redrawn ? Research shows that the fall of the Berlin wall initiates massive geopolitical changes in Europe. The expansion of NATO and the European Union which follow are not ineffective. The geopolitical configuration has changed to the advantage of the US. Which doesn’t prevent Russia from keeping assets, notably thanks to its hydrocarbons and its networks. Integration to the EU of 10 new member states has partly modified its characteristics. Firstly a previous tendency to depopulation and ageing is becoming more pronounced. It is then translating into the membership of less rich states but with a fasteconomic growth. Eventually, the enlargement needs an improvement in the community institutions and astrengthening of European citizenship. The increased EU must take up many challenges if it wants to become amajor political actor
Messeleka, Boyer Cynthia. "Des libéraux aux libéraux-démocrates en Grande-Bretagne (1945 – 2010) : évolutions et mutations." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN20041.
In the years following the First World War, the British political spectrum underwent a change, in particular as a result of the enlargement of the electorate, which enabled the Labour Party to strengthen its popular electoral grassroots. In a political system essentially organised around bipartisanism, the Liberal Party was gradually displaced and superseded by the Labour Party as the opposition party to Conservatism, which development marked a low point in the inexorable decline of the Liberals. This decline slowly continued until it reached a critical level, culminating in the overwhelming victory of Labour in the post-war elections. In a system typified by bipartisan alternation, the Liberal Party entered its darkest era. This dissertation aims to shed new light onthe Liberal Party's evolution from near-extinction to its revival, along with the emergence of a new political force in the shape of the Liberal Democrats.The Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ political communication is the core element of this work. The constitutional framework represents a major factor in the shaping of electoral strategies implemented by Liberals and Liberal Democrats, as well as in the making of successive alliances until the governmental coalition in 2010. By considering the reasons which alienated Liberals from power, and those which enabled them to survive as a united party, unified by the quest for electoral reform, one may offer a new approach to the history of the Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ evolution
Penissat, Etienne. "L'État des chiffres : sociologie du service de statistique et des statisticiens du ministère du Travail et de l'Emploi (1945-2008)." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0136.
Focusing on the crossroads of the socioloogy of the State, the sociology of work and professions, and the sociology of science and statistics, this thesis aims at clarifying the making of State "numbers" through the Statistics Department and the Ministry of Labour and Employment between 1945 and 2008. Using an ethnographic approach combining direct observation in the Department, interviews, consultation of archives and a survey by questionnaire, we show that official statisticians lead their action in a specifically codified, institutionalized and constrained field. By analyzing the characteristics of state-employed statisticians (INSEE civil servants and contractual employees trained in scientific research), official statistics institutions and the making of numbers (statistic surveys, registers, indicators, publications, controversies), we uncover the transformation of scientific and statistical tools used by State administrations. We thereby highlight policy changes that concern employment and work and the forms of appropriation of State reforms in the years 1990¬-2000. This way, we show to what extent statisticians have invested in new institutional roles and reinforced their position in the Ministry of Labour and Employment. These statisticians contribute to the definition and functioning of public action, responding to both administrative and political logics. However, according to their habitus and positions in the institution, these agents must negotiate and maintain relative autonomy in their work. This is all the more necessary as it is essential to their scientific legitimacy as well as the specificity of statistic activity
Pâris, Laurence. "De l'internationalisation du conflit centre-américain : l'influence des acteurs externes sur l'évolution politique de l'Amérique centrale des années quatre-vingts." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010312.
The first time in the history of Latin America when a great number of outside parties were involved in a regional conflict was in Central America in the 1980's. At that time, the democratic evolution of the local political regimes appeared as the result of the interacting strategies of many foreign countries. Some of them seemed to be operating in an East Ouest confrontation state of mind while others tended to minimize the conflict to its local scale. For example, the democratization of Central American countries serves the US policy better than one solely based on strengh. At the same time, the Ussr does not develop an offensive policy in area which is considered as a bartering commodity in its relationship with the US. Meanwhile, in order to gain the international community's trust and maintain the stability of the new regime in Nicaragua, Cuba is trying to still the revolutionary movements. On the other hand, European countries, be it the EEC, the states or certain political movements, offer a western alternatives to the us and might end up as being the way to follow. However, European actions have only been able to go this far because of the birth of an independent Latin American diplomacy, especially through the Contadora group. This group aims at an economic development and a greater political stability in the area. Today, as we are neating the end of this decade, the collapse of the communist system speeds up the democratic transition of the Central American regimes, proving this type of regime to be the only viable reference
Kaseshi, Mulenge Adélard. "Perspectives d'une coopération économique internationale pour le développement des pays pauvres : l'exemple du Congo-Kinshasa." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0106.
