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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics of housing'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Waldron, Richard. "Housing, place and populism: Towards a research agenda." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 53, no. 5 (June 9, 2021): 1219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x211022363.

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This exchange considers the unrecognised interplay between two major political–economic trends shaping contemporary Europe, namely the upward trend in housing-induced inequalities and rising support for populist politics. Europe's housing systems have undergone dramatic transformations in recent decades that are exacerbating housing precarity, wealth inequalities and socio-spatial polarisation. At the same time, European politics has witnessed a growing acceptance of populist political rhetoric, values and policies as populists exploit citizens' economic anxieties and perceived cultural grievances. Yet, existing research overlooks the connections between housing system dynamics, housing precarity and political disaffection. In response, this exchange proposes a new approach – housing discontent – to capture how deepening housing precarity and place inequalities are influencing social attitudes, political values and preferences and resulting in a more polarised contemporary politics.

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2

Ansell, Ben W. "The Politics of Housing." Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-071146.

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Owning a house is the most important economic choice most families will ever make. Yet, our understanding of the political causes and consequences of homeownership is rather thin. This review argues that political scientists need to take housing much more seriously, not least because of the unprecedented surges and collapses of house prices over the past two decades. The housing market is both a proxy for and a cause of growing social cleavages that shape how citizens view political issues from the size of the welfare state to the attractiveness of populist campaigns. The article begins by re-examining classic work on property from the nineteenth century as a still-relevant guide to the winners and losers from property market shocks and regulations. It then turns to the postwar era and work that suggests that the welfare state and property ownership are in some sense substitutes. It concludes by examining the role housing plays in shaping contemporary political preferences, both as a direct measure of individuals' wealth and welfare and as a proxy for the relative fortunes of different places.

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3

Lund, Brian. "The Electoral Politics of Housing." Political Quarterly 86, no. 4 (October 2015): 500–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12205.

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4

Lundqvist, Lennart J. "Economics, politics, and housing finance." Scandinavian Housing and Planning Research 6, no. 4 (January 1989): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02815738908730203.

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5

Ricketts, Martin. "The Politics of Housing Unmasked." Economic Affairs 7, no. 1 (October 1986): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.1986.tb01808.x.

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6

Stoker, Gerry, and Tim Brindley. "Asian Politics and Housing Renewal." Policy & Politics 13, no. 3 (July 1, 1985): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557385782595972.

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7

Reft, Ryan. "The Privatization of Military Family Housing in Linda Vista, 1944–1956." California History 92, no. 1 (2015): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2015.92.1.53.

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From its creation as a military housing development to its ultimate transformation into private housing, Linda Vista, in San Diego, ran the ideological spectrum—ranging from a foil for alleged communism, to a repository for proto Right Wing conservatism—simultaneously revealing burgeoning sunbelt politics and the conflict between the housing needs of military families and the anti-public housing ethos of the city's political class. Though the Navy required such projects to house its service personnel and their dependents, the city and many residents sought to eliminate public housing. Linda Vista also demonstrates the intersection of military housing, race, and local politics. For the left, it served as a fortress of political support in the 1940s, but by the 1950s, Linda Vista came to be a Republican stronghold. Ultimately, Linda Vista's shift previewed the New Right conservatism that Sunbelt metropolises would promote in the latter half of the twentieth century.

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8

Solomos, John. "The Politics of Race and Housing." Policy & Politics 19, no. 3 (July 1, 1991): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557391782454214.

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9

Lang, Robert E., Katrin B. Anacker, and Steven Hornburg. "The new politics of affordable housing." Housing Policy Debate 19, no. 2 (January 2008): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2008.9521633.

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10

Murie, Alan, and Rob Rowlands. "The New Politics of Urban Housing." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 26, no. 3 (June 2008): 644–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c65m.

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11

Hoggart, Keith. "Where has social housing gone? Politics, housing need and social housing construction in England." Space and Polity 3, no. 1 (May 1999): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562579908721784.

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12

Fennell, Catherine. "‘Project heat’ and sensory politics in redeveloping Chicago public housing." Ethnography 12, no. 1 (March 2011): 40–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138110387221.

