Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politique de sécurité et de défense'
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Maury, Jean-Pierre. "La construction européenne, la sécurité et la défense." Paris 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA020197.
Duffort, Benoit. "Les politiques de défense française et britannique face à l'émergence de la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense [1991-2001]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030048.
Half a century after the Dunkirk treaty, France and the United Kingdom signed in Saint-Malo a declaration on European defence of paramount historic significance. From this declaration originated the implementation, within the frame of the European Union, of the European Security and Defence Policy, which was declared ‘operational’ in December 2001 during the Laeken Summit. As leading parties of this process France and the United Kingdom had essential interests to safeguard in the conducting of the European and transatlantic negotiations which resulted in this historic compromise. Based on archival records which have been either recently released or consulted by special dispensation, on discussions with leading figures of the period or on parliamentary papers about the question, this thesis intends to analyse the evolution of the French and British defence policies in their fullest sense prior to this process and from the enforcement of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, from which originated the ESDP, instituted at the end of the 1991 Intergovernmental Conference which led to the implementation of the European Union
Bordonaro, Federico. "La problématique d'une politique européenne de sécurité et de défense depuis 1990." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040089.
ESPD remains one of the european integration's main issues, and one that is heatdly debated since the early nineties. Its technical, institutional and strategic aspects can onely be understood in a broader historical and geopolitical framework, capable to assess the european power mutual relations and the transatlantic relationship. Covering the period from the Maastricht treaty's negociations to the UE's constitutional treaty ratifications, this thesis, sets forth thr history of ESDP and explains its evolutions in terms of interests, security concerns and goals of the UE states invilved. It also features a history of the western european union and covers the issue of european military industrial complex
Foucault, Martial. "Biens collectifs et sécurité extérieure : analyse économique de la politique européenne de défense." Paris 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA010041.
Hudu, Ayuba. "La politique africaine du Nigéria : défense et sécurité des origines à nos jours." Montpellier 3, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992MON30022.
Vukcevic, Dejana. "L'émergence d'une Europe de la défense : difficultés et perspectives." Nancy 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007NAN20001.
The aim of this study is to evaluate difficulties and perspectives in the process of emergence of Europe of the Defence. This study presents an global eclairage of the european effort in the area of defence and demonstrates the impact of the incorporation of defence in the process of European integration, for the EU, as well as for the strategic environment. The study is divided on two parts. The aim of first part is to analyse the institutionnal basis of the Europe of the defence, and to demonstrate the importance and the influence of defence dimension for the institutionnal frame of the EU. The process of institutionnalisation of defence cannot be analysed separately from institutional arrangements with NATO and WEU. The second part analyses the progressive concretisation of the Europe of the Defence. The participation of the EU in the crisis managements operations demonstrates that Union is becomming an global international actor and is showing the added value of the defence for the development of the Union as a global actor. This implies also the search for the strategic concept for the EU, which will define the place of defence in the strategic dimension of the EU. This part analyses also strategic and operational capacity of the EU, as well as competitivness of the european industry od defence. The Europe of the Defence concretises the idea of the EU as an original and specific model which combine the defence dimension with other instruments of external action of the EU. It changes the sens of military intervention
Lafond, Sylvie. "Les difficultés d'élaboration d'une politique européenne de sécurité." Limoges, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006LIMO0515.
The necessity for Europe to adopt a common security policy has really become imperative for the Heads of State and Government with the end of the “cold war”, from the 1980s onward. Indeed, for Europeans, it is just as much a question of acquiring the international stature they are still sorely lacking today as it is of being able to play again the part of undeniable and uncontested leaders which was theirs in the past. The essential question is then to know whether the Member States are really determined to implement this policy and whether Europe has the means to assume its security alone. While Europe as a Security Entity constitutes today a reality, “Europe as a Single Power” is still trying to find its bearings. The combined “weight” of the Member States and NATO, beyond making it difficult to elaborate a European security policy, leads inescapably to the setting up of a complex European device of crisis management
Enos-Attali, Sophie. "Les politiques nationales de sécurité à l'épreuve du changement : analyse comparative de l'évolution des politiques de sécurité de trois "pays neutres" (Autriche, Finlande, Suède)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0012.
The comparative analysis of Austria’s, Finland’s, and Sweden’s – three small European States with a tradition of neutrality – security policies reveals a convergence towards a hybrid model, which consists both in non-alliance and active participation to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union and to the Partnership for Peace (PFP) of NATO. Such a smooth evolution reflects an adaptation to the configuration of international relations after the cold war, as well as the entrenchment of neutrality in Austrian, Finnish, and Swedish security identities. This observation leads to qualify the common idea upon which the determination of small states’ security policies would rely mainly on international data. Being a source of flexibility, the governance of the CFSP and the PFP makes the choice of the three countries possible, since it enables them to point out their own preferences while they are influenced by the cognitive frame of the EU and NATO for security matters : exploiting the interactive process of the EU and of the PFP, Vienna, Helsinki and Stockholm have managed to find a golden mean between the constraints of the new international security order and their deep attachment to the principle of non-participation to military alliances. Such an impact of the CFSP and of the PFP on the national security policies of the countries that take part to them shows that integovernmentalism is not necessary a brake upon the deepening of integration within these institutions
Bessez, Jean-Claude. "La politique étrangère et de défense du nouveau parti travailliste." Paris 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA030094.
