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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics under military rule

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Academic literature on the topic 'Politics under military rule'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics under military rule"

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Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.

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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.

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Bush, Ray, and Elisa Greco. "Egypt under military rule." Review of African Political Economy 46, no. 162 (October 2, 2019): 529–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2019.1775427.

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Mauceri, Philip. "Military Politics and Counter-Insurgency in Peru." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 4 (1991): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165880.

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Eleven years after the start of an insurgent war, Peru's military appears no closer to defeating the two insurgencies that have plagued the country since 1980. The promise of greater political stability and a reduced role for the military in politics, which the the return to civilian rule held out, have largely been dashed. The war has meant a new active role for the military in politics which, under emergency decrees, directly rules over half of the country and maintains an influential voice in national policymaking. Under the previous two elected governments and the current Fujimori administration, the military institution has largely designed and implemented counter-insurgency strategy, leaving civilian policymakers aside in the decision-making process. What is more important, military officials have remained largely unaccountable for their decisions due to the lack of any civilian oversight capacity or alternative strategies. More than a decade after the start of the war, civilians have yet to devise methods that can increase military accountability.

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SMITH, DAVID L. "POLITICS AND MILITARY RULE IN CROMWELLIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 545–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004504.

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The Cromwellian Protectorate. By Barry Coward. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7190-4317-4. £14.99.Cromwell's major generals: godly government during the English Revolution. By Christopher Durston. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Pp. x+260. ISBN 0-7190-6065-6. £15.99.John Lambert, parliamentary soldier and Cromwellian major-general, 1619–1684. By David Farr. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003. Pp. x+268. ISBN 1-84383-0043. £50.00.Oliver Cromwell, soldier: the military life of a revolutionary at war. By Alan Marshall. London: Brassey's, 2004. Pp. 320. ISBN 1-85753-343-7. £20.00.Arguably the closest that Britain has ever come to military rule was at certain times during the period from 1647 to 1660. English forces conquered Ireland and Scotland in 1649–50 and 1650–1 respectively, and the two kingdoms were then forcibly ‘settled’ and incorporated into an English commonwealth. In England, meanwhile, the army repeatedly intervened to purge or disperse parliaments: in 1647, 1648, 1653, 1654, and 1659 (twice). For about fifteen months, in 1655–7, England and Wales were governed by major-generals who exercised sweeping powers to enforce order, preserve security, and enforce a ‘reformation of manners’. All these developments raise profound questions about the nature of Cromwellian government in general, and the relationship between politics and military rule in particular. Austin Woolrych argued, some years ago, that the Cromwellian Protectorate was not a military dictatorship in any meaningful sense. He suggested that the regime possessed neither the will, nor the means, to impose military rule, that it generally respected the rule of law, and that the military presence in local government even during the time of the major-generals was limited. Yet the nature of the interaction between the military and the political – in shaping government, in influencing policies, and in forming the careers of Oliver Cromwell and other leading figures – remains complex and merits much fuller exploration. The four books under review address these and related themes from a range of different viewpoints.

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MCCARTHY, STEPHEN. "Legitimacy under Military Rule: Burma." Politics & Policy 38, no. 3 (June 8, 2010): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00248.x.

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Kim, Nam Kyu, and Alex M. Kroeger. "Regime and Leader Instability Under Two Forms of Military Rule." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688009.

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The finding that military regimes are more fragile than other authoritarian regimes represents one of the few stylized facts in comparative politics. However, the existing literature contains substantial differences in the theoretical explanations for military regime instability and operationalizations of military rule. To assess competing explanations, we examine regime and leader instability after distinguishing between collegial and personalist military rule. We show that regime and leader insecurity characterize only collegial military regimes. Particularly, the fragility of collegial military regimes comes from a heightened likelihood of democratization, not more frequent transitions to alternative autocratic regimes. In addition, leaders of collegial military regimes face higher risks of both regular and irregular turnovers than other autocrats. Also, irregular exits of collegial military leaders tend to occur through reshuffling, rather than regime-changing, coups. The results strongly support theories focusing on military officers’ preference for unity over other explanations.