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This article examines Chicago’s ongoing public housing reforms and more broadly, welfare reform, as a kind of sensory politics. I analyze experiences of home heating at a redeveloping public housing project to establish how neoliberal demands for self-responsibility have become tied to demands that transitioning residents reconfigure their subjective senses of comfort. These twin demands have distributed the risks of transitioning out of public housing across an individual’s understanding of personal security as well as her obligations to kin. I show how approaching welfare reform as a sensory politics illuminates the emerging conditions of political recognition available to Chicago public housing residents as their longstanding representational bodies face obsolescence. Moreover, I argue that this approach invites us to reconsider theories of contestation and survival within urban poor people’s social movements.

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13

Cassidy, Kathryn. "Housing, the hyper-precarization of asylum seekers and the contested politics of welcome on Tyneside." Radical Housing Journal 2, no. 1 (May 4, 2020): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/uhpo9977.

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This paper analyses the role of housing in shaping the contested politics of welcome in the North East of England. It argues that changes to state provision of asylum seeker housing and the introduction of new legislation to create a hostile internalised bordering regime have led to a hyper-precarization of asylum seekers, which has been contested through a range of political projects at the urban scale. On Tyneside, these projects coalesced around struggles for improvements to state-provided accommodation for asylum seekers. The analysis reveals that whilst asylum housing has become key to the articulation of the politics of welcome within cities outside of London, it is spatially and temporally differentiated. The differential political projects shaping ‘welcoming’ at the urban scale emerge from contestation between a range of actors. On Tyneside, this contested politics arises from two key shifts: a change in national and local government in 2010 and 2011, which catalysed an oppositional politics of welcome amongst regional politicians; and the emergence of a new civil society initiative on Tyneside, whose direct action destabilised the relatively sedimented existing political landscape of welcome in the region, making space for differentiated asylum seeker political subjectivities.

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14

Levin, Laura, and Sunita Nigam. "Editorial: The Politics of Performing House: Transnational Perspectives." Canadian Theatre Review 191 (August 1, 2022): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.191.001.

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Asking, What is the relationship between housing and performance?, editors Laura Levin and Sunita Nigam insist that the lines between the two begin to blur when we attend to the aesthetic and embodied dimensions of housing, on the one hand, and the homely, spatial, and thematic concerns of certain performances, on the other. Considering contexts of housing crises, shortages, and discrimination, the editors argue that houses of all kinds must be treated as processual, performative practices and as intended and unintended displays that reveal much about the material contexts in which they are embedded. As important zones for the realization, rehearsal, thwarting, or abandonment of private and collective fantasies, all houses are ‘dream houses,’ whether these dreams be good or bad. Levin and Nigam make a case for paying attention to aesthetic references, movement vocabularies, narratives about housing, scripts for housing practices, and the gendering and racializing of certain roles—all aspects of ‘practising house’—that make spaces (real and imagined) meaningful for those who perform them and spectate them. They argue for the importance of reading housing practices both in relation to local conditions and through transnational and hemispheric frameworks, asserting that the performative politics of housing brings into view shared experiences of dwelling, citizenship, and belonging that cross—and, more crucially, contest—geopolitical borders. In doing so, they emphasize how housing practices are haunted by the rupture that colonization created with existing Indigenous modes of dwelling, especially as a consequence of establishing settler-colonial territory and domestic spaces.

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15

Troy, Laurence. "The politics of urban renewal in Sydney’s residential apartment market." Urban Studies 55, no. 6 (March 15, 2017): 1329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017695459.

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Australia has long had a deeply speculative housing property market. Arguably this has been accentuated in recent years as successive governments have privileged private-sector investment in housing property as the key mechanism for delivering housing and a concurrent winding back of direct government support for housing. This has occurred through a period in which urban renewal and flexible planning regulation have become the key focus of urban planning policy to deliver on compact city ambitions in the name of sustainability. There has been a tendency to read many of the higher density housing outcomes as a relatively homogenous component of the housing market. There has been a comparative lack of critical engagement with differentiated spatial, physical and socio-economic outcomes within the higher density housing market. This paper will explore the interactions between flexible design-based planning policies, the local property market and physical outcomes. Different parts of the property development industry produced distinctive social and physical outcomes within the same regulatory space. Each response was infused with similar politics of exclusion and privilege in which capacity to pay regulated both access and standard of housing accessible, opening new socio-economic divisions within Australia’s housing landscape.

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16

Murphy, Laurence. "The politics of land supply and affordable housing: Auckland’s Housing Accord and Special Housing Areas." Urban Studies 53, no. 12 (July 21, 2016): 2530–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098015594574.

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17

McAteer, Mark. "The Politics of Housing Rehabilitation in Glasgow." Scottish Affairs 10 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 1995): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1995.0006.