New Labour's foreign policy promotes and defends human rights and democracy. It is implemented with and through the Commonwealth, NATO, Europe and the United Nations. On behalf of humanitarian considerations London has intervened in the Balkans and in Africa, a continent where NEPAD offers an opportunity for influence. Zimbabwe and Pakistan are closely watched. Gibraltar's destiny will soon be sealed. The European Rapid Reaction Force, Missile Shield, the special relationship and the new transnational threats lie at the heart of British defence policy which is foreign-policy led. Afghanistan and Iraq are currently the main focus of the fight againt international terrorism. The Strategic Defence Review, Defence Diplomacy and the New Chapter make up the British Defence Doctrine
Lavaux, Rachel. "Dialectique de la défense européenne : entre impulsions institutionnelles et impulsions industrielles." Montpellier 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON10067.
Houenou, Seminakpon Arnaud. "Les nouveaux accords de défense franco-africains et la politique de sécurité de la France." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30060.
Established in the 1960s with the independence of territories of the former French empire, the defense cooperation allowed the old French, colonial power to continue to maintain its influence in Africa, while at the same time establishing autonomous national African armies. Unfortunately some of the political and military choices made by France and the instrumentalization risks of a strictly bilateral involvement, have revealed the archaism of French – African relations, and have generated a crisis in cooperation. Having become inadequate due to changes in the international political arena that occurred in the 1990s characterized by the end of bipolarity, the French defense cooperation African has suffered from international competition from the commitment of African States to the effective exercise of their sovereignty as well as their full involvement in globalization and in new areas of solidarity and international cooperation, and from terrorist threats.In subscribing to the realist security approach, and considering the political-sociological constructivist theory of national interest defended by Alexander Wendt on the one hand, and on the other hand the regional security complex concept by Barry Buzan, this study proposes to show how France has put in place a new security policy based on new defense agreements in Africa, the continent closest to Europe in a context of proven strategic breakdown and security threats. Defined in a global regional context, this study demonstrates the strategy of France for security in Africa in a partnership that should be both transparent and efficient
Mariller, Roseline. "Les défis de la politique européenne de défense." Lyon 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004LYO33036.
Theodoropoulos, Petros. "L'union de l'Europe occidentale et la construction européenne de sécurité." Grenoble 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992GRE21026.
The weu was created in october nineteen fifty-four within the context of the paris agreements in order to resolve two problems closely connected : the rearmament of west germany and the consolidation of western european security. During the first thirty years weu did not develop its activities unlike the other european organizations. It remained a committed spectator of european construction. The weu was the first organization in the domain of arms control and contributed to the establishment of a climate of trust between the western european countries after the two world wars. It also became a framework within which great britain tried to approach the six european community members which were at the same time its partners in the weu. After great britain's membership to the european communities the assembly of the weu took charge of its essential activity. It forced the council to reaffirm the competence of the weu in the domain of european defence and security. The weu has become an actor of european security construction since its revitalization, in october nineteen eighty-four. Over the course of five years it has been a forum within which europeans discuss questions concerning security. Since the collapse of communism the weu has been the central actor in the reorganization of the western security system. The wey is the organization that allows the renovation of nato and at the same time, the establishment of a european defence policy
Mohamed, Osman Roukiya. "La politique de sécurité et de défense dans la corne de l'Afrique : le cas de Djibouti." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU20129.
This thesis studies the politics of security and defence that have been developed in the Horn of Africa. Our main objective is to show that in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti there are political, historical, economical and sociological factors that explain the prevailing insecurity within the region. Its geostrategic position makes it a coveted area for fighting terrorism and piracy. Nevertheless this geographical advantage is not as profitable as it could be because of civil wars, boundary disputes and natural disasters that have generated one of the world’s biggest humanitarian and food crisis. Security and defence policies, whether regional or continental, have shown to be powerless when facing these realities. The failures of these policies are due to disagreements between Heads of State and to the lack of financial resources within States, the African Union and its sub-regional agencies such as IGAD and COMESA. By studying the case of Djibouti we will prove that national security policies have been weakened by corruption, clientelism and tribalism, which has lead to the insurgence of the impoverished population. Because Djibouti is one of the most stable States in the region, it serves as a barometer that measures new treats to the stability of the zone. As a neighbouring country to the hotbeds of terrorism and piracy, Djibouti is where the French, the American and the Japanese have settled their military bases; it has also consequently become the target of terrorist groups. The military bases have certainly improved the security and the economy of the area but they have also had a negative impact on its social environment
Owaye, Jean-François. "Système de défense et de sécurité du Gabon de 1960 à nos jours." Montpellier 3, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997MON30022.
Gabon's "security and defense system" was established in 1960, resulting from the fervour of independance and to the transfer of expertise from the community to the new african sovereignties. It is "a unification of civil and military equipment, of operational methods and rules", undoubtedly inspired by the conventional french military model, but which also takes into account the local ecology, the international geostrategic environment and the socio-economic development of the country. Set up by the french military command,the system is based on one of the principal objectives of gabon's general policy : security / development, which limits the defense efforts to a strict minimum (2,5% of the g. N. P. ), while assuring the nation (thanks to the strategy of dissuasion ) a relative security. Since 1960 it has come a long way. In fact, the security forces, inexperienced and understaffed when founded, were confined to the simple inaugural funetion af the new sovereignty ; their social role was nevertheless essential : they compensated for the lach of education by substituting for civil engineers. They were the "agents" of socialisation and national integration towards which the military service and youth civic service strove. Since the seventies, the improvement of a military ressources and the status of the personnel, the " gabonisation " of the command, the territorialisation of the armed forces and their professionalisation. . . Shows a permanent change in the defense system ; anadaptation characteristic of the search for a more efficient defense system, which remans the most important factor of the materialisation of the social treaty, and thus of the stability of the country
Meye, Ndong Serges. "La sécurité et la défense du territoire du Gabon. Analyse géopolitique." Thesis, Reims, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REIML009.