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Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the military removed President Morsi because Islamists failed to achieve the protesters’ aspirations. Egyptians supported the military’s rule that led to the election of General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi as President of Egypt. Fatah al-Sisi shifted the dynamics of government from ‘party-state’ to ‘ruler-arbiter’ praetorian rule that centralized the authority and power under his leadership through military domination to counter the Islamists and revolutionary aspirations. The research explains the causality behind the Egyptian military's intervention in politics, structuring of the praetorian regime in Egypt; the return of military praetorianism after the removal of President Hosni Mubarak; the rise of the Sisi as ‘ruler-arbiter’ and its implications on the democratization process. The paper’s method is explanatory to study the ‘structural’ (military) and ‘agential’ (Sisi’s rule) factors to determine the causes of establishing the praetorian ‘ruler-arbiter’ type Sisi’s regime. The approach to examine the ruler-arbiter phenomenon is the ‘actor-centric’ instead of the ‘mechanistic’ to understand the praetorian rule in Egypt. The research finds that the rise of the ‘ruler-arbiter’ regime under the leadership of the Sisi, caused by the military-established praetorian authority and President Sisi's choices and decisions, led to the failure of the democratization in Egypt.

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Than, Tin Maung Maung. "Living Silence: Burma under Military Rule." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 19, no. 1 (April 2004): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj19-1f.

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Lee, Steven H., and Christina Fink. "Living Silence: Burma under Military Rule." International Journal 57, no. 4 (2002): 655. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203702.

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Khan, Adil, Nazakat, and Muhammad Imran. "Democratization Under Military Rule: A Critical Review." Global Political Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-ii).08.

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Democratization refers to the political process leading to the establishment of democratic political order. Existing literature on democratization mostly discusses the transition from authoritarian structures to democracy in Eastern Europe and Latin America. This paper reviews the mainstream democratization theories in the context of Pakistan. It has been argued that three experiences of democratic transitions and authoritarian reversals have made Pakistan a classical case for developing new theoretical insights and a potent knowledge addition in the existing literature on democratization. This paper revolves around the two fundamental questions; firstly, under what conditions democratization becomes a possibility in an authoritarian state? Secondly, what are the possible modes of democratization?

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics under military rule"

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Kinzo, M. D'A G. "An opposition party in an authoritarian regime : the case of the MDB (Movimento Democratico Brasileiro) in Brazil, 1966-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354776.

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Yeşilkağıt, Arif Kutsal. "Policy change under military rule : the politics of clergy training-colleges in Turkey /." [Leiden] : [s. n.], 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39190990x.

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Dignas, Beate. "Sanctuaries in Asia Minor under Hellenistic and Roman rule : finances and politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266630.

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Vaughan, Olufemi Olaseni. "The impact of party politics and military rule on traditional chieftaincy in western Nigeria, 1946-1988." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304948.

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Fuhrhop, Pia [Verfasser]. "Alliance Politics Under Unipolarity : European Influence on Transatlantic Military Interventions / Pia Fuhrhop." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1062537033/34.

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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.

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Doctor of Philosophy
This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.

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Klein, Detmar. "Battleground of cultures : 'politics of identities' and the national question in Alsace under German Imperial rule (1870-1914)." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441229.

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Filipovich, Jean 1947. "The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.

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The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.
Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr

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SAI, Khaing Myo Tun. "Politics of Development in Myanmar (1988-2009): Comparison with Indonesia under Suharto's New Order." 名古屋大学大学院国際開発研究科, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/14549.

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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "Politics, political culture and policy making : the reform of viceregal rule in the Spanish world under Philip V (1700-1746)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/46597/.