Central argument proposed in this work is that economic and social development in the Democratie Republic of Congo-Kinshasa (DRC) requires a twofold questioning : that of the dominant economic theory and that of the underlying international cooperation. In those lines of thinking and practices, economic and social phenomena can be explained only by the principle of maximisation, by each individual actor, of his objective function (rationality principle); as a result, social order is based on the calculations maximilising particular interests. This economy-centred approach considers cooperation as a zero-sum game with winers and losers. Going beyond this limited horizon requires the building of a political economy of "living together", based on three pillars: scientific liberty, political liberty, economic liberty. The functioning of this political economy would be supported by collective intelligence i. E. Human beings' capacity to live and to work together harmoniously. The objective of this approach is to build a common vision of the general interest and to organize this “living together" of the society. As a conclusion, in order to promote their economic and social development, poor countries in general, and the DRC in particular, imperatively have to solve their main political problems and challenges, and as a priority to build a State and a society. Cooperation is therefore back at the centre of economic and social interactions
Régin, Tania. "Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2003. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00006184.
Gauvin, Gilles. "Michel Debré et l'Île de la Réunion : archéologie d'une identité nationale, 1946-1988." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0036.
Haddaoui, Mohamed. "Analyse économique et politico-économique du comportement des décideurs publics : les fonctions de réaction des autorités monétaires françaises 1971.I - 1990.IV." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993CLF10006.
Macroeconomic regulation have implied an increasing interference of the State in the economic private activity. Consequently, economic analysis must endogenies the behavior of public decision makers. The reaction function of the authorities is an analytical instrument which permit to analyse political economic choices of decision makers. Their basic hypothesis is to consider that State ans its bureaucratic agents, like individuals in traditional economic analysis, have their own preferences. On the ground of monetary policy, analysis of behavior if Central Bank and Government have allowed to study the evolution of the choices of the authorities overs 70s and 80s
Fertikh, Karim. "Le congrès de Bad Godesberg : contribution à une socio-histoire des programmes politiques." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0005.
This thesis proposes a sociological analysis of the production and uses of a political manifesto. Its observation field is the Bad Godesberg Program of the Social Democratic Party of Germany adopted in 1959. This manifesto is related to the social, organizational and socio-historical production wich contribute to explain the ways the text become a clear break with a traditional doctrine. This work shows the implementation of a division of labor in the party after 1945, wich did not exist in this form before. The thesis describes and explains the transformation of the intellectual configuration of the party and shows the emergence of experts, holders of university degrees, involved in the production of the manifesto. It highlights, thank to the sociology of work in committees, how these experts work with party leaders, "Efficient agents" of such commission, to define the requirements that the program must meet. This research explores the sociohistorical foundations of technology partisan, and the conventions that the producers of the program in 1959 appropriate. The thesis is also a sociology of the social uses of Congress, showing that beyond the statutory dimensions, the Congress of 1959 was a political meeting that was socially organized. Finally, analyzing the use of the program adopted, this thesis highlights the contradictory meanings that the program acquired until 1970
Habel, Janette. "Cuba dans les Caraïbes : identité, utopie et réalités." Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA080832.
There has never been such a severe crisis in cuba since fidel's castro victory. The demise of the soviet union which put and end to the previous relationship had revealed that the dependance of the economy on sugar crops remain steady. 35 years after castro's victory the resources of the country are not sufficient to guarantee neither the energetic needs of the country nor the food for the population. This is the balancesheet of the integration in the comecon which have put cuba in a subordinate and dependant status. The reinstatement of the country in the world economy will jeopardize its social achievements and the political influence la havana had won on the world scale. Will the economc reforms which have been initiated in 1993 by f. Castro be able to secure a peaceful transition towards a market economy or is a political crisis unavoidable ?
Corral, Broto Pablo. "¿ Una sociedad ambiental ? : historia de los conflictos ambientales bajo la dictadura franquista en Aragón (1939-1979)." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0061.