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18

Bengtsson, Bo. "Politics and housing markets—four normative arguments." Scandinavian Housing and Planning Research 12, no. 3 (January 1995): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02815739508730382.

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19

Berry, Mike. "The Politics of Housing Booms and Busts." Housing, Theory and Society 30, no. 1 (March 2013): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036096.2012.709428.

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20

Severinsen, Christina Anne, and Philippa Howden-Chapman. "The Problem and Politics of Temporary Housing." Housing, Theory and Society 31, no. 2 (September 2, 2013): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036096.2013.830984.

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21

Jacobs, Keith, and Kathleen Flanagan. "Public housing and the politics of stigma." Australian Journal of Social Issues 48, no. 3 (September 2013): 319–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.2013.tb00285.x.

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22

Keenan, Paul, Stuart Lowe, and Sheila Spencer. "Housing Abandonment in Inner Cities-The Politics of Low Demand for Housing." Housing Studies 14, no. 5 (September 1999): 703–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039982687.

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23

Boelhouwer, Peter, and Harry Heijden. "Housing policy in seven European countries: The role of politics in housing." Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment 8, no. 4 (December 1993): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02496562.

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24

von Hoffman, Alexander. "History lessons for today's housing policy: the politics of low-income housing." Housing Policy Debate 22, no. 3 (June 2012): 321–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2012.680478.

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25

Murphy, Laurence. "Reasserting the ‘social’ in social rented housing: politics, housing policy and housing reforms in New Zealand." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27, no. 1 (March 2003): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00433.

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26

Matznetter, Walter. "Organizational Networks in a Corporatist Housing System Non-Profit Housing Associations and Housing Politics in Vienna, Austria." Scandinavian Housing and Planning Research 9, sup2 (January 1992): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02815737.1992.10801440.

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27

Bacher, John. "W. C. Clark and the Politics of Canadian Housing Policy, 1935-1952." Articles 17, no. 1 (August 7, 2013): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017697ar.

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To a remarkable extent the course of Canadian housing policy from 1935 to 1952 was set by the deputy minister of finance, W. C. Clark. By developing programs that stimulated the building of new homes for sale, he was able to deflect growing calls for a substantial federal program of subsidized low rental housing. Working in close consultation with representatives of mortgage-lending institutions, including D'Arcy Leonard, and with David Mansur, inspector of mortgages for Sun Life and later president of Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Clark was able to build an alliance of realty interests, home builders, life insurance companies, and material supply companies, such as retail lumber dealers. This alliance prevailed over public-housing supporters: trade unions, large construction companies, architects, social workers and urban planners. Clark was largely responsible for drafting the Dominion Housing Act of 1935 and the national housing acts of 1938 and 1944. Although all his legislation was geared to building new homes, and reducing political criticism, these acts also contained misleading and unworkable provisions for low-income housing. During World War II Clark reluctantly accepted rent-control and federal rental housing, but he restricted their scope and oversaw their phasing out by his long-time associate Mansur. Clark was also crucial in developing government programs that fostered large residential builders to plan future urban communities.

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28

Rüter, Alexander. "Politics that Matter in Nas’s "Illmatic"." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 13, no. 1 (April 28, 2022): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2022.13.1.4423.

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This essay focusses on a single, seminal piece of American hip-hop music: Nas’s Illmatic. Taking prompts from ANT and new materialism, and from Bruno Latour more specifically, I argue that Illmatic can and should be read as an exploration of the specific urban ecology from which it originated. This ecology is one of the urban landscape of New York’s housing projects as much as of the social practices of their inhabitants. At the same time, it is a concrete articulation, to borrow Latour’s famous phrase, of the racist policies that those who planned and oversaw its construction aimed to enforce. Though Nas’s music is often thought of as not as explicitly political as that of Public Enemy or KRS-One, a reading of it in this context reveals that it has no less political potential. Throughout the album, there is a detailed and complex engagement with the housing projects and how they contain and modify the possible mental landscapes of those who inhabit them. Incarceration, a central question for both Nas and Black America, must then be thought of as something that is not limited to the milieu of the prison. Instead, it is the prevailing condition in the urban ecologies of the housing projects. This imprisonment Nas understands in two ways: materially and mentally, working on bodies and working on minds. The very possibilities of thought are limited and formed by the ecologies of concrete that they take place in. Ultimately, through a close and careful reading of Illmatic, it becomes clear that the oppression of African Americans is not simply a social one: it is material. The housing projects themselves are an attempt to construct an urban environment that constrains thought, to make impossible the imagination of an alternative.

