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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics of French industry'
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1
Carrol, Alison. "Wine Making and the Politics of Identity in Alsace, 1918–1939." Contemporary European History 29, no. 4 (November 2020): 380–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000375.
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This article examines the politics of wine making in Alsace in the two decades after the region returned to French rule in 1918. During these years Alsatian wine makers worked to transform their wines to meet the tastes of French drinkers, following five decades of producing wine for German consumption. As wine makers grappled with the question of how to secure the future of their industry, Alsatian wine became emblematic of the most contentious aspects of Alsace's reintegration into France. The introduction of new laws on viticulture raised the question of what was French about wine, the wine industry's woes symbolised the difficulties of Alsace's economic reintegration and wine became an emblem for often fierce wrangling over identity and belonging in the recovered region. This article traces this process and argues that while wine became a symbol of the complications of reintegration, its importance in understandings of French national culture equally allowed it to offer a solution to the problems that return to France caused for Alsace's wine industry in the interwar years. In this way, this case study of the politics of wine making in Alsace is suggestive of wine's broader power as a symbol of national belonging.
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Thirault, Eric. "The politics of supply: the Neolithic axe industry in Alpine Europe." Antiquity 79, no. 303 (March 2005): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113687.
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By examining their rock sources and mode of manufacture, the author offers a new interpretation for the Neolithic polished axe blades found in the western Alpine region. The dominant examples were made from rock extracted on the Italian side of the Alps (eclogitic) and finished in workshops on the French side. These first appeared as large blades with symbolic status, as part of the Neolithic expansion in North Italy. By the middle Neolithic the blades were reduced in size, but enjoying their widest distribution, creating a cultural zone on the left bank of the Rhône, more than 200 km from their source. In the late Neolithic, although the zone of influence was still large, the eclogites in the Rhône Valley were giving way to more local rock sources and copper. The fluctuations in this supply are interpreted as reflecting the varied political relations of Alpine communities.
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Passmore, Kevin. "Business, corporatism and the crisis of the French Third Republic. The example of the silk industry in Lyon, 1928–1935." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 959–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020525.
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ABSTRACTThe main purpose of this case study of an abortive entente in the Lyon silk industry in 1935 is to show that corporatism, often depicted by historians as a vague intellectual doctrine with little or no appeal to real business, was in reality a key category, linking business, politics and ideology. It is suggested that the problems of the silk industry must be seen in the context of a crisis of the Lyonnais liberal tradition and of the economic and ideological contradictions of French society as a whole. These tensions help in turn to explain the authoritarian potential of corporatism in the 1930s and the attraction of many business people to anti-parliamentary political movements. The example of the silk industry also reveals that corporatism cannot easily be categorised in terms of a traditional/modern dichotomy and that the impetus for the transformation of the French economy originated as much in the ideas of business people themselves as in the actions of the elite groups emphasised by some historians.
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Gendron, Robin S. "At Odds Over INCO: The International Nickel Company of Canada and New Caledonian Politics in the 1960s." Canada, Empire, and Decolonization 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044401ar.
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In the 1960s, the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) sought to preserve its dominance of the global nickel industry by securing access to New Caledonia’s abundant reserves of nickel ore. In attempting to do so, however, INCO became embroiled in an acrimonious political dispute between New Caledonian autonomists, who wanted to diversify the territory’s economic activities and secure greater self-government from French rule, and the government of France, which considered INCO a threat to French sovereignty over New Caledonia and France’s interests in the Pacific. In obstructing INCO’s ability to operate in New Caledonia throughout the 1960s, however, the French government inadvertently galvanized the territory’s nationalists and increased their demands for autonomy from France.
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Headrick, Daniel R., and Pascal Griset. "Submarine Telegraph Cables: Business and Politics, 1838–1939." Business History Review 75, no. 3 (2001): 543–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116386.
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International telecommunication is not only a business but also a political enterprise, the subject of great-power rivalries. In the late nineteenth century, British firms held a near monopoly, because Britain had more advanced industry, a wealthier capital market, and a merchant marine and colonial empire that provided customers for the new service. After the 1880s, they encountered increasing competition on the North Atlantic from American, German, and French firms. Elsewhere, the British conglomerate Eastern and Associated retained its hegemony until the 1920s. Following World War I, radiotelegraphy threatened the dominance of cables. In the 1930s, cable companies were almost bankrupted by the Depression and by competition from shortwave radio.