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This thesis explores the changes introduced in the Spanish system of viceregal rule, both in Peninsular Spain and the Spanish America, during the reigns of Philip V (1700-1724 and 1724-1746). It argues that these changes reflect broader transformations in Spain's politics and political culture accelerated by the arrival of the Bourbon dynasty. In particular, the thesis documents the gradual emergence of three characteristics associated with the transition from a judicial to an administrative monarchy: the introduction of new decision making and implementation procedures which prioritise executive government and limited consultation; the consolidation of a new understanding of the role of monarchical government which places less emphasis on the provision of justice and more on the king's responsibilty for matters of economic government and development; and a reshuffling of the elites which make up governmental institutions in favour of individuals with direct connections to the new royal household, distinguished more for their loyalty, administrative efficiency or military merit than for their social status and distinctions. The thesis studies the suppression of viceregal rule in the Crown of Aragon, the initially failed but later successful attempts to establish a third viceroyalty in Spanish America, and the changing social origins, and career paths of the men appointed as viceroys through the period as well as the changing expectations placed on them. The thesis highlights important parallels between the reforms introduced in Peninsular Spain and Spanish America, both in their aims and the personnel chosen to implement them. It thus suggests that Spanish ministers during the first half of the eighteenth century often espoused the opinion that the Crown should look at the Indies, in the words of José del Campillo, 'as a sizeable portion of the Monarchy in which it is possible to implement the same improvements as in Spain'.

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Books on the topic "Politics under military rule"

1

Living silence: Burma under the military rule. Bankok: White Lotus, 2001.

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Remmer, Karen L. The Chilean military under authoritarian rule, 1973-1987. Albuquerque, N.M: University of New Mexico, Latin American Institute, 1988.

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Remmer, Karen L. The Chilean military under authoritarian rule, 1973-1987. Albuquerque, N.M: University of New Mexico, 1988.

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Fink, Christina. Living silence in Burma: Surviving under military rule. 2nd ed. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2009.

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Christina, Fink, ed. Living silence in Burma: Surviving under military rule. 2nd ed. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2009.

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Lawyers Committee for International Human Rights., ed. Zia's law: Human rights under military rule in Pakistan. New York, N.Y: Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1985.

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Wakeman, Carolyn. No time for dreams: Living in Burma under military rule. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009.

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Yeşilkağıt, Arif Kutsal. Policy change under military rule: The politics of clergy training-colleges in Turkey. [Leiden: Universiteit Leiden, 2001.

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Kinzo, Maria D'Alva G. Legal opposition politics under authoritarian rule in Brazil: The case of the MDB, 1966-79. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1988.

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Legal opposition politics under authoritarian rule in Brazil: The case of the MDB, 1966-79. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics under military rule"

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Kinzo, Maria D’Alva G. "Conclusion: Military-Authoritarian Rule and Party Politics." In Legal Opposition Politics under Authoritarian Rule in Brazil, 218–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08790-7_9.

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Jaquette, Jane S. "Belaunde and Velasco: On the Limits of Ideological Politics." In The Peruvian Experiment: Continuity and Change Under Military Rule, edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal, 402–38. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870141-013.

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Cotler, Julio. "2. The New Mode of Political Domination in Peru." In The Peruvian Experiment: Continuity and Change Under Military Rule, edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal, 44–78. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870141-005.

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Hellinger, Daniel C. "Democratic Breakdown and Military Rule." In Comparative Politics of Latin America, 202–46. Third edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003021865-11.

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Isaacs, Anita. "Development and Reform under Military Rule." In Military Rule and Transition in Ecuador, 1972–92, 35–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08922-2_3.

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Olsen, Edward A. "South Korea under Military Rule: Friendly Tyrant?" In Friendly Tyrants, 331–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21676-5_16.

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Rabinowitch, Alexander. "Early Disenchantment with Bolshevik Rule." In Politics and Society under the Bolsheviks, 37–46. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27717-9_3.

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Martínez-Lara, Javier. "The Constitution Under Military Rule: Government and Opposition." In Building Democracy in Brazil, 13–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24993-0_2.

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Falana, Femi. "Constitutionalism, Rule of Law, and Human Rights." In Governance and Politics in Post-Military Nigeria, 125–43. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230115453_5.

