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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics under military rule'
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1
Kinzo, M. D'A G. "An opposition party in an authoritarian regime : the case of the MDB (Movimento Democratico Brasileiro) in Brazil, 1966-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354776.
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Yeşilkağıt, Arif Kutsal. "Policy change under military rule : the politics of clergy training-colleges in Turkey /." [Leiden] : [s. n.], 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39190990x.
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Dignas, Beate. "Sanctuaries in Asia Minor under Hellenistic and Roman rule : finances and politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266630.
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Vaughan, Olufemi Olaseni. "The impact of party politics and military rule on traditional chieftaincy in western Nigeria, 1946-1988." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304948.
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Fuhrhop, Pia [Verfasser]. "Alliance Politics Under Unipolarity : European Influence on Transatlantic Military Interventions / Pia Fuhrhop." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1062537033/34.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThis regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Klein, Detmar. "Battleground of cultures : 'politics of identities' and the national question in Alsace under German Imperial rule (1870-1914)." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441229.
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Filipovich, Jean 1947. "The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.
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The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr
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SAI, Khaing Myo Tun. "Politics of Development in Myanmar (1988-2009): Comparison with Indonesia under Suharto's New Order." 名古屋大学大学院国際開発研究科, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/14549.
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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "Politics, political culture and policy making : the reform of viceregal rule in the Spanish world under Philip V (1700-1746)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/46597/.
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This thesis explores the changes introduced in the Spanish system of viceregal rule, both in Peninsular Spain and the Spanish America, during the reigns of Philip V (1700-1724 and 1724-1746). It argues that these changes reflect broader transformations in Spain's politics and political culture accelerated by the arrival of the Bourbon dynasty. In particular, the thesis documents the gradual emergence of three characteristics associated with the transition from a judicial to an administrative monarchy: the introduction of new decision making and implementation procedures which prioritise executive government and limited consultation; the consolidation of a new understanding of the role of monarchical government which places less emphasis on the provision of justice and more on the king's responsibilty for matters of economic government and development; and a reshuffling of the elites which make up governmental institutions in favour of individuals with direct connections to the new royal household, distinguished more for their loyalty, administrative efficiency or military merit than for their social status and distinctions. The thesis studies the suppression of viceregal rule in the Crown of Aragon, the initially failed but later successful attempts to establish a third viceroyalty in Spanish America, and the changing social origins, and career paths of the men appointed as viceroys through the period as well as the changing expectations placed on them. The thesis highlights important parallels between the reforms introduced in Peninsular Spain and Spanish America, both in their aims and the personnel chosen to implement them. It thus suggests that Spanish ministers during the first half of the eighteenth century often espoused the opinion that the Crown should look at the Indies, in the words of José del Campillo, 'as a sizeable portion of the Monarchy in which it is possible to implement the same improvements as in Spain'.
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Angelozzi, Gilberto Aparecido. "Igreja e poder no Brasil entre 1970 e 1990." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6558.
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Inserida na linha de pesquisa Política e Cultura, esta tese entende a Religião como um poder simbólico e como um fenômeno que penetrando a política e a cultura de um povo, de uma nação, estabelece valores, interfere na elaboração das normas jurídicas, estabelece e resignifica os costumes e as tradições. Através de vasta documentação afirmamos que a Igreja Católica no Brasil se manteve ligada ao Estado e interferiu na vida política e cultural do país até os anos de 1970. Neste período a Igreja manteve uma postura de combate ao socialismo e às esquerdas que se manteve posteriormente, porém, a Teologia da Libertação se desenvolveu tomando os conceitos marxistas e as Ciências Políticas como fundamento para suas análises. A ruptura das relações entre a Igreja e o Estado no Brasil nos anos de 1970 e o desenvolvimento da Teologia da Libertação são analisados a partir do pensamento de Antonio Gramsci, considerando a Igreja Sociedade Civil. O rompimento da hegemonia da Igreja Católica em relação ao Estado efetivou a organização das pastorais e movimentos de base em busca do estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e assim o estabelecimento de uma nova hegemonia da Igreja no Brasil dos anos de 1990.Integrating the research field of Politics and Culture, this thesis considers Religion as a symbolic power and as a phenomenon that permeates the politics and culture of a nation, establishes values, intervenes in the elaboration of juridical norms, determines and gives new meanings to customs and traditions. By means of an extensive documentation, this thesis states that the Catholic Church in Brazil has remained associated with the State and interfered in the countrys political and cultural life until the 1970s. In this period and afterwards the attitude of the Church was to combat socialism and the leftists. Nevertheless, the Liberation Theology developed taking Marxist concepts and Political Sciences as its basis. The rupture of relations between the Church and the State in the 1970 together with the development of the Liberation Theology are analyzed in accordance with Antonio Gramscis ideas, considering the Church as a civil society. In the 1990s, the disruption of the hegemony of Catholic Church towards the State propitiated the organization of popular and pastoral movements that tried to establish a new political order and a new hegemony for the Catholic Church in Brazil.
