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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics under military rule'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.

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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.

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2

Bush, Ray, and Elisa Greco. "Egypt under military rule." Review of African Political Economy 46, no. 162 (October 2, 2019): 529–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2019.1775427.

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3

Mauceri, Philip. "Military Politics and Counter-Insurgency in Peru." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 4 (1991): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165880.

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Eleven years after the start of an insurgent war, Peru's military appears no closer to defeating the two insurgencies that have plagued the country since 1980. The promise of greater political stability and a reduced role for the military in politics, which the the return to civilian rule held out, have largely been dashed. The war has meant a new active role for the military in politics which, under emergency decrees, directly rules over half of the country and maintains an influential voice in national policymaking. Under the previous two elected governments and the current Fujimori administration, the military institution has largely designed and implemented counter-insurgency strategy, leaving civilian policymakers aside in the decision-making process. What is more important, military officials have remained largely unaccountable for their decisions due to the lack of any civilian oversight capacity or alternative strategies. More than a decade after the start of the war, civilians have yet to devise methods that can increase military accountability.

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4

SMITH, DAVID L. "POLITICS AND MILITARY RULE IN CROMWELLIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 545–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004504.

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The Cromwellian Protectorate. By Barry Coward. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7190-4317-4. £14.99.Cromwell's major generals: godly government during the English Revolution. By Christopher Durston. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Pp. x+260. ISBN 0-7190-6065-6. £15.99.John Lambert, parliamentary soldier and Cromwellian major-general, 1619–1684. By David Farr. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003. Pp. x+268. ISBN 1-84383-0043. £50.00.Oliver Cromwell, soldier: the military life of a revolutionary at war. By Alan Marshall. London: Brassey's, 2004. Pp. 320. ISBN 1-85753-343-7. £20.00.Arguably the closest that Britain has ever come to military rule was at certain times during the period from 1647 to 1660. English forces conquered Ireland and Scotland in 1649–50 and 1650–1 respectively, and the two kingdoms were then forcibly ‘settled’ and incorporated into an English commonwealth. In England, meanwhile, the army repeatedly intervened to purge or disperse parliaments: in 1647, 1648, 1653, 1654, and 1659 (twice). For about fifteen months, in 1655–7, England and Wales were governed by major-generals who exercised sweeping powers to enforce order, preserve security, and enforce a ‘reformation of manners’. All these developments raise profound questions about the nature of Cromwellian government in general, and the relationship between politics and military rule in particular. Austin Woolrych argued, some years ago, that the Cromwellian Protectorate was not a military dictatorship in any meaningful sense. He suggested that the regime possessed neither the will, nor the means, to impose military rule, that it generally respected the rule of law, and that the military presence in local government even during the time of the major-generals was limited. Yet the nature of the interaction between the military and the political – in shaping government, in influencing policies, and in forming the careers of Oliver Cromwell and other leading figures – remains complex and merits much fuller exploration. The four books under review address these and related themes from a range of different viewpoints.

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5

MCCARTHY, STEPHEN. "Legitimacy under Military Rule: Burma." Politics & Policy 38, no. 3 (June 8, 2010): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00248.x.

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6

Kim, Nam Kyu, and Alex M. Kroeger. "Regime and Leader Instability Under Two Forms of Military Rule." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688009.

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The finding that military regimes are more fragile than other authoritarian regimes represents one of the few stylized facts in comparative politics. However, the existing literature contains substantial differences in the theoretical explanations for military regime instability and operationalizations of military rule. To assess competing explanations, we examine regime and leader instability after distinguishing between collegial and personalist military rule. We show that regime and leader insecurity characterize only collegial military regimes. Particularly, the fragility of collegial military regimes comes from a heightened likelihood of democratization, not more frequent transitions to alternative autocratic regimes. In addition, leaders of collegial military regimes face higher risks of both regular and irregular turnovers than other autocrats. Also, irregular exits of collegial military leaders tend to occur through reshuffling, rather than regime-changing, coups. The results strongly support theories focusing on military officers’ preference for unity over other explanations.

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7

Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.

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8

Than, Tin Maung Maung. "Living Silence: Burma under Military Rule." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 19, no. 1 (April 2004): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj19-1f.