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Keith, Ronald C. "Politics and Criminal Law Change under Reform." In China’s Struggle for the Rule of Law, 143–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13110-5_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics under military rule"

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Abdel Shafi, Essam. "Political Change in Egypt and the Policies of Consolidating ‌Hegemony." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp34-48.

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The January 25, 2011 revolution that Egypt witnessed was the product of a political and social movement in an ancient civil society, which maintained this characteristic in a stable manner, despite successive bulldozing operations for centuries and extended decades. However, the revolution witnessed fundamental transformations, which led to a military coup in 2013. Repressive policies and practices to consolidate tyranny and authoritarianism, not only in the face of citizens, but also to establish dominance over the state's wealth and capabilities. In dealing with the January revolution, the Egyptian military adopted many policies and practices, whether in the first transitional phase supervised by the Military Council (from February 2011 to June 2012), or during the first year of President Mohamed Morsi's rule, in which he directed matters from The successor, the Military Council, or direct control after the coup of July 3, 2013, until January 2021, and the tasks, roles and functions carried out by the military institution during the ten years (under study) were divided between the policies of consolidating authoritarianism and tyranny, the legal codification of these policies, the systematic violation of rights and freedoms, and the policies of Hegemony and the total militarization of the economy to the extent of what can be called “state ownership,” and the reinforcement of the saying that Egypt is an “army with a state and not a state with an army.” In the face of these considerations, the duality of authoritarianism and the movement emerges, and the transformations and developments between them in Egypt during the ten years that passed after the January 2011 revolution. On political life in Egypt after the January revolution?

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Campos, João. "The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.

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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.

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Boido, Cristina. "Il disegno della città ideale: Cosmopolis." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11465.

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The representations of the ideal town: CosmopolisIn 1548, under the Florentine lordship of the Medici, Charles V gave Cosimo I de 'Medici the task of defending the territories of Elba and the commercial traffic of the Tyrrhenian Sea. The Duke, who strongly believed in the potential of the island and wanted to transform it into the center of Florentine rule over the Tyrrhenian, decided to fortify the ancient city of Ferraia, the current Portoferraio. A real jewel of military town planning that took the name of Cosmopolis was born by the architect Giovanni Battista Bellucci and by the engineer Giovanni Camerini. Thanks to its natural conformation, the gulf of Portoferraio protected on one side a strip of land that closes the port like a spiral, and on the other hand protected by two rocky headlands overlooking the sea, was extremely strategic and suitable for defense. Fort Stella and Fort Falcone were built in the upper part of the promontory and the Linguella tower, near the dock, all connected by a bastion wall. Later the defense was further strengthened by walls and ramparts also on the land front side according to the project of the architect Bernardo Buontalenti, transforming the city into an impregnable fortress, as well as a safe naval base. The study of urban representations of the city testifies to how the foundation of Cosmopolis for the Medici duchy was an event of extraordinary value, symbol of the strength of the Duke and his expansive abilities, symbol of an ideal city not only conceived and designed in contemporary treatises, but actually made.

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Cockle, John. "Risk Acceptance and Application of the Common Safety Method in the United States." In 2016 Joint Rail Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2016-5747.