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McConnell, James Robert. "Essex under Cromwell: Security and Local Governance in the Interregnum." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/686.
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In 1655, Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell's Council of State commissioned a group of army officers for the purpose of "securing the peace of the commonwealth." Under the authority of the Instrument of Government, a written constitution not sanctioned by Parliament, the Council sent army major-generals into the counties to raise new horse militias and to support them financially with a tax on Royalists which the army officers would also collect. In counties such as Essex--the focus of this study--the major-generals were assisted in their work by small groups of commissioners, mostly local men "well-affected" to the Interregnum government. In addition to their militia and tax duties, the men were instructed to see to the implementation and furtherance of a variety of central government policies. Barely a year after its inception, a bill sanctioning the scheme was voted down in January 1657 by a Parliament unconvinced that the work done by the major-generals was in the best interests of the nation. This thesis examines the development and inception of the major-generals initiative by the Council of State, the work the major-generals and their commissioners engaged in, and the nature and cause of the reaction to their efforts in the shires. In the years and centuries following the Stuart Restoration, the major-generals were frequently portrayed as agents of Cromwellian tyranny, and more recently scholars have argued that the officers were primarily concerned with the promulgation of a godly reformation. This study looks at the aims and work of the major-generals largely through an analysis of state papers and Essex administrative records, and it concludes that the Council and officers were preoccupied more with threats to order and stability than with morals. Additionally, by examining the court records and work of the justices of the peace in Essex, this study shows that in regard to improving order the major-generals' work was unremarkable for its efficacy and but little different than previous law- and statute-enforcement activity traditionally carried out by local administrators. Based on this assessment of the major-generals' efforts to improve order as both limited and completely un-revolutionary, this thesis argues that the strongly negative reaction to the major-generals by the parliamentary class was due more to the officers' and government's encroachment on gentry power and local privilege than either the abrogation of the liberties of the people or any modest efforts to foist godliness on the shires. Religion was a major issue during the English Civil Wars, but the demise of one of the Interregnum government's most ambitious attempts to improve security in the localities was rooted not in sectarian distempers but rather in the gentry's preoccupation with keeping central government from meddling in local matters or taxing anyone in their class without parliamentary approval.
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Malhotra, Kulbhushan. "Burma under military rule: The role of the Burma socialitst programme party (1962-74)." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3772.
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"Building Macau's autonomy under China's rule." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1991. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5886900.
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by Susan J. Henders.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Bibliography: leaves 215-226.
Acknowledgements
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter PART I: --- THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL CONTEXT
Chapter Chapter 1: --- Evolving Concepts of Territorial Autonomy --- p.12
Chapter Chapter 2: --- Towards a Dynamic Analytical Framework for Autonomy --- p.30
Chapter PART II: --- BUILDING AUTONOMY FOR MACAU
Chapter Chapter 3: --- Macau and its Autonomy Process --- p.61
Chapter Chapter 4: --- Community Identity --- p.87
Chapter Chapter 5: --- Political Institutions and Political Participation --- p.115
Chapter Chapter 6: --- The Legal System --- p.138
Chapter Chapter 7: --- External Support --- p.173
Chapter Chapter 8: --- Conclusion --- p.209
Bibliography --- p.215
Appendix: List of Interviewees --- p.227
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Etsiah, Akyinba Kofi. "Foreign policy under military rule in Ghana, 1966-1982." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/16639.
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This study examines the performance of the three military
regimes that ruled Ghana during the period,
1966 - 1982.
The analysis would seem to suggest that, contrary to
post-covp rhetoric and expectations, military regimes
are, in general, poor economic and political performers.
In the field of foreign policy, a rational
foreign policy based on an even balance between
Ghana's national interest and its actual and potential
power eluded the country under the three regimes.
The study is exploratory, designed to contribute a
better empirical base to the field of study and to
formulate a preliminary theoretical proposition,
namely that, in Ghana, the foreign policy formulation
and conduct of military officers tends to vary according
to differences in their reference group identifications
and these in turn, vary according to differences
in the professional socialisation process undergone
by the country's officer corps. To the degree
that the professional socialisation of officers
differs, or to the degree that it changes over
time, differences can be expected in the nature of
Ghana's foreign policy under military rule.
It would therefore be expected that as the colonial
experience becomes remote, so will the reference group
identifications of the military officers be affected,
and with it, their attitudes and behaviour.
In time, Ghana may come to rely on its own training
institutions and/or its army may undergo combat
experience (such as the one in Congo-Zaire) from
which it develops an indigenous military tradition
as a result of which non-indigenous reference groups
can be expected to be of much less salience for
the officer corps.
Finally, it may be noted that in Ghana, junior
officers who do not receive "elite" training in
foreign academics, or those who were not professionally
socialised in the pre-independence colonial
army, can be expected to possess less intense
psychological commitments to non-indigenous reference
groups than those of their superiors who have
received such training. But whether foreign or
locally trained, the analysis would suggest that
military officers are hardly the right people
to pursue successful foreign policies. The main
reason for this is the military's lock of political
legitimacy, with all its international economic,
political and diplomatic implications.