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29

Talley, Kathryn D., and Doug A. Timmer. "Resisting Shelterization: The Politics of Housing and Homelessness." Housing and Society 19, no. 3 (January 1992): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08882746.1992.11430140.

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30

Moore, Tom. "In defense of housing: the politics of crisis." Housing Studies 33, no. 8 (November 17, 2018): 1287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2018.1504649.

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31

Lauster, Nathanael. "In Defense of Housing: The Politics of Crisis." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 47, no. 2 (February 21, 2018): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306118755396y.

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32

Ansell, Ben, and David Adler. "Brexit and the Politics of Housing in Britain." Political Quarterly 90, S2 (February 3, 2019): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12621.

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33

Goetz, Edward G. "The Politics of Poverty Deconcentration and Housing Demolition." Journal of Urban Affairs 22, no. 2 (June 2000): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0735-2166.00048.

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34

Dorling, Danny. "Policy, politics, health and housing in the UK." Policy & Politics 43, no. 2 (April 30, 2015): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557315x14259845316193.

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35

Einstein, Katherine Levine, David M. Glick, and Maxwell Palmer. "Neighborhood Defenders: Participatory Politics and America's Housing Crisis." Political Science Quarterly 135, no. 2 (June 2020): 281–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.13035.

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36

Falanga, Roberto, Simone Tulumello, Andy Inch, Ana Rita Alves, Sílvia Jorge, Jannis Kühne, and Rita Silva. "The “Caravana pelo Direito à Habitação”: Towards a new movement for housing in Portugal?" Radical Housing Journal 1, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/yjjj7771.

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The Caravana pelo Direito à Habitação travelled across Portugal together with local groups and associations to collect information on and give visibility to housing needs, while aiming to create new networks and influence the national political agenda. This conversation brings together seven scholar-activists that participated in the Caravana, who reflect upon the Caravana and contemporary struggles on the right to housing in Portugal. The conversation sheds light on some contentious issues that are presented through a selection of relevant excerpts, which cover personal identities as scholar-activists; contexts shaping contemporary housing struggles; and the relation of the Caravana to the the politics of housing in Portugal.

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37

Basile, Patricia, and Tarcyla Fidalgo Ribeiro. "Community Land Trusts in Contexts of Informality: Process, politics and challenges of implementation." Radical Housing Journal 4, no. 1 (July 13, 2022): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/prgj4618.

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Informal settlements house a significant portion of the world's population, who frequently struggle due to lack of proper housing, urban infrastructure, and insecure tenure. This is an overwhelming reality in Global South countries, requiring alternatives to guarantee permanent and secure affordable housing to residents while promoting community empowerment and quality of life improvements. Community land trusts offer promise for housing struggles due to their mechanism of securing housing affordability permanently and their premise of community control of development. However, despite such promise, there are scarce experiences of community land trusts in contexts of informality. Based on recent and ongoing CLT implementation experiences in Puerto Rico and Brazil, we explore the process, politics, and challenges of community land trust implementation in informal settlements. We consider its potentiality to support housing struggles and mitigate long-lasting dispossession in different urban and housing realities throughout the urban Global South.

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38

Rivera Blanco, Carla, Melissa García-Lamarca, and Mara Ferreri. "Vecinas ≠ neighbours: Language politics in the struggle for housing in Barcelona." Radical Housing Journal 3, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/ndqu1236.

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This Conversation emerges from Radical Housing Journal collaborators’ curiosity and reflections about the growing use of the term vecinas —in English, neighbour— among housing movements in Barcelona in recent years. From our participation in the fight for the right to housing in this city, we wanted to more deeply explore the dynamics behind the word vecinas through a conversation with three housing activists based in Barcelona’s Sant Andreu neighbourhood. From their experiences and activism, they explain the meanings of vecinas, to what extent its use signals a discursive turn, the reason for its feminisation and the convergences and divergences —and also the inclusiveness / exclusivity— in its use by different groups. Finally, they reflect on what vecinas has meant during the Covid-19 pandemic and the ‘no return to normality’.

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39

Millstein, Marianne. "‘If I Had My House, I’d Feel Free’: Housing and the (Re)Productions of Citizenship in Cape Town, South Africa." Urban Forum 31, no. 3 (July 29, 2020): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-020-09397-2.