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The Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) has published a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) that will require passenger rail operators in the United States to develop a System Safety Program using a risk-based hazard management approach. Identified as 49 CFR, Part 270 System Safety Rule [1], the NPRM describes the basic requirements for a system safety program plan, including the need for a method for accepting risk. The NPRM does not, however, identify how the responsible party should actually go about managing risk. That is left up to the railways themselves. In Europe, hazard management is applied in the railroad industry (including high-speed rail systems) under the regulatory authority of the European Union. European Commission Regulation 352/2009/EC [2] outlines a Common Safety Method (CSM) on Risk Evaluation and Assessment for Railways of the European Union, commonly known as the CSM Regulation and the heart of the railway safety program in Europe. The CSM Regulation includes the standard risk assessment process elements: identification of the hazards, corresponding risks, mitigation measures to reduce the risk, and the resulting safety requirements to be fulfilled by the system under assessment. What sets the CSM Regulation apart from other risk assessment programs is that it provides a methodology for determining when acceptable risk is achieved. The risk acceptability of the system under assessment is evaluated using one or more of the following risk acceptance principles: a) The application of relevant codes of practice; b) A comparison with similar systems (reference systems); c) Explicit risk estimation. In essence, the responsible party can accept risk that has either been regulated to an acceptable level by an authority having jurisdiction or a widely-accepted industry practice, or if the risk has been successfully addressed by a similar railway system through that railway’s engineering and operational controls. If neither of these cases applies the responsible party can estimate the risk and choose to accept it or not. A common approach, even internationally, is to develop an explicit risk estimation process based on the U.S. Department of Defense Military Standard 882E (MIL-STD-882E) [3]. Safety hazards are identified, analyzed for risk (severity and probability), and mitigations are progressively applied until a level of safety is achieved that is as low as reasonably practicable. The California High-Speed Rail Authority (CHSRA) has adopted a risk-based hazard management program to achieve an acceptable level of safety for the design, construction, implementation and operation of the California High-Speed Rail System. CHSRA has deliberately used both domestic and international guidance and standards in the development of this program in an effort to apply the most up-to-date processes and philosophies, and to draw upon the impressive safety legacy of international high-speed railway operators. This paper will describe the relevant regulations and guidance (both domestically and internationally), review the elements of a risk acceptance program based upon the CSM Regulation, and apply the program to a select set of hazards to demonstrate how appropriate mitigations can be determined and residual risk accepted. The paper will also identify potential future applications for the CSM Regulation here in the United States, and will challenge the reader to manage hazards using a risk-based approach that incorporates the basic framework of the CSM Regulation.

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Templalexis, Ioannis, Ioannis Lionis, and Sotiris Kitinos. "Correlation Between Engine and Aircraft Loadings for Several Mission Types." In ASME Turbo Expo 2020: Turbomachinery Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2020-15611.

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Abstract Fighter aircraft constitutes a well-defined class of aircraft. Their extensive use on a daily basis by operators stands as a strong motive behind studies that concern their rate of “exhaustion ”. For an aircraft operator either civil or military, it is very important at any point in time to have a clear view of the engines’ and the aircrafts’ operating condition. This is valuable information in order to foresee undesired incidences and in order to schedule missions in accordance to the actual and anticipated maintenance needs. For the latter, the operator would also need to know the rate of the engine and the aircraft life consumption per mission. The current study concerns the F-16 Block 52M aircraft, powered by the Pratt and Whitney F100-PW-229 engine. Aircraft is continuously subjected to crack growth mechanisms while flying. On the other hand, engines also go through Low Cycle Fatigue (LCF) cycles and creep prominent conditions while being in operation. The engine and the aircraft structural condition are continuously monitored, based on real time data recordings. To the extent of the authors’ knowledge, that is a common practice for most F-16 users. However, what was found to be missing from the international literature was a study to quantify any potential correlation between the aircraft loading and the engine loading for all typical mission types an aircraft of this type undertakes. For users that have already installed an aircraft loading monitoring system like “Aircraft Structural Integrity Program” (ASIP) it would be very useful to set a “rule of thumb” aside regarding the degree of correlation between aircraft and engine loading. Engine life consumption rate was estimated based on the creep and LCF failure mechanisms applied on the most critical engine section, the turbine. Engine recordings were picked from an arbitrary sample of 200 flights of a certain aircraft, wherein most typical mission types could be found. Turbine and subsequently blade temperature as well as blade stress were calculated using a very narrow time step. These data along with blade material data were fed in the Larson Miller model, to set an algorithm for estimating life consumption due to creep. Engine Total Accumulated Cycles (TACs) which account for LCF loading, are directly measured by the engine recorder, based on an embedded algorithm. Aircraft loading is calculated based on the accelerations the aircraft structures encounter during flight. These are also recorded under a very narrow time step. Last step was the correlation of the engine life consumption against the aircrafts’ loading for typical mission types. Scatter diagrams and statistical measures were used, in order to define the degree of correlation between them.

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Reports on the topic "Politics under military rule"

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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.

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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”

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