Gabon‘s territory‘s security involves stakes rooted less in its old status of the “little Cinderella of Central Africa“ than in its geopolitical representations of the political power which views the country as a “small state” rich in geostrategic resources stirring up covetousness, above all from outside powers. Together with territorial issues, come up land and sea borders' problems, above all the new threats, in which illegal migration, internal threats -particularly the new forms of criminality- sociopolitical conditions, socioeconomic poverty, social matters as well as difficulties to control the territory, are at the top of the list. Internal and external threats and stakes around which Gabon organizes itself in order to establish security within its territory. The country takes into account local and regional levels of the territory, mainly relying on police and military forces which seek to set up public and civil security, oversee the territory while preparing its effective defense. Aside from this security initiative, the government endeavors to improve sociopolitical conditions, people's socioeconomic' standards of living, and the protection of the environment. Gabonese's security‘s issue goes beyond its borders, as part of a regional cooperation where Gabon negotiates the political peace based on regional order and entente cordial between political powers. An economic security which would improve food expenses, a police cooperation through “mutual judiciary assistance “and, possibly, the recovering of its territory‘s order. Moreover, Gabon's foreign policy is to maintain peace within the area to avoid its territory to be influenced by external conflicts. From the international point of view, Gabon together with France tries to reinforce its military forces and to make a possible peacemaking in the region. So far, this whole initiative hasn't met the country' expectations. The police ‘efforts are inefficient and there is more and more insecurity. The human dimension is relative; rather, the shining government's authoritarianism, the opposition and the military phagocytosis as well as the territory's control are inefficient. Outside, the foreign judiciary assistance fails to cut food expenses and to fend off of external threats whether on sea or land. The defense cooperation with France seems to be more effective in stabilizing the established power than in reinforcing the military forces. The Gabonese territory is not safe.Safety, Defense, Territory, Geopolitic, Gabon
Ulrich, Sara. "La construction d'une politique européenne de défense et de sécurité de 1947 à 2005 : une contribution à la théorie réaliste des alliances." Paris 11, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA111004.
Caillaud, Franck-Emmanuel. "La politique de sécurité espagnole depuis la mort du général Franco 1975-1991 : Défense, diplomatie et terrorisme." Grenoble 2, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991GRE21027.
The author treats spain's security policy since the death of general franco. He describes the conditions in which spain became an integrated parts of the western defence system through this country's membership of nato and weo. He studies the principal lines of the spanish defence policy, the protection of its strategic geographical limits : balearic islands, gibraltar and the canaries, the defence of the "presidios" of ceuta and melilla. The author the develops the following themes stressing spain's diplomatic role : - spain and non-alignment, - spain and disarmament, - spain and the conflicts in central america, - spain's position in the "gulf crisis". Finally, the author shows the fundamental role played by the spanish diplomacy in the fight against terrorism in the basque country
Li, Shuhong. "La contribution française à la genèse et au développement de la Politique européenne de Sécurité et de Défense (PESD)." Montpellier 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008MON30108.
The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) is regarded as the most dynamic sector of European construction of the twenty first century. This paper is striving to bring a new light to the studies on the ESDP in establishing a link between the ESDP and France. A historical approach and official documents published by France and European Union are used to establish our analyses. Our objective is, through the study of French contribution to the ESDP, the evolution of the French position and the development of the ESDP, to measure the magnitude of French efforts and results compared with the original objectives. Our analyses are structured in two parts for the four aspects of ESDP. The first part is devoted to policy and institutional aspects, the second part focuses on industrial and operational aspects of ESDP. We conclude that France has succeeded, through its contributions to the ESDP, to strengthen its influence in the world affairs. At the same time, we indicate that to strengthen the effectiveness of this instrument, France faces the challenge of the constraints of national sovereignty. This paper ends with an observation that in current international circumstances, parallel to its efforts in the development of the ESDP, France is trying to find other instruments, such as NATO or ad hoc coalitions, to assert its influence policy
Marret, Jean-Luc. "Sécurité et désarmement : politiques de la France en matière de désarmement ou de maîtrise des armements (1919-1995)." Paris 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA020047.
Traditionally, french policy considers disarmament as a part of security. Since 1919, france makes use of disarmament for the benefit of her security : against the german rearmement first; then, since 1945, in favour of the development of her national nuclear forces; finally, against proliferations, i. E. Her own strategic superiority. France acts very actively, since 1978 above all, but she is often criticized (ex. : international disputes concerning her latest nuclear tests)
Gautier, Louis. "La défense hors du sanctuaire : la politique militaire de la France 1990-1995." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010281.
