Journal articles on the topic 'Politics of toxic chemicals'

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1

Brown, Phil. "Toxic Politics: Responding to Chemical Disasters." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 18, no. 4 (1993): 996–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-18-4-996.

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2

King, Andrew. "Secrecy is Toxic—Building Community Right-to-Know in Canada's Largest Municipality." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 21, no. 3 (October 14, 2011): 417–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ns.21.3.h.

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The regulation of toxic chemicals in Canada has undergone many twists and turns in the last 40 years. This paper describes the emergence of a new alliance, one which brought together people from a broad range of backgrounds to formulate common strategy to address the continuing use and dissemination of toxic chemicals, especially carcinogens. In just over a decade, Canada's largest municipality, Toronto, adopted a bylaw which introduced a comprehensive scheme for community right-to-know about toxic chemicals being used, released, and disposed—the first in the country. The bylaw represents the success of a network that integrated experience and expertise from community activism, environment, labour, public health, politics and cancer prevention.
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3

Belliveau, Michael E. "The Drive for a Safer Chemicals Policy in the United States." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 21, no. 3 (October 14, 2011): 359–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ns.21.3.e.

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This article analyzes the history, policies and politics of the modern era of safer chemical policy reform in the United States. In the last decade, state laws have modeled a chemical policy framework to phase out unnecessary dangerous chemicals in favor of safer alternatives. These state drivers, along with market campaigns to reduce downstream business use of hazardous chemicals, have weakened the chemical industry's resistance to fixing the broken federal chemical safety system. The obsolete Toxic Substances Control Act of 1976 (TSCA) has failed to protect public health and the environment and has stifled innovation toward greener chemistry. Health advocates with a progressive policy vision tempered by legislative pragmatism have launched a TSCA reform campaign to challenge chemical industry power in a weak Congress. The opportunity and limits to winning meaningful TSCA reform are characterized and marked as a critical milestone on the path to a truly comprehensive safer chemical policy for the United States.
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4

Balayannis, Angeliki. "Toxic sights: The spectacle of hazardous waste removal." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 4 (January 20, 2020): 772–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775819900197.

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This paper examines the geographies of hazardous waste removal. Over the past decade, studies of disposal have demonstrated the myriad ways in which things can never disappear – they can only be transformed, transmuted, combusted, combined or any other manner of material change. This paper aims to develop understandings of the material politics of disposal by considering the matter of representation. It does this ethnographically, by following a chemical stockpile though the process of removal from its storage site in Tanzania. In examining everyday disposal practices, this paper highlights the materialities of hazardous waste in ways that have been epistemologically side-lined. Locating the analysis at the intersection of matter and representation, the paper illustrates the centrality of paper-work, diagrams, photographs and standard operating procedures in performing removal. It argues that removal is achieved through a bureaucratic spectacle; a process which obscures lingering residues and compounds their toxic effects. By attending to chemicals through the mundane work of removal, this paper opens up different lines of inquiry for studies of waste, and enriches understandings of materiality by considering how visual representations make a difference.
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Durant, Jennie L. "Ignorance loops: How non-knowledge about bee-toxic agrochemicals is iteratively produced." Social Studies of Science 50, no. 5 (May 13, 2020): 751–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312720923390.

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In this article, I examine the knowledge politics around pesticides in the United States and the role it plays in honey bee declines. Since 2006, US beekeepers have lost an average of one-third of their colonies each year. Though a number of factors influence bee health, beekeepers, researchers and policymakers cite pesticides as a primary contributor. In the US, pesticide registration is overseen by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with the required tests conducted by chemical companies applying for registration. Until 2016, the EPA only required chemical companies to measure acute toxicity for non-target species, which means that many pesticides with sublethal toxicities are not labeled bee-toxic, and farmers can apply them without penalty while bees are on their farms or orchards. In addition, California state and county regulators will typically only investigate a bee kill caused by a labeled bee-toxic pesticide, and so emergent data on non-labeled, sublethal pesticides goes uncollected. These gaps in data collection frustrate beekeepers and disincentivize them from reporting colony losses to regulatory agencies – thus reinforcing ignorance about which chemicals are toxic to bees. I term the iterative cycle of non-knowledge co-constituted by regulatory shortfalls and stakeholder regulatory disengagement an ‘ignorance loop’. I conclude with a discussion of what this dynamic can tell us about the politics of knowledge production and pesticide governance and the consequences of ‘ignorance loops’ for stakeholders and the environment.
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Funke, Odelia. "U.S. Chemical Program: Purpose, Challenges, and Evolution." Politics and the Life Sciences 20, no. 2 (September 2001): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400005463.