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9

Lee, Steven H., and Christina Fink. "Living Silence: Burma under Military Rule." International Journal 57, no. 4 (2002): 655. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203702.

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10

Khan, Adil, Nazakat, and Muhammad Imran. "Democratization Under Military Rule: A Critical Review." Global Political Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-ii).08.

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Democratization refers to the political process leading to the establishment of democratic political order. Existing literature on democratization mostly discusses the transition from authoritarian structures to democracy in Eastern Europe and Latin America. This paper reviews the mainstream democratization theories in the context of Pakistan. It has been argued that three experiences of democratic transitions and authoritarian reversals have made Pakistan a classical case for developing new theoretical insights and a potent knowledge addition in the existing literature on democratization. This paper revolves around the two fundamental questions; firstly, under what conditions democratization becomes a possibility in an authoritarian state? Secondly, what are the possible modes of democratization?

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11

Aung-Thwin, Maureen, and Robert H. Taylor. "Burma: Political Economy under Military Rule." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 4 (2001): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557831.

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12

Bacchus, Wilfred A. "Development Under Military Rule: Factionalism in Brazil." Armed Forces & Society 12, no. 3 (April 1986): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x8601200305.

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13

Chambers, Paul, and Napisa Waitoolkiat. "Faction Politics in an Interrupted Democracy: the Case of Thailand." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (April 2020): 144–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420906020.

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Though dominated by the monarchy and military, Thailand in 2020 has a highly factionalised, political party system ensconced within a defective democracy. When not under military rule, such a situation has been common. The country’s excessive level of factionalism across parties and over time is due to a long history of regionalised and decentralised parties that have invariably been dependent upon finance from faction leaders who have rarely been reined in by laws to limit factionalism. Only under Thaksin Shinawatra (2001–2006), did factionalism diminish in importance on the national level owing partly to 1997 constitutional alterations. Following a 2006 coup and the 2007 adoption of a military-endorsed constitution, a high level of intra-party factionalism returned across parties. Though the 2014 coup again ended the country’s faction-ridden democracy, the 2019 general election resurrected factionalism, which guaranteed weakness for party politics while benefiting the aristocracy and military.

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14

Thuzar, Moe. "Living Silence in Burma: Surviving under Military Rule." Contemporary Southeast Asia 31, no. 3 (2009): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs31-3j.

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15

Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00187.x.

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AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more limited reform of health care is linked to the actions of a powerful veto player, the professional association of physicians.

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16

Maung, Mya. "Burma's Economic Performance under Military Rule: An Assessment." Asian Survey 37, no. 6 (June 1, 1997): 503–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645526.

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17

Maung, Mya. "Burma's Economic Performance under Military Rule: An Assessment." Asian Survey 37, no. 6 (June 1997): 503–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1997.37.6.01p0251s.

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18

Jega, Attahiru. "Nigerian universities and academic staff under military rule." Review of African Political Economy 22, no. 64 (June 1995): 251–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249508704129.

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19

Thakur, Ramesh, and Antony Wood. "Paradise Regained or Paradise Defiled?: Fiji under Military Rule." International Studies 26, no. 1 (January 1989): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881789026001002.

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20

Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973-1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3177030.

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21

Jha, Ganganath. "Thai Politics in the Post-Thaksin Period." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 67, no. 4 (December 2011): 325–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492841106700403.

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Thailand has been witnessing political uncertainties ever since the ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Although the 1997 Constitution of Thailand was one of the best in terms of evolving democratic institutions and Thaksin was one of the most popular leaders, yet the system could not work. Thaksin was disliked by the traditionally entrenched elite who joined together to remove him arbitrarily from power in which the military and the Royal Privy Council took a prominent part. The system that was adopted under military rule did not like to retain the 1997 constitution but decided to replace them with a new constitution (2007), in which the interests of the military were protected and promoted. In the evolving permutations and combinations, two groups—Yellow Shirts and Red Shirts—have emerged to oppose each other, often violently, to offer thesis and anti-thesis for and against Thaksin and his brand of politics. This article has tried to understand the dynamics of power politics in Thailand, the rise of the Yellow Shirts and Red Shirts and the emerging problems that Thailand will have to address in the future.