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Abstract While urban divisions are commonly emphasized in urban studies, there has been less emphasis on reproductions and contestations of divides within marginal urban spaces. This paper explores the dynamics of juxtaposed differences related to housing and urban citizenship in Delft, Cape Town. Delft is a microcosm of thirty years of official housing interventions in post-apartheid South Africa. It is also a space in which differences of urban formality and informality and of permanence and temporariness co-exist, and where housing is at the centre of community politics. This is driven by residents’ perceptions, interpretations and negotiations of differentiated housing rights and opportunities, residential categories and identities and notions of belonging. A particular manifestation of juxtaposed material and temporal differences in housing infrastructure is the construction of temporary relocation areas (TRAs). The multifaceted challenges with the TRAs in Delft illustrate the political nature of housing infrastructure as reported by (Lemanski 2019a, b) and how citizen-making is shaped in and through articulations of formality and informality, and of permanence and temporariness. This informs a politics of citizenship where the precariousness of permanent temporariness as reported by (Yiftachel 2009) for those living in the TRAs is set against those whose right to secure housing is realized, giving them recognition and permanence as ‘proper’ citizens. These dynamics may simultaneously inform rights-based claims to citizenship through collective struggles and individual actions, and localized forms of exclusion from the project of citizenship.

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40

Chung, Hyun-Back. "Housing Reality and the Politics for Housing Reform - from German Empire to Weimar Republic." Korean History Education Review 132 (December 31, 2014): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2014.12.132.249.

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41

Özden, Bariş Alp. "Health, Morality and Housing: The Politics of Working Class Housing in Turkey, 1945-1960." New Perspectives on Turkey 49 (2013): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002053.

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AbstractDrawing on the insights of the growing critical literature on urban governance and housing policy, this article seeks to analyze the specific field of social reform in Turkey in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, in which housing shortages for working class families were depicted as constituting a new social and moral question. Housing policy was born in the early 1950s, as links were established between external sanitary and moral conditions and the homes of the poor, and as rival parties competed to attract the votes of the growing laboring masses. However, neither the middle class reformers nor the political elite supported direct state intervention to provide social housing for low-income citizens. T h e chosen solution was encouraging home ownership through minimum public subsidies to workers' cooperatives. Yet, cooperatives continued to build largely middle class housing during the period, which was far too costly for workers, while unauthorized land appropriations and squatting became the primary mechanism through which the working poor could be incorporated into the urban fabric.

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42

Montaner, Josep Maria, and Zaida Muxí Martínez. "Modern Housing: Heritage and Vitality." Modern Housing. Patrimonio Vivo, no. 51 (2014): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/51.a.m3ws825n.

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One of the main subjects in contemporary architecture is how to deal with the physical and intellectual requirements of transforming modern housing. Joan Busquets points out in his contribution to this issue, that the special effort made by modern architects and progressive housing politics during the 20th century must be reinterpreted and followed today. Intentionally, this issue brings a special focus on the Iberoamerican world, specifically Spain, Portugal and Latin America, with the aim of relocating it in a cultural world of predominantly Anglo-American historiography. In any case, it presents a very wide spectrum, including North America, Switzerland and Great Britain. For this reason the projects are presented as case studies, both housing politics in different countries, and paradigmatic architectural examples, either positive or negative.

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43

Mathers, Andrew. "Renters Rising! Extending the analysis of housing activism in Europe to the UK." Araucaria, no. 46 (2021): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i46.08.

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The material effects of austerity in the United Kingdom (UK) have generated a resurgence of activist initiatives in the field of housing central to which is ACORN that has developed into a federated organisation contesting housing practices and policies at both local and national levels. ACORN is used to expand the examination of housing activism in Europe beyond the cases in Spain and Germany to the UK (Ordonez et al, 2015). This article also utilises the qualitative methodology of a comparative case study and the framework of ideological and social backgrounds, political repertoires and political logics to present and analyse ACORN. While ACORN displays striking similarities to other cases, it also represents a different trajectory in housing activism that combines direct action with an engagement with party politics as social democracy seeks to return to its roots.

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44

Yeros, Stathis G., and Leonardo Chiesi. "Trans Territorialization: Building Empowerment beyond Identity Politics." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (September 21, 2022): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100429.