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This article explores long-term issues and problems that have seriously undermined the U.S. Chemical Testing Program established by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) under the Toxic Substances Control Act. This program is meant to gather information needed to protect human health and the environment from damaging exposure to toxic chemicals. Despite seemingly broad and impressive authority under the statute, there are a number of inherent difficulties, as well as substantial political constraints, that impede comprehensive oversight of chemicals in U.S. commerce. The article discusses several approaches that EPA has adopted to overcome statutory and political limitations and increase chemical testing information. The most recent and promising of these efforts has involved international negotiations to harmonize testing approaches with OECD nations and to cooperate on an agenda that will better share the testing burden on an international level.
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7

Chiapella, Ariana M., Zbigniew J. Grabowski, Mary Ann Rozance, Ashlie D. Denton, Manar A. Alattar, and Elise F. Granek. "Toxic Chemical Governance Failure in the United States: Key Lessons and Paths Forward." BioScience 69, no. 8 (July 10, 2019): 615–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/biosci/biz065.

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AbstractOver 40 years of regulations in the United States have failed to protect human and environmental health. We contend that these failures result from the flawed governance over the continued production, use, and disposal of toxic chemicals. To address this failure, we need to identify the broader social, political, and technological processes producing, knowing, and regulating toxic chemicals, collectively referred to as toxic chemical governance. To do so, we create a conceptual framework covering five key domains of governance: knowledge production, policy design, monitoring and enforcement, evaluation, and adjudication. Within each domain, social actors of varying power negotiate what constitutes acceptable risk, creating longer-term path dependencies in how they are addressed (or not). Using existing literature and five case studies, we discuss four paths for improving governance: evolving paradigms of harm, addressing bias in the knowledge base, making governance more equitable, and overcoming path dependency.
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8

Kim, Jongyoung, Heeyun Kim, and Jawoon Lim. "The Politics of Science and Undone Protection in the “Samsung Leukemia” Case." East Asian Science, Technology and Society 14, no. 4 (November 2, 2020): 573–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/18752160-8770884.

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Abstract A labor health dispute between a multinational corporation and patient-workers in Korea received enormous attention from 2007 to 2018, when it was finally and successfully resolved. Sick workers of Samsung Semiconductor claimed they were contaminated by toxic chemicals at their workplace that resulted in their sickness, a contested illness known as “Samsung leukemia.” In this dispute, the Korean government and Samsung used epistemological studies to deny the workers’ claims. The patient-workers politicized the industrial disease, forming a labor health movement that advocated for workers’ rights and welfare. In this long disputed process, they developed their own bottom-up science that collected evidence from their factories and connected this evidence with the claims of counter-experts. They made done “undone science,” which investigated the relationship between the unknown disease and the semiconductor industry. But the undone science has been constructed in the context of “undone protection” stemming not only from chemical exposure in factories that weigh profit over safety but also from institutional failures to protect and compensate the loss of workers’ lives and health. The successful resolution of the “Samsung leukemia” case depended on a health movement that worked toward getting undone science and undone protection done simultaneously.
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9

Tironi, Manuel. "Hypo-interventions: Intimate activism in toxic environments." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 3 (June 2018): 438–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718784779.