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22

Dietz, Henry. "Electoral Politics in Peru, 1978-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165749.

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Since the beginning of the 1980s, a number of South American nations have undergone the transition from military to civilian/electoral forms of government. From any viewpoint, the magnitude of this transition has been impressive. By early 1987, several countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay) had successfully weathered the change, leaving only Chile and Paraguay under dictatorships, while Colombia and Venezuela had been able to maintain civilian rule throughout the period. Nevertheless, such a changeover has not been easy in any of the nations where it has taken place. The reasons for both the transition and the problems incurred have been idiosyncratic in each instance.

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23

Rhie, June Hyoung. "Civilianization of the Military under Kim's Rule: Performance and Prospects." Pacific Focus 10, no. 1 (February 13, 2008): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1995.tb00098.x.

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24

Darweish, Marwan, and Craig Robertson. "Palestinian Poet-Singers: Celebration Under Israel’s Military Rule 1948–1966." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 46, no. 2 (May 2021): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03043754211028368.

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Research about Palestinians in Israel during the period of military rule from 1948 to 1966 describes them as acquiescent and primarily focuses on the mechanisms of control imposed by Israel. This article examines the role played by improvised sung poetry in Palestinian weddings and social gatherings during this period, and it assesses the contribution that this situated art form made to asserting this community’s agency. Ḥaddā’ (male) and Badāaʿa (female) poet-singers are considered as agents of cultural resilience, songs as tools and weddings as sites of resilience and resistance for Palestinians who lived under Israeli military rule. Folk poetry performed by Ḥaddā’ and Badāaʿa is identified as a form of cultural resilience and resistance rooted in Palestinians’ cultural heritage. The data signal the persistence of resilience, dignity and rootedness in the land and identity, as well as demonstrating the risks of such resilience and of resistance actions.

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25

Nam, Hwasook. "Progressives and Labor under Park Chung Hee: A Forgotten Alliance in 1960s South Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (September 27, 2013): 873–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001113.

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Using an unusual case of a democratic and militant shipbuilding union in 1960s South Korea as a window on society, this article explores the politics and ethos of the first decade of Park Chung Hee's rule. Pronounced public support for the union in the region, dense links between the unionists and local progressives, and the surprisingly optimistic and positive expectations of the military government that shipyard workers exhibited in this period all call our attention to the still quite fluid and open terrain of politics before the full-blown authoritarianism of the 1970s. These dynamic aspects of the 1960s, when both elites and non-elites engaged major postcolonial questions of democracy, development, and unification, are mostly hidden from view today, overwhelmed by the power of the dominant minju discourse that became hegemonic in the democracy movement during the 1980s and 1990s. Excavating the forgotten alliance between an important union and the progressives surrounding it thus opens a space for alternative understandings of South Korean development and democratization.

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26

Pion-Berlin, David. "The Fall of Military Rule in Argentina: 1976-1983." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 2 (1985): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165718.

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The Subject of military rule in Latin America has been a familiar topic of inquiry for many years, but its treatment has been quite selective. While there is voluminous literature on the causes of military coups, very little has been written on military withdrawal from power. Both the example of Brazil's “apertura” (political opening) and the Argentine case under review here are still too recent to expect to find a large quantity of critiques. Even historical experiences of military defeat have gotten poor coverage, such as the fall of the Peruvian regime from 1975-1980. This study will analyze causes of the breakdown of military rule in Argentina, concentrating on the two year period of 1980-1982.

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27

Weinberg, Eyal. "“With colleagues like that, who needs enemies?”:Doctors and Repression under Military and Post-Authoritarian Brazil." Americas 76, no. 3 (July 2019): 467–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.36.

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As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.

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28

Tuman, John P. "Organized labor under military rule: the Nigerian labor movement, 1985–1992." Studies In Comparative International Development 29, no. 3 (September 1994): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687147.

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29

Osayande, Emmanuel. "A Tortuous Trajectory: Nigerian Foreign Policy under Military Rule, 1985 – 1999." African Research Review 14, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v14i1.13.