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Johnson, Carlee J. "Remembering "the American Island of Oahu": Hawai'i under military rule, 1941-1945." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3676.
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This thesis traces the origins of a colonized and militarized Hawai`i, ultimately leading to the years of military rule, 1941-1945. It examines the ways in which the Hawaiian Islands differed from the United States mainland prior to and throughout the war years, and demonstrates that Hawai`i's history is much richer than the "Remember Pearl Harbor" framework acknowledges. Focusing on long time residents (Islanders or locals), rather than on the large population of migrant Americans also in the archipelago during the war, it addresses ways in which military rule controlled and Americanized the people of Hawai`i. Finally, it illuminates the ways in which local stories challenge national ones: How were America and Hawai`i different places in 1941?Graduate
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"Bicultural governance: an institutional analysis of the Former Qin Kingdom under the rule of Pu Jian (338-85)." 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073250.
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by Littig, Irene Brigitta."April 2000."
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 219-232).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
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Sun, Taiyi. "Civil society under authoritarian rule: disasters, social capital, and their consequences in Chinese state-society relations." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27481.
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This dissertation addresses the question “how disasters change state-society relations under authoritarian rule?” Specifically, I investigate how space and social capital were created after major earthquakes and the relationships between local governments and civil society organizations (CSOs). Based on four years of interviews conducted with government officials and CSO leaders and two rounds of surveys in 126 villages in rural Sichuan province, utilizing experiments, focus groups, and interviews, I argue that social capital and space for CSOs were created after major earthquakes. Adding to the literature of consultative authoritarianism and graduated control, I demonstrate that within the newly created space, local governments use a deliberate differentiation strategy towards different CSOs. Such differentiation is more driven by the state’s interest to extract productivity and outsource responsibility for public goods provision by regime-supporting CSOs, and less dictated by the state’s need to acquire information from regime-challenging CSOs with collective action potential. Such approach contributes to the authoritarian resilience in China. Despite the interference from the state from above, the newly created space also faces challenges from the private sphere with individual citizens being skeptical of the CSO sector due to limited interactions, mismatch of criteria, institutional constraints, and lack of civility. I then draw from the qualitative data and construct a dynamic framework of state-society relations under an authoritarian state after disasters by starting from co-operational, complementary, competitive, and confrontational relations, and end up in either co-optation or confrontation in the long run. Finally, I trace the development of the newly drafted charity law and the foreign NGO law. I argue that the state-organized legalization process would first allow the state to use the “zone of indifference” to get to know the new developments in the public sphere. Then, through a process of toleration, participation, initiation, replication, and bifurcation, the state manages to extract productivity from, and outsource responsibility to, the regime-supporting players, and drive out the regime challenging ones. The laws, made through this process, is also vulnerable to state intervention at any time, and therefore, prevents China from having a meaningful civil society.2020-02-22T00:00:00Z
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Chao, Li-hsin, and 趙立新. "The Politics of Princes and the Structure of Official Career in Southern Dynasties:Focusing on Military Councilors under Imperial Brothers and Sons." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/16595601916280882084.
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博士國立臺灣大學
歷史學研究所
98
In early imperial China, the medieval period was described as a time of aristocracy, aristocratic scholar-officials and their families have overwhelming effects in the period, , and the highlight of social classification in ideal and practical level, especially when the power of emperors is at its relatively weaker time. ‘Aristocratic Society’ is usually used to summarize the unusual political and social phenomena during this period. Southern Dynasties (420-589) is usually regarded as a climax stage of this phenomenon, and it is also a time of great transition. This dissertation focuses on the structure of official career under the politics of princes, and the military councilors in particular with investigation of its standing and importance. And through the dynamic politiical process, this dissertation tries to investigate how the interaction between society and culture cause effects to official careers and bureaucratic systems. There are two main approaches adopted here in order to investigate the interactivity between institution, ideas and practice, one is to put the emphasis on the changing process of political power, as well as responses from socio-cultural and bureaucratic system. Another is through the institutional angle to investigate official career experience and special ways of careers combined. Military councilors under imperial brothers and sons will be the very subject of this research. According to the dissertation, there are two sides of the politics of princes in Southern Dynasties. The emperors have relied on the imperial clan, but have watched over them at the same time. Among the members of imperial clan, imperial brothers and sons were paid extraordinary attention most. It has formed local establishments under imperial brothers and sons in the bureaucratic system, and the establishments also become center of social network and literary culture in their times. The military councilors under imperial brothers and sons with special standing and official career have reflected and appeared the unique characteristics of the politics of princes in Southern Dynasties, but also the running and structure of power. It presented the common experience of the non-first-grade scholar-officials that they have had in their official career. It means that this research discovered something important different from those research before, gives us new possibility to reinterpret the history of Aristocracy in early medieval China.