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Chemical toxicity is part of everyday life in Puchuncaví. The most polluted industrial compound in Chile, Puchuncaví is home of fourteen industrial complexes, including the largest copper smelting plant in the country and four thermoelectric plants. Stories of biological mutation, corrosion and death among plants, humans, fishes and cattle are proliferate in Puchuncaví. Engaging with the growing interest in care and affective modes of attention within STS, this paper examines how ill, intoxicated or otherwise affected people in Puchuncaví act upon and know about their chronic sufferings. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I focus on what I call ‘hypo-interventions’, or the minimal and unspectacular yet life-enabling practices of caring, cleaning and healing the ailments of their significant others, human and otherwise. By minutely engaging with somatic and affective alterations in the domestic spaces of the body, the home and the garden, Puchuncavinos render industrial harm visible and knowable, and hence a type of political action is invoked. While outside technical validation and alien to conventional politics, these actions have proved crucial for people in Puchuncaví striving to persevere in the face of industrial violence and institutional abandonment. I coin the term ‘intimate activism’ to describe the ethical and political affordances of the subdued doings and engagements deployed in Puchuncaví. Intimate activism, I claim, draws its political power on its capacity to create minimal conditions for ethical and material endurance.
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10

Agaba, G. O. "Mathematical Evaluation of the Effect of Agrochemicals on Human Health." NIGERIAN ANNALS OF PURE AND APPLIED SCIENCES 1 (March 14, 2019): 236–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46912/napas.30.

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The fast growing economical and political needs and demands for increase agricultural activities and produces in most parts of the world necessitate the need for a careful evaluation of the general crop cultivation processes and the increasing usage of diverse toxic chemicals in the form of pesticides, fertilizers, etc. in the agricultural sector to control pests and weeds to improve soil nutrients during cultivation and in some cases, for preservation of cultivated crops. Agrochemicals are used in a manner that suggests farmers do not take into cognisance the fact that residue of the chemicals which is harmful to man is always left on such foods. This paper applies a mathematical model to examine the impact of agrochemicals on human health by using the conventional principle of an SEIRS epidemic model. From the overall outcome, it was observed that the consumption of these hazardous plants before the elapse of the incubation (waiting) period affect the human health negatively. Consequently, the need for a wake up call to all farmers, agricultural workers, Government and Non-Governmental monitoring agencies to arise to the task of saving human lives from these toxic chemical residues in agricultural produces.
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11

Shapiro, Marc D. "Equity and information: Information regulation, environmental justice, and risks from toxic chemicals." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 24, no. 2 (2005): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.20094.

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12

Kirksey, Eben. "Chemosociality in Multispecies Worlds." Environmental Humanities 12, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/22011919-8142198.

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Abstract Chemosocial communities have formed in Sydney, Australia, as a result of encounters with industrial pollution. If biosociality involves social relationships that emerge from biological conditions, then chemosociality involves altered, attenuated, or augmented relationships that emerge with chemical exposures. Some social groups have coalesced around place-based political action, while other chemosocial associations have proved to be ephemeral, evanescent, and conditional. Building on earlier work by multispecies ethnographers who have studied social relationships among humans and animals, this article follows chemicals into more-than-human realms. Fragile multispecies worlds have emerged in a complex landscape shaped by chemical weapons industries, municipal landfills, government remediation programs, real estate speculation, and a multitude of chemical and biological agents. Legacy dumping grounds in the Sydney Olympic Park have become habitat for the green and golden bell frog, an endangered species. While the normal world order of this frog has been lost with the spread of a deadly fungal disease, toxic chemicals have enabled the continuation of its social life. Temporary spaces of immunity have emerged where life is protected and threats are negated by poisonous compounds that double as a cure.
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13

Kiss, Simon. "Where Did All The Baby Bottles Go? Risk Perception, Interest Groups, Media Coverage and Institutional Imperatives in Canada's Regulation of Bisphenol A." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (December 2014): 741–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914001127.

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AbstractAs part of a multi-year, $816 million initiative to assess the risks posed by thousands of commonly used chemicals and compounds, Canada became the first country in the world to declare that bisphenol A (BPA) was toxic and justified regulation in April 2008. The process set up to conduct this risk assessment differed from the previous Canadian experience with the regulation of hazardous substances in that it was more formal, systematic and more pluralistic with much greater participation from interest groups. This case study explores the politics and process behind this decision and argues that the government's decision went beyond what scientific evidence could justify. The decision resulted from long-term institutional factors such as the incentive structure of Canadian federalism and values embedded in legislation as well as short-term factors such as media coverage, public opinion and interest group pressure.
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14

Pinderhughes, Raquel. "The Impact of Race on Environmental Quality: An Empirical and Theoretical Discussion." Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389310.