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This article critically examined the complexities that abound in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under the final three military administrations of Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, before the transition to democratic rule in 1999. It adopted a novel approach by identifying and intricately examining a distinct pattern of contortion evinced in Nigeria’s foreign policy during this epoch. It contended that although Nigeria’s foreign policy had historically been somewhat knotty at varying points in time, this period in its foreign policy and external relations was especially marked by tortuousness and a somewhat back and forth agenda. This began in 1985 with the Babangida administration, whose foreign policy posture initially seemed commendable, only for political debacles to mar it. An exacerbation of this downslide in foreign policy occurred under the Abacha regime, whereby the country obtained pariah status among the comity of nations. Subsequently, a revitalisation occurred under General Abubakar, who deviated from what had become the status quo, reinventing Nigeria’s external image and foreign policy position through his ‘restoration campaign.’ More so, following David Gray’s behavioural theory of foreign policy, this study examined how the behavioural patterns and aspirations of a minuscule cadre of decision-makers deeply affected Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation and implementation during the period under study. The findings of this study include national interest, the crux of any foreign policy, sometimes misaligned with domestic realities. In this regard, this study demonstrated how successive Nigerian governments replicated a ‘munificent’, ‘Santa Claus’ foreign policy which alienated key local developments such as economic hardship, and contributed to the tortuousness that the country’s foreign policy experienced during an era of military dictatorships in the late twentieth century. Through its findings, the study concluded by proffering recommendations to improve the country’s foreign policy, better advance her national interests– which ought to comprise the crux of her foreign policy objectives, – and help in eschewing a recurrence of past ineptitudes and errors. Key Words: Foreign policy, military rule, Nigeria, behavioural theory,

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30

Byers, Michael. "Letting the Exception Prove the Rule." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00413.x.

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It is unlikely that George W. Bush feels constrained by international law when deciding whether to use military force abroad. Nevertheless, many of the United States' allies are reluctant to cooperate with and participate in military actions that cannot reasonably be justified under international law. And supportive allies, while perhaps not strictly necessary to the United States in its recent and foreseeable military campaigns, do make the military option easier to pursue. A war against Iraq would be difficult without access to bases and airspace in countries as diverse as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Canada. For this reason, at least, it would seem to be worth the president's while to adhere to international law where possible and, where this is not possible, to seek to change the rules.International lawyers in the Department of State, together with lawyers in other parts of the U.S. government, have excelled in shaping the law to accommodate the interests of the United States. One example, though by no means the only one, concerns the response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

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URBANO, ANNALISA. "‘THAT IS WHY WE HAVE TROUBLES’: THE PRO-ITALIA MOVEMENT'S CHALLENGE TO NATIONALISM IN BRITISH-OCCUPIED SOMALIA(1946–9)." Journal of African History 57, no. 3 (November 2016): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000311.

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AbstractPostwar politics in British-occupied Somalia is usually reduced to the activities of the Somali Youth League, the foremost anticolonial nationalist movement. However, by 1947, smaller associations, pejoratively nicknamed the pro-Italia, came together in an effort to return Somalia to Italy under international mandate. Drawing upon new archival sources, the article argues that this movement did not stem from arguments supporting colonial rule, but rather from objections to the nationalist agenda and military occupation. Closer attention to these voices sheds light on the deeper meanings of political alignment during the change of regime and enhances our understanding of political developments in postwar Somalia.

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Obiyan, A. Sat. "Political Parties Under the Abubakar Transition Program and Democratic Stability in Nigeria." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 1 (1999): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500005898.

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Nigeria has witnessed civilian rule for just over eight of nearly 39 years of self-rule. Incessant military incursions into the political terrain have led to several transition programs aimed at instituting democracy. This article focuses on the nature and operations of political parties in the recent transition and their implications for a stable democratic polity. The purpose of this focus is to recognize the enormous potential with which political parties are endowed for fostering or impeding the creation and sustenance of a cohesive, stable democratic system.

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Obiyan, A. Sat. "Political Parties Under the Abubakar Transition Program and Democratic Stability in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503114.