During the last five years of François Mitterrand’s second term of office, between 1990 and 1995, France's military policy underwent many reforms ; but theoretical reflection has difficulty in unearthing new concepts for its renewal. Moreover, French defence culture with its strong national consensus going back thirty years, curbs any desire for change. The white paper on defence, a compromise document published in 1994 during a period of political cohabitation illustrates the intellectual predicament that redefining strategic principles and the way our armed forces are to be employed found itself in in the early 1990's. The document manages to find a compromise between the old dogmas and the assertion of new priorities. Despite the difficulties to formulate new forms of theoretical and political expression, three themes dominate defence matters between 1990 and 1995 : peace dividends, the lessons learned from the gulf war and the construction of a new security system in europe. These analyses encourage the political leaders to launch a renewal of the military machine, with the will to take the consensus on defence a stage further whilst maintaining it intact. In some ways the procrastination in our defence policy reveals hesitation to engage reform, and at the same time, appears as the necessary condition to a new expression of the internal political consensus on fresh grounds. The second reform of the fifth republic's defence policy is nonetheless actively underway. None of its main objectives will be subsequently reviewed, even though the format was changed after 1995 and the adoption of a professional army was decided upon. 1990 to 1995 was the first stage in a transitional reform which further strengthens France's European commitment
Ismail, Ziad. "Stratégies de défense optimales pour améliorer la sécurité et la résilience des Smart Grids." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, ENST, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ENST0026.
The evolution of the threat landscape has made the security risk management in the smart grid a challenging task. This thesis addresses this problem and proposes solutions based on non-cooperative game theory, attack graphs and Constrained Markov Decision Processes (CMDPs). In the first part of this thesis, using the framework of non-cooperative game theory, we define and solve models to optimize the deployment of defense resources in the smart grid. We find the optimal choice of security modes to enable on each equipment in the Advanced Metering Infrastructure (AMI) to protect the confidentiality of customers’ data. In addition, we present an analytical model for identifying and hardening the most critical communication equipment used in the power system. In order to improve the security of industrial control systems, the defense strategy needs to be both proactive by anticipating potential targets of adversaries, and reactive by adjusting the type and strength of the response to the threat level. In the second part of this thesis, we address this challenge by presenting a solution that computes the optimal security policy that guarantees that the defender’s objectives are satisfied. This policy is obtained by solving a CMDP built using information in an attack graph generated beforehand that represents the evolution of the attacker’s state in the system
Berdah, David. "Les relations entre l’Union européenne et Israël : vers un partenariat privilégié en matière de sécurité et de défense ?" Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0180.
Mve, Mbega Tobie. "La politique de défense et de sécurité de la France en Afrique à l'épreuve de l'après-Guerre Froide." Toulouse 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000TOU10064.
Rhee, Hyunjung Estelle. "Politique européenne de l'armement et nouveaux enjeux de la sécurité dans la mondialisation : une approche par l'économie politique internationale." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005VERS007S.
Our study suggests analyzing the European Armament policy in relation with the security in the context of the globalization according to an approach by international political economy. Divided into two parts, the first one aims at setting the issues and finding the theoretical approaches in Security, European integration and the process of the globalization. By trying to highlight the new role of the States and the power relations between themselves, the first part always poses the question of the Security and in particular that of the Europeans, mainly analyzed on the basis of the European Security and Defense policy -ESDP, the NATO and the transatlantic relations. The second one offers an empirical study on the Technological and innovation stakes in the sector of the armament. Here, we tried to emphasize the interaction between the economical and the political issues in order to deal with the armament crisis, the transatlantic aspects and the various institutions of the sector (OCCAR and the European Defense Agency, for example), the technological questions, the bureaucratic role of the European Commission and the potentialities of the structured cooperations. This study also establishes a stake in perpsective of the military technological innovation in Europe, in the process of globalization and transatlantization
Michondard, Eric. "La transition du système stratégique occidental et l'identité européenne de sécurité et de défense : 1990-2000." Lyon 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LYO33043.
Deschaux-Dutard, Delphine. "De l'Eurocorps à une armée européenne ? : pour une sociologie historique européenne de sécurité et de défense (1991-2007)." Grenoble 2, 2008. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00349871.
This dissertation deals with the construction, practices and legitimating uses of the European Security and Defence Policy since the 1990's. First we study the genesis of the European defence policy taking into account short-term factors opening a policy window (the end of the Cold War, the Balkan conflicts, NATO's reform) as well as structural factors, in this case the socializing framework of the French-German military cooperation. We demonstrate the political entrepreneurship of Mitterrand and Kohl seizing this policy window. They were later taken over by the diplomatic services of the EU states. Secondly we analyze the construction of the European defence policy as a specific social figuration within the EU framework. This new social figuration, relying on proper organs and on intergovernmentalism, interplays with the national defence figurations structured in time, modifying the interdependence games between the capitals and Brussels, and between the main actors groups (in this case officers, diplomats and defence civil servants). Moreover this ESDP figuration is deeply affected and modelled by the weight of the socialization of theses actors on a threefold level : national, professional and institutional. These several socialization weigh on the way theses actors daily practice and conceive the European defence policy. Indeed this new social space is invested on different ways by each categories of actors (military and diplomatic/civilian). Last but not least, the national security cultures are still very pregnant and go on framing ESDP in different ways according to the security representations of each state. This raises legitimating questions for this policy. Eventually European Security and Defence Policy does not aim at building a Euro-army, but fulfils latent functions as a political and symbolic substitute for European security action in the world. These latent functions appear to be at least as important as, if not more than, its manifest functions of reactivity to crisis. Thus ESDP aims at helping construct politically an international role for the EU in security matters
Antunes, Camille. "Le rôle, l'importance et l'implication de la Turquie dans la construction de l'Europe de la défense : perspectives et opportunités." Phd thesis, Université de Strasbourg, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00863870.