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Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.
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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Bergeron, Henri, Patrick Castel, and Abigail C. Saguy. "A FRENCH PARADOX?" French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205.
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The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail at any given moment.
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Milner, Helen. "Resisting the protectionist temptation: industry and the making of trade policy in France and the United States during the 1970s." International Organization 41, no. 4 (1987): 639–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027636.
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Why were advanced industrial states able to keep their economies relatively open to foreign trade in the 1970s and the early 1980s, despite declining U.S. hegemony and increasing economic difficulties? This article argues that an international-level change affected domestic trade politics and contributed to the maintenance of a liberal trading system. Examining the United States and France, the argument proceeds in two steps, showing first how domestic trade politics were changed and second how this change affected the policy process. Initially, I argue that aspects of the increased international economic interdependence of the postwar period altered domestic trade politics by creating new, anti-protectionist preferences among certain firms. Firms with extensive international ties through exports, multinational production, and global intra-firm trade have come to oppose protectionism, since it is very costly for them. Evidence for these new preferences was apparent among both American and French industries. Despite different contexts, firms in the two countries reacted similarly to the growth of interdependence. Next, I ask whether firms' preferences affected trade policy outcomes and show how these preferences were integrated into the policy process in both countries. Trade policy structures in neither country prevented firms' preferences from affecting the policies adopted. Even in France, a so-called “strong” state, firms' preferences were a key influence on policy. In the trade policy area then, the French and American states did not appear to differ greatly in their susceptibility to industry influence, even though their policy processes were different.
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Lapina, N. "Is There Any Chance to Revive French Industry?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 10 (2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-10-103-111.
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Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.
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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.
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Johnson, Jay K. "Stone Tools, Politics, and the Eighteenth-Century Chickasaw in Northeast Mississippi." American Antiquity 62, no. 2 (April 1997): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282507.
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The technological analysis of a collection of cores, flakes, unifaces, and bifaces from a Chickasaw site in northeast Mississippi makes it clear that the lithic industry was substantially reorganized to meet the functional demands of the early eighteenth-century colonial economy. The focus of this industry was a distinctive, well-made end scraper. Similar tools occur throughout the Midwest during late prehistoric times and extend into the middle Mississippi River valley during the protohistoric. Although the Midwest scrapers are likely a response to the spread of bison into that region, a study of the distribution of the Chickasaw tool kit in time and space suggests that it was used to process deer skins, the primary focus of the trade with the French and English in the Southeast. However, stone scrapers are not found on all early eighteenth-century Chickasaw sites. The historical documents suggest that some villages were more successful in their trade relations with the Europeans and were therefore able to replace stone tools with metal at an earlier date. An examination of the occurrence of stone tools throughout the Southeast during the early historic period indicates that relative distance to ports of trade was the primary determinant of the rate at which stone-tool technology was abandoned.
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Lu, Jialiang, and Feng Zhao. "French Silk Varieties in Eighteenth Century." Asian Social Science 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n1p53.
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The design of French silk was very exquisite. Which has formed a clear specification and strict classification system even teaching materials in Eighteenth Century. Based on the existing material objects and teaching materials, this paper systematically sorts out the variety system of French silk fabrics, makes a detailed classification of varieties, and analyzes the political factors of the prosperity and development of French silk industry in the 18th century.
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Shaev, Brian. "Workers’ Politics, the Communist Challenge, and the Schuman Plan: A Comparative History of the French Socialist and German Social Democratic Parties and the First Treaty for European Integration." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 251–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000250.
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AbstractThe Schuman Plan to “pool” the coal and steel industries of Western Europe has been widely celebrated as the founding document of today’s European Union. An expansive historiography has developed around the plan but labor and workers are largely absent from existing accounts, even though the sectors targeted for integration, coal and steel, are traditionally understood as centers of working-class militancy and union activity in Europe. Existing literature generally considers the role coal and steel industries played as objects of the Schuman Plan negotiations but this article reverses this approach. It examines instead how labor politics in the French Nord and Pas-de-Calais and the German Ruhr, core industrial regions, influenced the positions adopted by two prominent political parties, the French Socialist and German Social Democratic parties, on the integration of European heavy industry. The empirical material combines archival research in party and national archives with findings from regional histories of the Nord/Pas-de-Calais, the Ruhr, and their local socialist party chapters, as well as from historical and sociological research on miners and industrial workers. The article analyses how intense battles between socialists and communists for the allegiance of coal and steel workers shaped the political culture of these regions after the war and culminated during a mass wave of strikes in 1947–1948. The divergent political outcomes of these battles in the Nord/Pas-de-Calais and the Ruhr, this article contends, strongly contributed to the decisions of the French Socialist Party to support and the German Social Democratic Party to oppose the Schuman Plan in 1950.