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Nigeria has witnessed civilian rule for just over eight of nearly 39 years of self-rule. Incessant military incursions into the political terrain have led to several transition programs aimed at instituting democracy. This article focuses on the nature and operations of political parties in the recent transition and their implications for a stable democratic polity. The purpose of this focus is to recognize the enormous potential with which political parties are endowed for fostering or impeding the creation and sustenance of a cohesive, stable democratic system.

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34

Hupchick, Dennis P. "Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule, 1396-1762 Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408277.

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By the year 1453, when the vestigial remains of the Byzantine Empire were destroyed with the fall of Constantinople, much of the Balkan peninsula was already in the hands of the conquering Ottoman Turks. The overthrow of Byzantium in that year was the capstone in a century-long process that transformed an originally militant Muslim Anatolian border emirate into a powerful Muslim empire that straddled two continents and represented a major contender in contemporary European great power politics. Over half of the population subject to the Ottoman sultan were Christian European inhabitants of the Balkans: Greeks, Serbs, Vlahs, Albanians and Bulgarians. With the conquest of Constantinople, Sultan Mehmed II Fatih, the victorious Turkish ruler, faced the quarrelsome problem of devising a secure means of governing his vast, Muslim-led empire that contained a highly heterogeneous non-Muslim population.

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35

Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Poles and Finns under Russian rule." Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (December 30, 2019): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.03.

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An attempt to compare Russian Tsar Alexander I was the head of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which the Russian army captured in 1809 as a result of the Russo-Swedish war. The final act of the Congress of Vienna of June 1815 decided to establish the Kingdom of Poland. Beside the title of Grand Duke of Finland tsar, Alexander I was awarded the title of the King of Poland. From that moment on, for over one hundred years, the fate of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland was intertwined during the rule of five Russian tsars. The aim of this paper is to answer the question whether two different ways on the road to independence – romantic Polish way with national uprisings, and pragmatic Finnish, relative loyal to the Russian tsars – had an impact on their policy towards both nations. The Kingdom of Poland and the Duchy of Finland were autonomous, were in a personal union with Russian tsars, had their own constitutions, parliaments, armies, monetary systems and educational structures, and official activities were held in Polish (Polish Kingdom) and Swedish (in the Grand Duchy of Finland). Both countries also had their own universities. The first national uprising in the Kingdom of Poland, which broke out in November 1830, resulted in a wave of repression. The Constitution was replaced by the so-called The Organic Statute, the Sejm (the Parliament) and the independent army were liquidated. The Kingdom was occupied by the mighty Russian army, and in 1833 martial law was introduced. The second national uprising of January 1863 led to another wave of repression and intensive Russification of Polish territories. In 1867, the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, its name and budget were abolished. From 1872 the Polish language was only an optional choice. After 1863, the policy of the Russian authorities changed towards the Grand Duchy. A session of the Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) was convened for the first time since 1809, the new parliamentary law allowed the dissemination of the Finnish language. After the deadly assault on Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III made attempts to limit also Finland’s autonomy. The years 1899–1904 were called the first period of Russification in Finland (“the first period of oppression”). The Manifesto of June 1900 introduced obligatory Russian language in correspondence of officials with Russia. In 1901, the national Finnish army was liquidated. In Russia this was the beginning of the process of the empire’s unification into one cultural, political and economic system. After a short thaw as a result of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Grand Duchy of Finland, the so-called “second period of oppression” and anti-Finnish politics took place. During the great war of 1914–1918, the Grand Duchy was on the side of Russia. The territories of the former Kingdom of Poland were under German rule since 1915. After the outbreak of the revolution in Russia, the Eduskunta (on 6 December 1917) passed a Declaration of Independence. After a short period of regency, on 19 July 1919, the Finns adopted the republican system with a parliamentary form of government. On 11 November 1918 Germany surrendered on the Western Front. On that day, the Regency Council in Warsaw handed over military authority to the Polish Legion commander Józef Piłsudski. Although Poland still had to fight for the final shape of the state, the 11th of November 1918 is considered the first day of recovered Polish independence.

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Pratt, Nicola, and Dina Rezk. "Securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood: State violence and authoritarianism in Egypt after the Arab Spring." Security Dialogue 50, no. 3 (April 8, 2019): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619830043.