Kamdjom, Luc Colbert. "La politique de coopération française en matière de défense et de sécurité en Afrique subsaharienne : le cas du Cameroun." Paris 8, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA081612.
Nivet, Bastien. "Le complexe européen de la puissance : une analyse critique du concept d'"Europe puissance"." Lille 2, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006LIL20011.
To carry out a critical analysis of the concept of (super-)power Europe, is to question the links between one of the major geopolitical evolutions of the 21st century – European integration – and one of the fundamental concepts in the study of international relations – power. Examining the modalities and conditions of recourse to the concept of (super-)power Europe in the theoretical literature and in political discourses allows to highligth the diversity of the meanings given to (super-)power Europe, and the elusive grammar of this concept. This initiel aknowledgement can be pushed further through the analysis of the three core dimensions of what we identify as the " European power complexe " : the idea of an autonomy of the Europea Union (EU), of the Union and within the Union. The permanence of challenges and contradictions in the European integration process in regard with these three factors suggest to consider the UE as an international actor of a new kind, and to recomend great care towards the analytical or discursive use of the concept of (super-)power Europe sometimes highly disconnected from any empirical or political evidence
Kistruga, Aurel. "L’Europe et la Russie, vers un concept commun de sécurité : de la confrontation au partenariat." Strasbourg, 2011. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2011/KISTRUGA_Aurel_2011.pdf.
Europe-Russia relations have always attracted great minds. It is known that during its historical voyage Russia has experimented greatly – communism, tsarist, even the current democratic ambition – yet, it has still preserved its part of mystery, while unexplored territory still remains. Peace or war, cooperation or hostility, acting as friends, opponents or enemies, with unprecedented ideological disagreements exaggerated by the “balance of terror”, both protagonists, Western Europe and Russia, have always affirmed their specific interest in ensuring stability and security on the European continent. The turbulences following 1989 brought new dynamics to international relations. The transformation of the post-Communist civilization, including Russia, raised the question about the future structure of European security. Did the West express an interest in sharing the management of affairs of the European continent with Russia and what part did it leave to Russia? After the political and military decline during the Yeltsin years, Putin's Russia attempted to reconfigure its identity and regain its status as a global power. Could the contradictions, disasters and the numerous misunderstandings alter the cooperation and partnership between the Euro-Atlantic structures and Russia? This research is an attempt to answer these questions. After having researched the philosophical and political foundations of the concepts of security in Western and Russian traditions in the first part, their development during the League of Nations Europe and Bolshevik Russia we have considered in the second part. The opposition of the two concepts was amplified with the Cold War. As the world was divided into blocks, with language and symbols based ideologies, it was not possible to build a common space to discuss about a common security concept. The third part is dedicated to the concept of security following the “postbipolar” era, characterized by the wish to build a new Europe of democracy, peace, unity and security. Accordingly, the joint Cooperation and Partnership between Europe and Russia has made significant improvements to the general situation of security within the European security environment. The interdependence between the two has deeply changed the concept of security, becoming part of a cautious transnational management of shared values. As a result, Russia is now firmly established amid the game of collective deliberation, compromise and cooperation to reduce uncertainty and adjust the common needs of security. However, it must be concluded that the West has not agreed upon a total parity approach towards Russia, while the latter, after having gone through “initiation rites”, is careful to always socialize with mainstream values. In this respect, both of these international actors have not exhausted all possibilities to build a refined practice of cooperation and lasting partnership based on a common security concept
Gianniou, Maria. "Les Interventions de la C. E. Et de l’U. E. Dans le conflit israélo-palestinien depuis la crise de 1973 jusqu’aux développements contemporains." Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030018.
The present research retraces the action of Europe in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1973 to the year 2000. Throughout our research, we try to demonstrate the degree of power of Europe towards the conflict on the basis of certain questions: in which way does the institutional evolution of Europe regarding foreign policy affect her interventions in the conflict? Does Europe make a coherent utilisation of the complete range of instruments (common and intergovernmental) that she has at her disposal? Does she speak with one voice? What is her position towards the interested parties, other international actors and geopolitical transformations? Does she demonstrate a sufficient political will?Every decade contributes in a different, albeit complementary way, to the formation of the European position towards the conflict. In the seventies, Europe tries to establish herself as an international actor towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The eighties are marked with the elaboration of a European initiative for the peace in the Middle East. During the nineties, the European action is characterised by a stronger engagement, while a common foreign and security policy is being designed. We conclude that Europe developed a European policy vis-ΰ-vis the conflict, while the evolution of the system of foreign policy offers her the possibility to undertake an increasingly precise and a more coherent action
Billaudot, Fulbert. "L'impact des restrusturations de l'industrie aéronotique militaire sur l'évolution de la Politique étrangère et de défense européenne de 1992 à 2000." Paris 4, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040067.
European foreign and defence policy is a very ambitious goal. The latter emphasises the major challenges raised by the building of a political Europe. How can we come to federate States, in which conceptions related to the field of foreign and defence affairs are not necessarily the same? Although in 1992, the Maastricht Treaty gave a boost in a significant way to the European foreign policy, its natural corollary, the defence policy would only occur at the end of the 1990’. Indeed, between 1998 and 2000, the sector of the European aeronautical industries both civil and military was about to face with a huge mutation which impact would turn out to be decisive for the implementation of the European security and defence Policy. However if it was to happen so quickly at the institutional level, it would only reveal something factually true: the interdependence of the major defence programmes
Reçber, Kamuran. "Le rôle de l'Union de l'Europe occidentale dans le système de sécurité et de défense européennes." Nice, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997NICE0047.