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Laukkanen, Tatu-Ilari. "Shanghai gangster films and the politics of change." Novos Olhares 9, no. 1 (July 10, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2238-7714.no.2020.172000.
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In this paper through a very close textual reading I will show the ideological differences between two films based on the life of Shanghai gangster Du Yuesheng (1888, Pudong – 1951, Hong Kong) through close formal and narrative analysis. Du was already a celebrity in his day in the Republican era and is still a con-troversial figure in Greater China. However, there are only two films based on the life of the French Con-cession opium kingpin, the recent Hong Kong/PRC co-production The Last Tycoon (Da Shang Hai, Wong Jing, 2012) and the epic two part Lord of the East China Sea I & II (Shang Hai huang di zhi: Sui yue feng yun & Shang Hai huang di zhi: Xiong ba tia xia, Hong Kong, Poon Man-kit 1993). I show how these films reflect HK's and China's politico-economic changes focusing on the representation of social class and the subject, depiction of internal migration and immigration, and nationalism. The films will be discussed in their relation to changes in the Hong Kong film industry, Chinese and world cinema and the transnational gangster genre, showing how local and global cinemas have affected these films.
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Elnaboulsi, Jihad C. "Organization, Management and Delegation in the French Water Industry." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 72, no. 4 (December 2001): 507–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8292.00180.
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Brook, Paul, and Christina Purcell. "The resistible rise of the temporary employment industry in France." Economic and Industrial Democracy 41, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x17695439.
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This article is an historical account of the contested growth of the temporary employment agency sector in France. It utilises a variegated capitalism conceptual framework to explain the evolution of a distinctive temporary employment agency sector and regulatory environment under French politico-institutional conditions that was contingent upon global developments. The article charts the role of large agencies in constructing a market for agency labour despite wide-scale cultural, political and trade union opposition. In order to build legitimacy, agencies sought partners in the labour movement from the late 1960s onwards. By the late 1990s, the sector had grown significantly within a gradually more permissive regulatory framework, despite ongoing but fragmenting opposition. The article demonstrates that the growth of agency labour was not an inevitable outcome of global pressure for labour market deregulation. It also reveals how national regulatory institutions alone are not a sufficient bulwark against global labour market pressures.
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Chikhachev, Aleksey. "French Arms Export Policy: Features and Prospects." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.17.
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Introduction. As part of French foreign policy, arms trade is currently considered to be a specific way to promote national influence in the world and support defense industry at home. This approach has been already exercised for several decades, but the last presidency was an entirely new and interesting point in this respect because in 2015 and 2016 French arms trade attained the highest income rates. Methods. The key notion of this article is French ‘strategic autonomy’ which remains a pivotal point of any diplomatic activity of France since Charles de Gaulle’s presidency. Arms export perfectly corresponds to this point because it helps to maintain French autonomy in economic and political ways. To prove it, several methods were provided such as functional method, comparative analysis and SWOT-analysis. Analysis. This article aims to identify the specifics of contemporary French arms export policy. In this regard, the text is divided in three parts. The first one defines military export as a part of ‘strategic autonomy’ concept. To explain the recent growth, the second part explores a new governmental approach to arms trade. The third part brings together the issues and prospects of French military export expected for Emmanuel Macron’s term. Results. The main conclusion is that the new president seems to conduct the same policy as his predecessor. The government has reaffirmed its main principles in the field and renewed a political support for arms contracts. Military cooperation with foreign countries still officially depends on the idea of ‘strategic autonomy’ of France and its defense industry.
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TOYE, RICHARD. "THE STUDY OF POLITICS AS A VOCATION." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004327.