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The toxic pollution problem is composed of several interrelated parts which are involved in the process of production, use, and disposal of chemicals and products considered necessary for society. Each day, millions of pounds of toxic chemicals are used, stored, disposed of, and transported in and out of communities throughout the United States. Most Americans assume that pollution and other environmental hazards are problems faced equally by everyone in our society. But a growing body of research shows that the most common victims of environmental hazards and pollution are minorities and the poor. Disproportionate exposure to environmental hazards is part of the complex cycle of discrimination and deprivation faced by minorities in the United States. This article examines social science empirical research on the relationship between race, class, and the distribution of environmental hazards and the theoretical perspectives which have emerged to explain environmental inequities. The article also discusses the link between the environmental justice movement, which seeks to confront the causes and consequences of environmental inequities, and social science research on environmental inequity.
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15

Creager, Angela N. H. "To Test or Not to Test: Tools, Rules, and Corporate Data in US Chemicals Regulation." Science, Technology, & Human Values 46, no. 5 (May 13, 2021): 975–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01622439211013373.

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When the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) was passed by the US Congress in 1976, its advocates pointed to new generation of genotoxicity tests as a way to systematically screen chemicals for carcinogenicity. However, in the end, TSCA did not require any new testing of commercial chemicals, including these rapid laboratory screens. In addition, although the Environmental Protection Agency was to make public data about the health effects of industrial chemicals, companies routinely used the agency’s obligation to protect confidential business information to prevent such disclosures. This paper traces the contested history of TSCA and its provisions for testing, from the circulation of the first draft bill in the Nixon administration through the debates over its implementation, which stretched into the Reagan administration. The paucity of publicly available health and environmental data concerning chemicals, I argue, was a by-product of the law and its execution, leading to a situation of institutionalized ignorance, the underside of regulatory knowledge.
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16

Zylberman, Patrick. "Making Food Safety an Issue: Internationalized Food Politics and French Public Health from the 1870s to the Present." Medical History 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300000089.

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Food safety is an ever more conflictive issue receiving media attention. “The increased activity of interest groups, the impact of the Common Agricultural Policy and changes in the retail economy have combined to transform [a relatively closed] food policy community into an issue network”. This account of recent changes lacks the historical dimension that might endow it with meaning. It is hardly appropriate to describe the current situation as a reawakening after a long slumber. In France at least, complaints about food safety voiced in numerous newspaper articles echo enduring concerns and a permanent sense of alarm. In 1957, Demain ran a catalogue of food scares: industrial bread causing eczema; wine adulterated with sulphur anhydride (for safe transportation); eggs and milk feared by doctors to be toxic (because chickens were being fed with chemicals or fish, and cattle with ground up rubbish); and filthy conditions on cattle and poultry farms. Much the same sort of list could have been drawn up early in the century during meetings of the Société Scientifique d'Hygiène Alimentaire (created in 1904), or run in the press following passage of the 1905 Food Adulteration Act, or printed in popular pamphlets such as Dr Raffray's Le péril alimentaire (1912). As the Common Market took shape in the 1960s, repeated articles in the daily newspapers relentlessly focused on the issue of food and public health. In France, arguments were continually framed in the language of the 1905 act.
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17

Hoppe, Rob. "Book Reviews : Michael R. Reich, 1991. Toxic Politics. Responding to Chemical Disasters, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 316 pp." Industrial & Environmental Crisis Quarterly 8, no. 4 (January 1994): 405–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/108602669400800406.

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18

Spackman, Christy. "In smell’s shadow: Materials and politics at the edge of perception." Social Studies of Science 50, no. 3 (May 17, 2020): 418–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312720918946.