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Unprecedented levels of state violence against the Muslim Brotherhood, and the widespread acceptance of this violence by Egyptians following the July 2013 military coup, have been under-examined by scholars of both critical security studies and Middle East politics, reflecting implicit assumptions that state violence is unexceptional beyond Europe. This article explores how the deployment of such levels of violence was enabled by a securitization process in which the Egyptian military successfully appropriated popular opposition to Muslim Brotherhood rule, constructing the group as an existential threat to Egypt and justifying special measures against it. The article builds on existing critiques of the Eurocentrism of securitization theory, alongside the writings of Antonio Gramsci, to further refine its application to non-democratic contexts. In addition to revealing the exceptionalism of state violence against the Muslim Brotherhood and highlighting the important role of nominally non-state actors in constructing the Muslim Brotherhood as a threat to Egypt, the article also signals the role of securitization in re-establishing authoritarian rule in the wake of the 2011 uprising. Thus, we argue that securitization not only constitutes a break from ‘normal politics’ but may also be integral to the reconstitution of ‘normal politics’ following a period of transition.

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Wheeler, Matthew, and Paul Chambers. "The Tragedy of Conflict Irresolution: Peace Dialogue in Southernmost Thailand under Military Rule." International Studies Review 20, no. 1 (October 19, 2019): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02001002.

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This study examines the continuing failure of conflict resolution efforts in the case of Thailand’s Deep South or “Patani.” The introduction of an official peace-dialogue process in February 2013 raised hopes that the insurgency in southernmost Thailand might move toward a peaceful resolution. But under two different Thai governments, dialogue between Bangkok and Malay-Muslim militants has foundered. Factors inhibiting successful confidence-building and negotiations include the militants’ disunity and parochialism and the Thai junta’s reluctance to countenance international mediation or devolution of political power. Following Lederach (1997), the study at hand contends that where efforts at conflict resolution occur only at the elite level with no corresponding efforts at the middle and grassroots level, then dialogue is liable to fail, become one-sided or simply lapse into a public relations stunt. Moreover, drawing on interviews with officials and militants, it argues that the structure of the process, including the role of Malaysia as facilitator, must be adjusted for talks to progress. The study also examines political will as a determining factor; although capacity constraints and technical problems pose challenges to a fruitful peace dialogue, they are a less immediate obstacle than the conflict parties’ lack of determination to negotiate a settlement.

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Agbaje, Adigun. "Beyond the state: civil society and the Nigerian press under military rule." Media, Culture & Society 15, no. 3 (July 1993): 455–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344393015003008.

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MALIK, ANUSHAY. "Public Authority and Local Resistance: Abdur Rehman and the industrial workers of Lahore, 1969–1974." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 815–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000469.

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AbstractIn 1968 a popular movement emerged on the streets of Pakistan which toppled the regime of General Muhammad Ayub Khan and ushered in the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). After a decade of military rule this movement was heralded as a turning point in the country's political fortunes. However, the war in 1971, the failure of the PPP to live up to its radical slogans, and Pakistan's eventual return to military rule in 1977 were seen as clear indications of the failure of both the movement and the PPP. This article focuses on the area of Kot Lakhpat in Lahore and the emergence of a worker-led court under Abdur Rehman to argue that this narrative of the failure of the movement does not leave space for local success stories which, while temporary, had an important impact on the role that the working classes imagined for themselves within the state. The Kot Lakhpat movement was part of a longer history of labour politics, and its story challenges the centrality of the PPP and shows how local structures of authority can be formed in response to the greater space for radical action opened up by a wider national resistance movement.

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Caio Henrique, Dias Duarte. "«Change everything so that nothing changes»: Right Regimes and Diplomacy in Brazil in the 20th Century." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-109-125.