Belhomme-Chick, Claire. "L'Union de l'Europe Occidentale et l'affirmation d'une identité européenne de défense : 1973-1997." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010267.
Boulanin, Vincent. "De la défense à la sécurité : aspects économiques et enjeux politiques de la diversification des firmes européennes d’armement dans le domaine de la sécurité." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0161.
This dissertation deals with the geopolitical causes, the economic aspects and the political consequences of the diversification of the European arms industry into the realm of security. The objective was to study the so-called “defence-security continuum” at the industry level. The thesis is that arms producers are not only reacting to a growing demand for security goods and services, they actively take part in the definition and implementation of security policies to the extent that they can shape public demand for the latter. The argument is based on an original approach that combines the empiricism of the literature on arms production with the reflexivity of the constructivist literature on security policies in the IR discipline. Section I explains why arms producers had to diversify into the security realm in order to cope with the post-9/11 order. They had to find new growth drivers and they had to reinvent their legitimacy in a context where the landmarks of the defence community were eroding. Section II present empirical evidence on the diversification of the arms industry into the realm of security and analyse to what extent this is a complex phenomenon that cannot be analysed only through the opposition civil/military. Section III consists of two cases studies on border security and cyber-security; both show how arms produced have expanded their influence on the definition and implementation of public security policies
Toyo, Frantz. "Hai͏̈ti, un pays en quête d'un système de défense et de sécurité viable : de la naissance de la République à nos jours." Toulouse 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU10033.
Since its independance in 1804, Hai͏̈ti's incoherence shows that the rulers had never the intention to defend the sovereignty of the people but to defend the material economic interests of a small group of individuals, by using a loyal army of the governments. The political instability, the incompetence of the political leaders during the first century of independence led Hai͏̈ti to lose its sovereignty to an American occupation that lasted 19 years from 1915 to 1934. The formation of inexistent army, post-occupation was considered as an American product that continued to exercise its dominance over Hai͏̈ti. Duvalier profited the period of the cold war to put in place this army and not that by set up place another system of popular defence for his personal security "les tontons-macoutes" witch wire not of the people. The post-Davalierist period revealed that the Hai͏̈tian army was one of the destabilising elements for its democracy, while to made the putsch's took place. The inexistence of its political defence enabled the USA and the United Nations to force the Hai͏̈tian government to get rid of the army in 1995 for strengthen the police. This date propelled Hai͏̈ti to be one of the rare countries without an army and redefined its political defence and security in a country characterised by its political instability. This state of affairs generated misunderstanding and the rejection of this new direction for the Hai͏̈tian people
Schnapper, Pauline. "Les infortunes du pragmatisme : la Grande-Bretagne et la sécurité européenne, 1989-1995." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997IEPP0006.
Gallouët, Laure. "Une politique de la neutralité ? Les stratégies de sécurité et de défense de la Seconde République d'Autriche de 1955 à nos jours." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU20063.
After ten years of allied occupation (1945-1955), Austria’s international status changed. On October 26, 1955, its Parliament passed the constitutional law on the neutrality of Austria. This sovereign decision of the Austrian State has nonetheless to be considered in the context of the beginning of the Cold War, the Moscow Memorandum and the Austrian State Treaty. Even if Swiss neutrality was seen as a model, the Austrian concept of permanent neutrality demonstrated its uniqueness. As early as 1955, Austria’s accession to membership in the United Nations indicated that its neutrality was based above all on its military character, and that this status did not prevent the Austrian state from taking part in international organizations. This doctoral thesis presents the various challenges faced by the Austrian Second Republic and how neutrality has influenced its strategic decision-making. The approach here is diachronic, since security and defense policy, as well as legal and political interpretation of neutrality, have evolved over time in order to adapt to changes in the international environment
Yarafa, Thierry Irénée. "La refonte des forces de défense et de sécurité, condition d’une paix et d’un développement durable en République Centrafricaine." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAD015/document.
The Central African Republic, 622,984 km2 area for 4.525 million inhabitants in 2012, is a former French colony that became independent on August 13, 1960. During the first decades of post-independence, a weakly structured state was established. At the time when the combined efforts of the donors were beginning to introduce a new dynamic of stability, the Séléka rebellion led by Michel Djotodia took power on March 24, 2013. Since then, the country has faced one of its major crisis, characterized by the intermittent violence, the plurality of actors and the complexity of the belligerent factors. The security challenge is an incompressible means, this academic work is built around the positive irreversibly impact of the armed forces and security in the building of peace, stability and development in Central African Republic
Soubrier, Emma. "Quelle sécurité pour les « petits Etats-Princes » du Golfe ? Politiques de défense et stratégies d’acquisitions militaires du Qatar et des Emirats arabes unis." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAD018.