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This article examines the politics of smell at the edge of perception. In January 2014, the municipal water supply of Charleston, West Virginia was contaminated by an under-characterized chemical, crude MCHM. Even when instrumental measurements no longer detected the chemical, people continued to smell its licorice-like odor. In a space where nothing was certain, smell became the only indicator of potential harm. Officials responded by commissioning state-funded sensory testing of crude MCHM to determine its sensory threshold. Via the critical passage point of sensory science, some instances of embodied attunement were allowed to enter into the evidentiary regimes of perception, while other, similarly trained moments of attunement were excluded from the process. This, I show, produced knowledge about the spilled chemical that maintained the systems that contributed to the spill in the first place. Drawing on new materialist thought, I riff on biology and ‘transduce’ the ephemeral phenomena of smelling crude MCHM into a new medium: Rather than thinking of smell as a volatile molecular material (an odorant), I show that consideration of smell as a manipulable object that one can imagine as having tangible substance and shape offers a way to experiment with disciplinary forms. I suggest an alternate future, where sensory science acts to record sensory labor that produces facts about collective experience that cannot (easily) travel through current systems, a process that is one possible way of beginning to unravel entrenched systems of toxic harm.
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19

Lester, James P. "Toxic Politics: Responding to Chemical Disasters. By Michael R. Reich. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991. 316p. $45.00 cloth, $15.95 paper." American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 1072–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964390.

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20

Hwang, Yoori, and Se-Hoon Jeong. "A Channel-Specific Analysis of the Risk Information Seeking and Processing (RISP) Model: The Role of Relevant Channel Beliefs and Perceived Information Gathering Capacity." Science Communication 42, no. 3 (June 2020): 279–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547020926612.

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The risk information seeking and processing (RISP) model posits that information insufficiency could lead to information seeking, and the effect could be moderated by relevant channel beliefs and perceived information gathering capacity. The RISP model is tested in the context of Koreans’ risk information seeking and processing related to toxic chemicals in consumer products. The present study showed that the impact of information insufficiency was moderated by relevant channel beliefs. On the other hand, the impact of information insufficiency was not moderated by perceived information gathering capacity; instead, perceived information gathering capacity had an independent effect on information seeking.
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21

Lallas, Peter L. "The Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 3 (July 2001): 692–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2668517.

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In May 2001, at a diplomatic conference in Stockholm, Sweden, the international community adopted and opened for signature the new Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (Stockholm Convention). Over ninety nations signed the convention at the conference, and one country—Canada—ratified it. The Stockholm Convention is designed to protect human health and the environment from persistent organic pollutants (POPs)—chemical substances that are persistent and toxic, that bioaccumulate in fatty tissue (achieving higher concentrations as they move up a particular food chain), and that are prone to long-range environmental transport. Among other things, the convention contains obligations to eliminate or severely restrict the production and use of a number of POP pesticides and industrial chemicals, to take strong measures to prevent or control the release of certain POPs that are formed as by-products of various combustion activities, and to ensure the safe and proper disposal or destruction of such substances when they become wastes.
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22

Dehnavi, S., A. A. Abkar, Y. Maghsoudi, and E. Dehnavi. "A STUDY FOR REMOTE DETECTION OF INDUSTRIAL EFFLUENTS’ EFFECT ON RICE USING THERMAL IMAGES." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-1-W5 (December 10, 2015): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-1-w5-147-2015.

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Rice is one of the most important nutritious grains all over the world, so that only in some parts of Asia more than 300 million acres allocated for cultivating this product. Therefore, qualitative and quantitative management of this product is of great importance in commercial, political and financial viewpoints. Rice plant is very influenced by physical and chemical characteristics of irrigation water, due to its specific kind of planting method. Hence, chemically-polluted waters which received by plant can change in live plants and their products. Thus, a very high degree of treatment will be required if the effluent discharges to rice plants. Current waters receive a variety of land-based water pollutants ranging from industrial wastes to excess sediments. One of the most hazardous wastes are chemicals that are toxic. Some factories discharge their effluents directly into a water body. So, what would happen for rice plant or its product if this polluted water flow to paddies? Is there any remotely-based method to study for this effect? Are surface temperature distributions (thermal images) useful in this context? The first goal in this research is thus to investigate the effect of a simulated textile factory’s effluent sample on the rice product. The second goal is to investigate whether the polluted plant can be identified by means of thermal remote sensing or not. The results of this laboratory research have proven that the presence of industrial wastewater cause a decrease in plant’s product and its f-cover value, also some changes in radiant temperature.
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23

Koshland, D. "Toxic chemicals and toxic laws." Science 253, no. 5023 (August 30, 1991): 949. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1887221.