This dissertation examines how environmental conflicts, during Franco's dictatorship in Aragon (1939-1979), became a component of social and political struggle against the regime. By combining local, regional and national data sources, we discovered how legal protests against industrial pollution from the early 1950s forced the regime to regulate industrial activities and expertise. Large dam projects and weak regulation during the 1960s transformed certain conflicts into radical social movements. In the early 1970s, the regime had to face discontented local authorities and an increasingly critical public opinion regarding environmental projects. The most problematic environmental projects included the first Ebro River Transfer, the large Pyrénées dams, the nuclear power plant settlements and industrial pollution. Since 1972 to free municipal elections in 1979, the anti-Franco opposition, every part of neighbourhoods affected, the new intellectuals and the new environmentalist associations joint subversive and legal actions to defend environmental quality. They mobilized urban and rural society against an "unfair distribution of environmental sacrifice", introducing "the right to the environment" within the democratization agenda. Since then, the State had to create new methods of control in order to respond to the emerging discontent regarding environment issues, while also catering to the special interests of the industrial manufacturers and lobbyists. Subrogation or subordination of these environmental claims, regarding national political parties and trade unions, emerged after the parliamentary elections of 1977 and generated the political ecology in Spain
Zakharova, Larissa Viktorovna. "S'habiller à la soviétique : la mode sous Khrouchtchev : transferts, production, consommation." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://faraway.parisnanterre.fr/login?url=https://www.vlebooks.com/vleweb/product/openreader?id=UPN&accId=9224405&isbn=9782271073303&uid=^u.
Studying fashion in USSR under Khrushchev helps to understand the impact of the political and economic situation on the Soviet society and everyday life. The compétition with the West has as a consequence the emergence of socialist fashion concept that aims to normalise the appearance of Soviet people through education of their taste. The reform aimed at satisfying needs in clothes confronts planned economy with the problem to find a balance between the offer and the demand, to take changes in fashion into account. The opening of the Soviet society to the West results in the emergence of official and informal channels of transfers of Western fashion to USSR. The diversity of tendencies in fashion and culture of shortages give a birth to various strategies of clothes acquisition. Consumer cultures formed of various combinations of the strategies reflect not only individual reactions to the situation, but also social stratification and cohesion
El, Khoury Paula. ""Je me responsabilise, donc je suis" : Récits et parcours des femmes entrepreneurs dans le Liban de l'après-guerre." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00732515.
Pingaud, Etienne. "L'implantation de l'islam dans les « quartiers » : contribution à l'analyse du succès d'une offre symbolique." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0088.
This work focuses on the extension ofIslam in a French town of the Parisian "ceinture rouge". French communist Party has governed the town for a long time, with omnipresent networks on the working-class population. First this essay explores the history of immigration from Muslims areas, to emphasize the specific role played by sorne people and institutions: FLN supporters, "beurs" activists, Mosque of Paris, the State and the French communist Party. Then it analyses the currentplaces ofIslam and questions the way of its progressive establishment and its reproduction. Finally the growing development of Islam is read through the trades, influences and relationships between local Muslims and city authorities. They are decisive to understand the diffusion of a singular "symbolic offer" in the current French suburbs
Tinas, Rukiye. "État et religion dans la Turquie post-kémaliste. : L’évolution du Parti de la justice et du développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) : Les deux mandats : 2002-2007 et 2007-2011." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20020.
In modern Turkey clearly marked by secularism, the AKP called “conservative democrat” by its founders from the Islamist movement is the winner of elections of any kind since its appearance in 2001. Although the Kemalist Establishment had wanted to throw out this party could not do it. Paradoxically any attempt on his part has only increased its popularity. Then, the question is “what are the sociocultural and political transformations of society as well as the strengths of the AKP, which may explain its success story both inside and outside the country? ”. The answer to this question depends on what is “Conservative democracy” which could get the green light from the Establishment to enter the political arena: where the party is situated on the political spectrum, what distinguishes it from its counterparties, the most important is it really a political ideology which is distinct from Islamism as suggested by its ideologues? This is how we can know if Turkish Islamism is in the process of inventing in the Muslim world a form comparable to what was the “Christian democracy” in European countries. And if we can classify the AKP among the Islamists, we will examine whether the future of Islam as a political force of government is in Turkey or elsewhere?