This thesis studies the evolving defence policies and military acquisitions of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) from the 1990s onwards. It seeks to assess the role of external and domestic incentives in shaping the survival strategies of these two small Gulf states and to understand why, while they were confronted with apparently similar challenges, they adopted different strategies. While Qatar has favoured its diplomatic influence and essentially guaranteed its security through its partnerships with external powers, the UAE have consolidated their internal security and defence tools while gaining regional and international influence through various channels which often were the same as those chosen by Qatari leaders. The thesis shows that the mutations of the regional context must be articulated with those of the international context to understand the common dynamics in Qatar’s and the UAE’s defence policies and military acquisitions. It then shows that these structural determinants must be articulated with variables at national (territory, demography) and subnational (the Prince’s perception and networks) levels to understand the contrasts between their policies. Finally, the thesis questions the sustainability of the political economy and political sociology of these “small Princes-states” by confronting them to endogenous and exogenous developments which are likely to make them evolve
Sheppard, Elizabeth. "L'européanisation des politiques de défense ? : les cas de la France et du Royaume-Uni 1995-2002." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0051.
Defense policy has traditionally remained outside the realm of EU authority, remaining sovereign domains of the Nation-state. In many ways, the defense “exception” has kept the question out of public policy literature and in particular literature dedicated to the study of European public policy. The progressive evolution of the security context with the fall of the Berlin wall has highlighted the need to move beyond this theoretical exceptionalism to study the question as a public policy like any other. The modernizations of national armed forces and of general defense policy in Europe in the mid-1990s, accompanied by surprising progress in European defense, gives pause to question the multi-dimensional influences of the different levels of governance present within the EU. France and the UK have reorganized their armed forces based on concepts of jointery and interoperability and underlying networks underscoring the importance of coalition warfare. These changes, though not mandated by Europe, who has no real means of doing so, were nonetheless influenced by the EU which catalyzed policy change and provided a forum for policy transfer initiatives through mechanisms such as socialization. These demonstrate the processes by which Europeanization influences national defense policy-making in a sovereign policy domain
Lee, Sung-Man. "La sécurité de la Corée du Sud : la menace et les moyens d'une petite puissance." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010257.
In the competitive international society which favors the powerful, what is the strategy of security to defend the vital interests of south korea, a country which does not belong to the group of the powerful, and which has not kept its independence to build its own strategy and to develop it ? In a peninsular country like south korea, surrounded by powerful neighbors, the security of the state through diplomatic efforts is very important. The strengthening of the capacity of protection as a unique means is not sufficient for its national defense. Nevertheless, the national security strategy poses on the whole, the question of the independent defense, because the last objective of the policy of security is tantamount to assume the independent security. We have therefore proposed a korean model of military strategy, "the strategy of survival of the koran people" which means the actively defensive strategy centered on diplomacy. This strategy is presented following three steps : the strategy of dissuasion, the strategy of defense and the strategy of survival. Our study seeks, by analyzing korea's security situation, to expose the particularity of this situation. And it aims, by clarifying and recomposing the known strategy theories, to establish a strategy for the survival of south korea and the reunified peninsula, a strategy appropriated to korean particular circumstances
De, Rougé Guillaume Louis. "Le Fil d'Ariane : La France et la Défense européenne dans l'après-guerre froide [1991-2001]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030068.
This study consists in a historical and strategic analysis of French policy with regard to European defence in the post-Cold War era, from the Maastricht Treaty until the 2001 Laeken Declaration of ESDP « operationality », covering the most recent period in a brief coda. Relying on first-hand sources, including presidential archives and oral history, this study aims at contributing to the knowledge of French foreign and defence policy as well as European defence’s genesis and early implementation process. This study sheds new light on France’s motives and strategies in the realm of Euro-Atlantic security in a crucial period which only begins to be the subject of deeper historical research
Akono, Atangane Eustache. "Les conflits et la redistribution de la puissance en Afrique noire francophone." Lyon 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LYO33030.
Conflicts of creation States in Africa pushed countries of French-speaking to concede attributes of the power in France. During the cold war, France committed by agreements of defence to assure the order interns and the security of his allies, without instituting a lasting peace however. Since the end of the cold war, conflicts reemerge in Africa. These conflicts defer the posterior growth crisis to the independence. Of addition, these conflicts are not anymore the expression of the cold war. Of this fact, the great powers only grant them any interest, and they disengage in the African conflict regulation. Following french's " disengagement " and difficulties of the international community to find some adequate solutions to these conflicts, African States committed to solve them and to assures their security from new modalities : the reinforcing of national army and the intensifying of new systems of regional security. However, these new method will be efficient if they are followed has real political will
Türke, András István. "La politique étrangère, de sécurité et de défense de l’Union Européenne des fondements à l’évolution récente : Quel rôle dans le processus de stabilisation à la péripherie de l’Union et dans l’évolution des relations nord-sud en liaison avec l’ONU?" Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030172.
This thesis examines recent developments in foreign and defence policy of the European Union in its complexity: Theaters considers the most important areas the Balkans (Bosnia-Herzegovina, FYROM) and Africa (DRC, Sudan). Regarding the theatre of war of the Balkans, WEU has carried out several operations after the crisis in 1991. One can examine the similarities, elements that developed, and lessons learned from these actions vis-à-vis to those of the ESDP. The Balkans is considered as a region bordering on the European Union, a zone of influence of Europe, but other powers are also present. What are the objectives of creating zones of influence? Is the Union seeks another methods to follow in regard to military operations, police missions, and diplomatic management of crises in Africa, of the distant theatres of war? The thesis examines whether the experience and practice of certain regions can be applied "anywhere in the World". In Africa the colonial legacy of some European countries, the rich local natural resources, the system of financial support for underdeveloped areas by European resources are the elements of the complexity in the African theatres of war. How political games are played in this region and what are the conclusions of diplomacy and European missions? The main question, to which the thesis attempts to answer, is to what extent the EU can become an international player in the process of stabilization at its periphery, and in the development of North-South relations in cooperation with the UN. How can the EU turn its economic power to a political power in the international system of the twenty-first century by building good relations with key actors and international bodies, including the USA and the UN? What kind of role can it play in the prevention and crisis management? How do we conceive of cooperation between the institutions of the European Union and those of NATO?