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Karpova, K. S. "WORD OF 2018: LINGUISTIC ASPECT." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 66 (2) (2019): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2019.2.08.

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The article is devoted to popular sociolinguistic event ‘A Word of the Year’, which takes place annually on web-sites of famous dictionaries (Oxford English Dictionary, Collins English Dictionary, Merriam-Webster’s English Dictionary, Cambridge Dictionary of the English Language) and well- known linguistic institutions (American Dialect Society, Global Language Monitor, Australian Na- tional Dictionary Centre, Society of the German Language). In English-speaking environment Oxford English Dictionary as one of the first dictionaries to launch ‘A Word of the Year’ list chooses a word or expression which have attracted a particular interest of its readers over the last twelve months. Every year hundreds of candidates are discussed online and a particular word is chosen to reflect the mood and preoccupations of a specific year as well as signify its potential as a word of cultural significance. The adjective toxic, chosen by Oxford English Dictionary as key word of 2018, is under linguistic analysis in present research. Firstly, we study lexical and semantic peculiarities of word of the year. Secondly, we investigate the most frequently-used patterns of its lexical combinability with nouns. According to online version of Oxford English Dictionary, among nouns, which regularly collocate with the target adjective toxic, the following should be paid attention to: chemical, substance, waste, algae, air, masculinity, environment, relationship, culture. Finally, we exemplify the contextual usage of adjective toxic in modern English. Moreover, we dwell on the mechanisms of influence of key spheres of life in English-speaking world (politics, economy, ecology, social and interpersonal relations) on users’ choice in 2018.
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La Botz, Daniel. "Manufacturing Poverty: The Maquiladorization of Mexico." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 403–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hy6r-ey5g-3axp-vv8n.

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Based on interviews with social workers, attorneys, feminists, union activists, and factory workers, the author argues that the maquiladora free trade zone of Northern Mexico portends developments under the North American Free Trade Agreement. Today some 500,000 Mexican workers labor in 2,000 factories for $4.50 a day in Mexico's maquiladoras. Two-thirds of the workers are women, many single women who head their households. These women work in the new, modern manufacturing plants in industrial parks, but live in squalid shanty towns without adequate water, sewage, or electricity. On the job, workers face exposures to toxic chemicals and dangerous work processes. The Mexican government does not have the political will, the trained personnel, or the equipment to monitor these occupational health problems. While Mexico's Constitution and labor laws guarantee workers the right to organize, bargain collectively, and strike, in practice the state controls the unions and opposes worker activism. In the face of employer and state repression workers are forced to organize secretly to fight for higher wages and safer conditions.
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Dusheck, J. "Fungus Degrades Toxic Chemicals." Science News 127, no. 25 (June 22, 1985): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3969737.

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HESS, GLENN. "CANADA TARGETS TOXIC CHEMICALS." Chemical & Engineering News 84, no. 51 (December 18, 2006): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v084n051.p013.

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Van Vleet, Terry R., and Rick G. Schnellmann. "Toxic nephropathy: environmental chemicals." Seminars in Nephrology 23, no. 5 (September 2003): 500–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0270-9295(03)00094-9.

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FAWCETT, HOWARD H. "Explaining, Regulating Toxic Chemicals." Chemical & Engineering News 73, no. 32 (August 7, 1995): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v073n032.p033.

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30

Gerlach, Rudolph. "Toxic chemicals: Understanding TLV's." Journal of Chemical Education 63, no. 4 (April 1986): A100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ed063pa100.

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31

Stephenson, J. "Toxic Chemicals and Defects." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 284, no. 3 (July 19, 2000): 296—c—296. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.284.3.296-c.