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In this article we will make a comparison between the political regimes and the diplomacy of Brazil in two periods of the 20th century: the final years of the period of the Liberal Republic, in the Goulart Government (1961-1964) and under the Military Dictatorship, with a special focus on the distension under the Geisel Government (1974-1979). We focus on the political organization of these periods, which can be considered crisis or transition periods, and in the same way, the continuities in their diplomatic contributions. Looking at the internal crises, it will discuss legal aspects of the two periods, such as the defective construction of parliamentarism and the Institutional Acts of the dictatorship. The comparison of internal and external politics will seek to demonstrate the similarities between the external objectives of the two governments despite their differences in regime and ideological orientation, addressing the Independent External Policy of parliamentarism under Goulart and Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism under Geisel dictatorial rule.

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Akkas Ahamed, Md Sayedur Rahman, and Nur Hossain. "Evolution of Civil-Military Relations in Bangladesh: A Comparative Study in the Context of Developing Countries." Technium Social Sciences Journal 10 (July 28, 2020): 514–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v10i1.1324.

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Although Civil-military relations have historically been recognized as a subject of study in the developed world, it has become a subject of study in the region since World War II due to military intervention in newly independent Third World countries. Although the country became independent on the basis of Civil-Military relations in the war of liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the relations did not last long. Civil-Military relations have been the subject of renewed research in Bangladesh since the establishment of the military-backed government on 1/11, 2007. The study discusses the historical context of Civil-Military relations, the nature of Civil-Military relations in Bangladesh, various activities under military rule, and political leadership. The roles of the military in the formation of the country have been analyzed. The limitations of Bangladesh's Civil-Military relations have been discussed on the basis of the experiences gained through personal interviews of high-ranking Civil-Military members and general public. In this study has been described on the civil-military relations in the light of developing countries which have been under military rule for several decades during the 1950s, 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. Therefore in carrying out this study, the civil-military relations in other developing countries and Bangladesh have been analyzed to understand the comparative aspects of civil-military relations at both local and global level. In addition, guidelines have been given on what should be the military-civil relations in the Political System of Bangladesh.

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Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Nixon Doctrine and the Yusin Reforms: American Foreign Policy, the Vietnam War, and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Korea, 1968–1973." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 1-2 (2003): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645315.

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AbstractPark Chung Hee presided over the Republic of Korea (ROK) longer than any other leader (1961–1979) and he remains the individual most responsible for defining the country's formative features. Having witnessed the worst excesses of Park's later years, many of the early scholars of Korean politics have characterized the whole of Park's long rule as a monolithic dictatorship. One of these pioneering scholars, Sungjoo Han, locates the moment of “the failure of Korean democracy” in 16 May 1961, the very day that Park and his co-conspirators seized control from Prime Minister Chang Myn through a military coup d'état. However, like the man himself, Park's career was complex and highly adaptive. Many historians now distinguish Park's rule into three distinct periods: the first and most tenuous years (1961–63) when he directed the government through a military junta, the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction; the middle years (1963–72) of elected presidential rule, referred to as the “Third Republic”; and the final years (1972–79) of dictatorial rule under the Yusin system, the “Fourth Republic.” In his early years, Park had begrudgingly adhered to a minimally democratic framework before finally turning to formal authoritarianism as the American war in Vietnam came to an end.

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Aung‑ Thwin, Michael. "Book Review: Burma: Political Economy Under Military Rule: Edited by Robert H. Taylor." Contemporary Southeast Asia 23, no. 3 (December 2001): 579–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs23-3l.

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Roy, Denny. "Prospects for Taiwan Maintaining Its Autonomy under Chinese Pressure." Asian Survey 57, no. 6 (November 2017): 1135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.6.1135.

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The widely believed notion that Taiwan will inevitably submit to rule by Beijing is not politically, economically, or strategically well grounded. Despite its economic influence and growing military might, China’s ability to compel involuntary unification is far from certain if Taiwan’s people are determined to maintain their autonomy.

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Rogozhina, N. "Is Democracy Possible in Thailand?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-101-110.