Padonou, Oswald. "La coopération de défense et de sécurité française en Afrique de l'Ouest : une géopolitique du postcolonial francophone." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016REN1G009.
Structural and operational defense and security cooperation between France and Francophone states of ECOWAS is characterized by different configurations depending on the perspectives of each stakeholder. They are also characterized by strategic interdependence between France and its partners. Since 2007, besides the renewal of agreements setting up a defence partnership between France and its partners, this cooperation is taking place in a context marked by the regionalization of stakes and security responses in the West African region and the increasing interest of non-traditional actors providing increasing flows of assistance and cooperation. These new parameters breaking the traditional behind “closed-doors” of bilateral post-independance agreements, practices and interpretations that were traditionally mobilized to analyse Africa-France relations. By using a postcolonial perspective, this study aims at deconstructing conventional binary oppositions and generalizations by bringing in new tools of comparison of cooperation, in time and space and by highlighting the nuances. It also aims at suggesting a typology of the benefits that different categories of actors gain from this cooperation. Building on Robert Axelrod’s theory of cooperative attitude, and its ”win-win” component, this study demonstrates that the lasting of cooperation resides in the interests each party finds in cooperating beyond abstaining. Due to this capacity to rise above the "fact" and "colonial legacy", the postcolonialism could then be a model of analysis of contemporary international relations and “Francophonie”, a space marked of "strategic depth"
Richard, Dorota. "Les conceptions de défense en Pologne après 1989." Paris, INALCO, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007INAL0017.
The year 1989 ends a period of forty four years during which the sovereignty of Poland was limited by the Soviet domination. The polish state was at last able to freely determine its politics of security in function of its own interest. After 1989, the security of the state became the most important matter. Priorities of the politics of security were to ensure the independency and sovereignty of the state by joining the western military, political and economical institutions and establishing good relations with all neighboring states. Problems from the past had to be solved: the recognition of the Western frontier, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from the Polish territory. During the years 1992/1993 the final choice concerning the politics of security fell on NATO. The choice was supported by a large consensus in the political class and the Polish society. NATO had won the confrontation between the two blocs and had to open itself to countries - formers members of the Warsaw Pact. The idea of enlargement progressed through the impetus given by the United States, mainly during the second mandate of President Clinton. At the Madrid Summit of NATO (7-8 July 1991), three countries, Hungary, Poland and the Czech republic were invited to negotiate their memberships. Poland became a member of NATO on March 12th, 1999. Its membership revealingly improved its geopolitical and political situation. The guarantees given by the 5th article of the North Atlantic Treaty decrease the probability of an aggression, by increasing the effect of dissuasion
Nguembock, Samuel. "La doctrine européenne de sécurité en Afrique : de l'institutionnel à l'opératoire." Paris 8, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA083911.
This work examines the inter-institutional relationship between the European Union and the African Union and its Regional Economic Communities; in particular the region of central Africa. Specific emphasis will be placed upon the institutional and strategic influence that the European Union has had in the implementations and reformations which took place to form the very structure of African security policy. This study puts forth the hypothesis that multinational African security organizations, and in particular those working in the field of African peace and security Architecture; are created, restructured and reinforced under the combined influence of two important factors: an application of European security doctrine on the one hand and the ineptitude of Africa, on both an institutional and operational level, to resolve security and defence issues on the other. The report demonstrates that similarities in operational responsibilities as well as institutional mimicry resulting from this strategic partnership between the African and European Union certainly encourage the development of beneficial cooperation. However at the same time, this phenomenon provokes a dependency of African organizations upon European institutional developments; a dependency which, skillfully engineered by the European Union, has consequences on the appropriateness of policy, the success of local programs and pledged reforms, and the ability of African organizations and their member states to attain to these
Baulon, Jean-Philippe. "Sans défense ? : antimissiles et stratégie nucléaire aux Etats-Unis (1946-1976)." Paris, EPHE, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EPHE4132.
America’s first missile defense system was developed and deployed between 1946 and 1976. Albeit proving to be operationally ineffective, it nevertheless became a key issue in strategic thinking. As numerous sources show U. S. Interest, then disinterest, in strategic defense was not just the fruit of technical determinism. Unclassified and declassified documents as well as publications and congressional hearings reveal a multifaceted missile-defense problem marred by R&D difficulties and accompanied by serious ramifications on doctrine, bureaucracy, policy and diplomacy. Missile defense had a direct influence on moulding a specific U. S. Vision of nuclear strategy and went well beyond the dream of restoring insularity. It raises the underlying questions as to the pertinence of deterrence, stability, victory and survival. Missile-defense controversies contributed to the emergence of long-lasting features in U. S. Nuclear strategy: interest in operational details, the application of technical and managerial rationality, doctrinal swings from assured destruction to controlled war, a desired fusion of efficiency and morality as well as the claim to a universal vision. Dividing experts and leaders, the debate left in its wake those in favour of establishing stable deterrence and those seeking military superiority to offset the inevitably delicate strategic balance