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32

Waldichuk, M. "Toxic chemicals in estuaries." Marine Pollution Bulletin 20, no. 5 (May 1989): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0025-326x(89)90440-2.

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33

Alexander, Martin. "How Toxic Are Toxic Chemicals in Soil?" Environmental Science & Technology 29, no. 11 (November 1995): 2713–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/es00011a003.

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34

Ivanova, Maria. "Fighting Fire with a Thermometer? Environmental Efforts of the United Nations." Ethics & International Affairs 34, no. 3 (2020): 339–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679420000404.

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AbstractEnvironmental problems were not among the core issues for the United Nations at its creation in 1945. In the 1970s, however, they created a crescendo of public concern as the threats posed by toxic chemicals, large-scale destruction of natural ecosystems, and the loss of species became visible and were obviously linked to human activity. Pollution, it was clear, did not stop at national borders and solutions required common effort. As part of the special issue on “The United Nations at Seventy-Five: Looking Back to Look Forward,” this essay explores how, as the only institution equipped to identify global problems and generate collective action toward their resolution, the UN became the platform for creating multilateral environmental agreements, convening global conferences, and mobilizing national and international effort through a progressively larger number of institutions at the national and international level to guide decisions and influence behavior. We have moved the environmental needle in terms of information, institutions, and awareness. Yet, many environmental problems persist, some are getting worse, and new challenges and, indeed, crises are emerging.
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35

Pérez-Criado, Silvia, and José Ramón Bertomeu Sánchez. "From arsenic to DDT: Pesticides, Fascism and the invisibility of toxic risks in the early years of Francoist Spain (1939-1953)." Culture & History Digital Journal 10, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): e004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.004.

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This paper reviews the way in which Spanish agriculture climbed onto the pesticide treadmill. We claim that Fascist policies and expert advice assembled in the early 1940s accelerated the introduction of pesticides into Spanish agriculture and promoted the emergence of the Spanish pesticide industry in the times of autarky. Agricultural engineers were the key protagonists in this process, but other human and non-human actors also played a pivotal role: a new pest (the Colorado beetle), Francoist politicians, farmers, landowners and industry managers. Our focus is on the use of pesticides against the Colorado beetle (the main threat to the potato crop), and the transition from arsenical pesticides to DDT during the 1940s. We discuss how the politics of autarky offered new opportunities for developing agronomic programmes and the chemical industry and led to the creation of the Register of Pesticides in 1942. We also discuss the role of these regulations in concealing the risks of pesticides from farmers and food consumers. Arsenic pesticides became sources of slow poisoning and tools for social control while reinforcing the alliance of agricultural engineers and Fascist politicians in their autarkic and authoritarian projects. When DDT arrived in Spain, the agricultural engineers praised the low toxicity it had demonstrated (compared to lead arsenate) in its first uses in public health and in military campaigns in Italy. Indeed, the data concerning its potential dangers disappeared from view thanks in part to a large multimedia campaign launched to promote the introduction of the new organic pesticides in Spanish agriculture, which is described at the end of the paper.
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36

Postel, Sandra. "ES Views: Controlling Toxic Chemicals." Environmental Science & Technology 22, no. 1 (January 1988): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/es00166a602.

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37

HILEMAN, BETTE. "Toxic chemicals monitoring program threatened." Chemical & Engineering News 65, no. 49 (December 7, 1987): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v065n049.p006.

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38

Tolba, Mostafa K. "Toxic Chemicals–United Nations Initiative." Environmental Conservation 14, no. 1 (1987): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900011164.

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HILEMAN, BETTE. "PROTECTING CHILDREN FROM TOXIC CHEMICALS." Chemical & Engineering News 87, no. 1 (January 5, 2009): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v087n001.p034.

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40

Criss, Wayne E. "Molecular Mechanisms of Toxic Chemicals." Indoor and Built Environment 12, no. 6 (December 2003): 395–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1420326x03039691.

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41

Schoental, R. "Immunotoxicology, AIDS and toxic chemicals." Journal of Applied Toxicology 8, no. 4 (August 1988): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jat.2550080411.