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The political development of Thailand in XXIth century is characterized by a deep split of the society into opponents and supporters of democratization. The latter are consolidated around the figure of Taksin Sinavatra, the former prime minister. He was overthrown by the military in 2006, but still enjoys the support of the popular majority he gained due to his economic policy aimed at improving the life conditions of the poor in periphery regions. The triumph of his parties in elections since 2001 caused the new power balance in politics traditionally viewed as a focal area of the political establishment – the representatives of the Bangkok upper and middle classes only. The marginalization of their position in the political system and the impossibility of coming to power through elections determined their integration into the anti-government movement, for the purpose of cancelling the representative democracy system that doesn’t meet the interests of the traditional political elite finding itself in a “minority” and unwilling to be under the reign of a “majority”. The deepening of the political crisis provoked the military into undertaking the coup d’état in May 2014 and establishing an authoritarian regime, which ensured the accrescency of power for the traditional elite. Nevertheless, as the author concludes, the future political development of Thailand seems unclear. The power of military in cooperation with their civilian followers is unlikely to reconcile the society, split by class differences and political aspirations. The contemporary political development of Thailand reflects the situation when the “populace” doesn’t want just to remain under control any longer, and the “upper strata” refuses to be under the rule of the electoral majority. The main question raised today is not of the Taksin's destiny, but of an alternative for the Thailand's future political development – restricted democracy directed by upper classes, or representative democracy.

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Owen, Roger. "Military Presidents in Arab States." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000547.

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The Arab world has experienced a large number of military presidencies since General Bakr Sidki's brief rule in Iraq in 1936. The phenomenon became of great significance beginning with Colonel Jamal ʿAbd al-Nasir's presidency in Egypt in the early 1950s, which established a model for similar regimes in Sudan, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and, at least initially, Libya under the self-promoted Colonel Muʿammar al-Qadhafi. The president who exchanged his uniform for a suit; an authoritarian style of political management in the name of a revolution against an old, foreign-dominated order; and the legitimacy obtained from laudable achievements in the international and economic sphere: these were all part of al-Nasir's influence and legacy.

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Nasasra, Mansour. "Two decades of Bedouin resistance and survival under Israeli military rule, 1948–1967." Middle Eastern Studies 56, no. 1 (August 21, 2019): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1651719.

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Obijiofor, Levi, Richard Murray, and Shailendra B. Singh. "Changes in journalism in two post-authoritarian non-Western countries." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682147.

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There have been significant changes in journalistic practices in various countries over the years. Yet little is known about the nature of changes in journalism in transitional developing countries following military rule. Drawing on email surveys of journalists in Nigeria and Fiji, two countries with recent histories of military dictatorship that are rarely examined in the research literature, this comparative study investigates journalistic practices in the two countries. Results show that in Nigeria, the transition from military rule to democratic system of government in May 1999 and the enactment of the Freedom of Information Act in 2011 have ushered in significant changes in the way journalism is practised. However, there remains an adversarial relationship between the government and journalists. In Fiji, the 2006 coup, the fourth in the country’s history, led to a more restrictive environment for journalists, despite democratic elections in 2014. Under pressure, journalists are rethinking their roles, with some now considering ‘development journalism’ as a legitimate journalistic genre. These findings contribute to our understanding of journalistic practices in non-Western cultures following transition from military rule to democracy.

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Bardakçi, Mehmet. "Coup Plots and the Transformation of Civil–Military Relations in Turkey under AKP Rule." Turkish Studies 14, no. 3 (September 2013): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.831256.

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Minjia, Yan. "Abbasid and Samanid military institutions as historical background for the Ghaznawids." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 250–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-250-260.

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Brilliant military achievements and fierce struggle between the sovereigns and his troops were characteristic of the Ghaznawid kingdom, the first Turkic dynasty in the history of Iran, while explanation of such paradox demands analysis of historical background for the Turkic rule. In view that one of the most important reasons for the decline of the Abbasids and the Samanids was the Turkic slaves arbitrary interference in the politics, the Abbasid and Samanid military institutions are researched in parallel. Scrutinize of narrative historical texts shows that the organization of armed forces under the two dynasties not only set an example for the Ghaznawids, but also prepared conditions for the Turkic ghulams rise to power, since originally the rulers of the two dynasties were forced to recruit them as reliance for the reign, while they were deprived of sovereignty with the strengthening of Turkic soldiers influence. Therefore, the Ghaznawids, maintaining the priority of the Turkiс component in the army, took precautions against the Turkic soldiers and generals.

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