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The myth of Mr Butskell: the politics of British economic policy, 1950–1955. By Scott Kelly. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7546-0604-X. £42.50.The Labour party and taxation: party identity and political purpose in twentieth-century Britain. By Richard Whiting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+294. ISBN 0-521-57160-X. £45.00.British social policy since 1945. Second edition. By Howard Glennerster. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995, 2000. Pp. xii+260. ISBN 0-631-22022-4. £15.99.Governance, industry and labour markets in Britain and France: the modernising state in the mid-twentieth century. Edited by Noel Whiteside and Robert Salais. London and New York: Routledge, 1998. Pp. xi+295. ISBN 0-415-15733-1. £45.00.The final result of political action often, no, even regularly, stands in completely inadequate and often even paradoxical relation to its original meaning. Max Weber, Politics as a Vocation (1918–19)Hugh Gaitskell (Labour chancellor of the exchequer, 1950–1) remarked in 1957 that ‘professional politicians, when they have been in the job for any length of time, are not well fitted for really deep thinking, partly because they have no time for it and partly because the very practice of their art involves them in continual simplification’. This candid observation has important implications for the study of how past politicians formulated policy. The books under review all deal with differing aspects of British (and also, in one case, French) economic and social policy in the twentieth century. They all show, to varying degrees, that parties, governments, and other political actors have proffered apparently simplistic and muddled solutions to important problems. But was this because of intellectual deficiency on their part, or was it an inevitable consequence of the exercise of what Rab Butler, Gaitskell's Conservative successor, famously called ‘the art of the possible’?
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Provenzano, François. "A ‘semio’ approach to fashion discourse: critical perspectives on the luxury industry." Punctum. International Journal of Semiotics 06, no. 02 (March 1, 2021): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18680/hss.2020.0031.
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This book offers rich and clear critical perspectives on the luxury fashion industry and its market mediations. It relies on a multi-layered methodology and deals with a wide variety of materials: texts, images, but also objects, experiences, exhibitions, buildings, interiors. By doing so, Mouratidou demonstrates the unity (in other words: the standard format) of the politics of re-presentation in the luxury fashion industry and the unity of the semio approach she defends. Grounded on the semiotic analysis of discourses (from Greimas to Dondero and Fontanille), this approach includes the numerous insights of the most recent works in Communication studies. The book also offers a fruitful overview of the French tradition of critical works on cultural industries and mediations (from Barthes to Jeanneret); it also sheds light – most appropriately – on this tradition’s Critical Theory background (Benjamin, Adorno & Horkheimer, Debord). In addition, we must also highlight Mouratidou’s terminological creativity. In her case studies, she proposes a range of stimulating theoretical terms, such as re-presentation, semiotic capital, culturalisation, fictivation, event-formula, and others adopted from theatre studies.
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Hanagan, Michael P., and Herrick Chapman. "State Capitalism and Working-Class Radicalism in the French Aircraft Industry." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 4 (July 1992): 472. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075861.
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Reid, Donald, Jean-Michel Galano, and Herrick Chapman. "State Capitalism and Working-Class Radicalism in the French Aircraft Industry." Le Mouvement social, no. 158 (January 1992): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779336.
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Kraemer, R. Andreas. "Privatization in the Water Industry." Public Works Management & Policy 3, no. 2 (October 1998): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x9800300202.
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Throughout the world, privatization of water supply and the sewerage services is a controversial topic of political debate. Any nationalization, privatization, municipalization, or alteration in the regulatory regime constitutes a significant change of the institutional mechanism of water management. This article, based on a comparative analysis of water management institutions in selected member states of the European Union, addresses water supply and sewerage services in conurbations with centralized supplies. A brief characterization of water services and the water industry is provided in the context of global water policy developments. Three typical regulatory models are described: the British, based on centralized public policy and surrogate competition by statistical comparison; the French, based on competition for temporary monopolies; and the German or middle-European, based on competition for goods and services and control of limited operational monopolies. A typology of privatization is also presented. This article does not seek to argue that one model is better than another.
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Lovett, A. W. "The United States and the Schuman Plan. a study in French diplomacy 1950–1952." Historical Journal 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 425–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020318.