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42

Hathway, D. E. "Toxic Hazards of Rubber Chemicals." Occupational and Environmental Medicine 42, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oem.42.1.71.

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43

Phillips, John. "Toxic hazard assessment of chemicals." Food and Chemical Toxicology 26, no. 11-12 (January 1988): 961–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0278-6915(88)90097-x.

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44

Bennett, GaryF. "Toxic hazard assessment of chemicals." Journal of Hazardous Materials 17, no. 2 (December 1988): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-3894(88)80019-0.

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45

Utama, Bhakti Putra, Shary Charlotte Pattipeilhy, and Dr Reni Windiani. "Towards Perpetual Peace: The Dynamics of US and Vietnam Relations Since The Settlement of Agent Orange Case in 2000." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.394.

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Agent Orange is a toxic chemical liquid used by the United States military during the Vietnam War in 1955-1975. The use of chemical weapons is classified as a form of crime due to violations of international agreements. This research tries to explain how Agent Orange has become a significant factor in the dynamics of relations between the US and Vietnam. The dynamics will be analyzed using the concept by Immanuel Kant. There are 6 articles that must be done to achieve lasting peace, but this article only discusses articles 1, 5, and 6 which are the basis for the establishment of perpetual peace. Article 1 Perpetual Peace requires a peace agreement that is made as detailed as possible, evidenced by the articles in the 1973 Paris Peace Accord which did not prevent war in the short term, but succeeded in forming a long-term peace scheme. Article 5 Perpetual Peace is also implemented without the intervention of US in Vietnam domestic politics, which until now holds communist ideology. Finally, the US corrective action through the cleaning of the Agent Orange is an embodiment of article 6 of Perpetual Peace. Changes in relations carried out through various collaborations have resulted in a process leading to lasting peace, at least for the US and Vietnam.
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46

Smith, Kilian E. C., Stine N. Schmidt, Nathalie Dom, Ronny Blust, Martin Holmstrup, and Philipp Mayer. "Baseline Toxic Mixtures of Non-Toxic Chemicals: “Solubility Addition” Increases Exposure for Solid Hydrophobic Chemicals." Environmental Science & Technology 47, no. 4 (February 2013): 2026–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/es3040472.

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47

Henry, Laura A. "Blue–Green Coalitions: Fighting for Safe Workplaces and Healthy Communities. By Brian Mayer." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003403.

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Blue–Green Coalitions: Fighting for Safe Workplaces and Healthy Communities. By Brian Mayer. Ithaca, NY: ILR Press and Cornell University Press, 2009. 240p. $57.95 cloth. $19.95 paper.When do labor-environmental coalitions emerge and endure? In a period when headlines are dominated by economic recession, unemployment, and oil spills, the focus of Brian Mayer's book takes on practical urgency. The question is theoretically intriguing as well. Labor unions are often characterized as archetypical interest-based organizations, representing industrial workers' concerns for their own material well-being. Environmental mobilization, in contrast, is seen as a quality-of-life movement most commonly associated with members of the postindustrial middle class who possess leisure time and resources sufficient to enable their activism. When the question of how to regulate industries that employ toxic chemicals arises, these two groups can become locked in an acrimonious jobs versus the environment debate, making them more likely antagonists than allies. This sense of latent opposition is captured by one worker's assertion that greens want to “save the whales and kill the workers” (p. 2). How can these divisions be overcome? In his clearly written and compelling book, Blue–Green Coalitions, Mayer argues that concern over the effects of hazardous materials on human health offers one avenue for generating powerful and enduring coalitions.
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48

Woywod, Pam. "Access to Data on Toxic Chemicals." Hastings Center Report 15, no. 1 (February 1985): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3561923.

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49

Uchiyama, Mitsuru. "Quantitative Risk Assessment of Toxic Chemicals." Japan journal of water pollution research 11, no. 6 (1988): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2965/jswe1978.11.338.

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50

Howells, David H. "Editorial. Toxic Chemicals in Surface Waters." Environmental Science & Technology 20, no. 1 (January 1986): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/es00143a604.

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