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Transgender/gender non-conforming (TGNC) people and especially people of color face homelessness and housing precarity in the United States at much higher rates than other LGBTQ+ people. In response, during the past decade, TGNC-centered organizations have spearheaded new forms of housing activism, such as cooperatives and Community Land Trusts, building spaces with distinct spatial and aesthetic characteristics. This paper situates those spaces within histories of LGBTQ+ placemaking. It advances the notion of trans territorialization through the analysis of a case study, My Sistah’s House, an organization led by TGNC people of color in Memphis, Tennessee. We analyze trans territorialization as an activist form of spatial appropriation distinct from the better-studied gayborhood model. We assess its generalizable characteristics at three distinct but interrelated scales: dwelling units, community, and cultural embodiment.

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45

Genz, Carolin. "Housing the elderly: Between crisis and resistance." Radical Housing Journal 1, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/rwzi1177.

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Rising rents have a drastic impact on the everyday lives of older people. As pensions are fixed, elderly renters are faced with the constant fear of losing their home, which often also means losing their social community and self-determination. In my research, I am concerned with ways in which older people can be politically active in public spaces in order to raise awareness for their struggles with rising rents. I consider the conditions of political and embodied action (Arendt 1958; Butler 2011, 2018) and claim that, in times of rent struggles, the older female body, in particular, becomes a site of rent politics.

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46

Chirisa, Innocent, Elmond Bandauko, and Nyasha Takawira Mutsindikwa. "Distributive politics at play in Harare, Zimbabwe: case for housing cooperatives." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (August 7, 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-015-0015-9.

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This paper is a case in distributive politics (and hinges on land-based power dynamics) arguing that in the absence of state capacity to provide for housing, housing cooperatives have emerged and controlled largely by patronage. In this case, there is exclusion of those individuals, households and families not politically connected; and this has deep and undesired consequences in the management of urban areas in the end. In the Greater Harare urban (and peri-urban) landscape, the housing cooperatives have the power to control their members with respect to the contributions that each member can make in terms of finance and sweat equity (labor). Nevertheless, land as a resource remains a prerogative of the state, which the ZANU PF regime has controlled for a span of more than 30 years now. Housing cooperatives in Harare, as elsewhere in the country, try to identify with ZANU PF as a party identifying with conservativism enshrined in the existing laws (albeit the New Constitution that came about in 2013) and a party advocating for equity in the distribution of the land. Cooperatives have become a tool in which ZANU PF has re-asserted its influence and hegemony.

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Mielke, Katja, and Helena Cermeño. "Mitigating Pro-Poor Housing Failures: Access Theory and the Politics of Urban Governance." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 439–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.4113.

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Looking at evolving urban governance and planning practices in the city of Lahore, Pakistan, the article aims to understand—from an Evolutionary Governance Theory perspective—to what extent these practices steer paths and modes of service provision and housing for low-income residents. With a focus on the endurance and transformations of urban governance practices and institutions, we first explore the influence of the changing development discourse and the impact it has had on the (re)configuration of urban governance and housing policies in Lahore. Second, drawing on extensive fieldwork and empirical data collected between 2012 and 2016, we highlight three vignettes depicting the development of different housing options for low-income residents in Lahore, i.e., a government-steered subsidised housing scheme, a privately developed ‘pro-poor’ settlement in the peri-urban fringe of the city, and residential colonies already—or in the process of being—regularised. By analysing the relationship between governance frameworks, the establishment of the three types of settlements and how residents manage to access housing and services there, we demonstrate how purposive deregulation in governance and policy generates a disconnect between urban normative frameworks (i.e., urban planning tools and pro-poor housing policies) and residents’ needs and everyday practices. We argue that this highly political process is not exclusively path-dependent but has also allowed the creation of liminal spaces based on agency and collective action strategies of low-income residents.

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McCarthy, Christine. "Concrete passions: Anscombe's material politics." Architectural History Aotearoa 8 (January 1, 2011): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v8i.7097.

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Edmund Anscombe (1874-1948) was an advocate of concrete as a building material, especially in relation to housing. This paper examines Anscombe's promotion of concrete, with specific reference to his patented OK blocks in the 1920s, a time when he is better known for his work on the University of Otago campus, the 1925 New Zealand and South Seas Exhibition, and his move from Dunedin to Wellington in 1928.

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Akulich, Maria M., and Kristina S. Melnik. "Housing Politics as a Factor of Society’s Demographic Security." Tyumen State University Herald. Social, Economic, and Law Research 2, no. 4 (2016): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-7897-2016-2-4-23-37.

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Dreier, Peter, and John Atlas. "US housing problems, politics and policies in the 1990s." Housing Studies 10, no. 2 (April 1995): 245–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673039508720819.

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