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ABSTRACTOn 9 May 1950, Robert Schuman, the French foreign minister, offered to pool the coal and steel resources of France with those of its European neighbours. The proposal was directed principally at Western Germany. After a year of negotiations six western European states agreed to form the European Coal and Steel Community, an organization rightly seen as the beginning of the European Union. However significant at the time and subsequently, this creation resulted from a series of political bargains familiar to any practitioner of traditional politics. France was determined to limit the competitive advantages of German heavy industry to prevent future dominance by the Ruhr industrialists whose unsavoury past was also remembered. Jean Monnet, the head of the French delegation at the talks held in Paris, insisted on the ‘deconcentration’ of the steel and coal industries. Steel companies would be compelled to dispose of the colleries which they owned. To do this, however, Monnet had to invoke the help of the American high commissioner in Germany, John J. McCloy and his expert advisers. In terms of its origins the Coal and Steel Community can be considered the product of a bargain struck between the Federal Republic and America, not France and Western Germany. That the safeguards against vertical combinations and a single sales agency for coal proved unnecessary (and unenforceable) may partly explain the success of the first venture in European integration.
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Stockland, E. "Patriotic natural history and sericulture in the French Enlightenment (1730–1780)." Archives of Natural History 44, no. 1 (April 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2017.0410.
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Rural practices of silk cultivation came under increasing scrutiny from French savants, state administrators and agricultural improvers during the eighteenth century. The lacklustre performance of the French sericultural industry greatly concerned state administrators at mid century, who viewed dependence on foreign supplies of raw silk as a major source of political and economic weakness. Practitioners of natural history came to champion the disciplined observation of silkworms as vital to the reform of the domestic sericultural industry. Amateur naturalists and provincial savants turned their attention to the anatomical structure and behavior of silkworms, in an attempt to codify sericultural practices that were consistent with the “natural œconomy” of these precious insects. The various techniques that constituted the rapidly expanding field of natural history – dissection, microscopic observation, experimental manipulation and classification – provided a set of tools for making the French sericultural industry materially viable in the face of stiff international competition. Encouraged and rewarded by various bodies of the royal administration, namely by the Bureau de Commerce and the Intendance de Languedoc, these investigations were configured as civic-minded and patriotic pursuits that would contribute to the regeneration of the patrie. By enhancing domestic productivity and public welfare, natural history seemed to offer state administrators a solution to the problems that racked French state and society under the ancien régime. Patriotism provided a powerful social and moral validation for the practice of scientific observation, at a time when natural history was still widely ridiculed as an anti-social pastime for the idle and the eccentric.
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Pia Donato, Maria. "Science on the Fringe of the Empire: The Academy of the Linceans in the Early Nineteenth Century." Nuncius 27, no. 1 (2012): 110–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539112x637183.
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The article treats the Academy of the Linceans in the early nineteenth century, and more particularly during the Napoleonic domination of Rome in 1809-14. For the French regime, the Academy was instrumental to turning intellectuals into notables; pursuing the advancement of knowledge; stimulating industry; fostering secularization and orientating public opinion. But these goals did not always harmonize one with the other. Moreover, the local agenda was subordinated to strategic and ideological considerations pertaining to the organization of the Empire, relations with the Papacy, and internal politics. Hence, support to the Academy was subject to changes and contradictions. Within the Empire, the small local scientific elite found a place within international networks of science. Men of science increased their visibility and social standing, and greater symbolic and material resources were granted to the practice of science. The Academy, however, was left in the unclear status of a semi-public establishment, and it eventually imploded after the Restoration. The article analyses the Academy’s scientific activity and its role in public life, focusing on material history as a key element to understand the ambiguous nature of Roman scientific institutions both under the papal government and the French regime.
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Lüthje, Boy. "»Vernetzte Produktion« und »post-fordistische« Reproduktion." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 28, no. 113 (December 1, 1998): 557–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v28i113.830.
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The article reviews recent debates on production networks in political economy and labor sociology. The argument draws upon the findings of an extended empirical study of production strategies, supplier networks, and labor relations in the computer industry of California's »Silicon Valley«. The paper emphasizes the centrality of manufacturing work in today's information technology industry and discusses the implications of the recent restructuring of industry organization and work in this sector for critical approaches as developed in U.S. industrial geography, theories of the »new international division of labor«, European and German industrial sociology, and race and gender studies. A theoretical framework for an integrated analysis of the political economy of »post-fordist« production networks is developed from the context of French regulation theory.
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KUO, LAUREEN. "Another Perspective on the Coca-Cola Affair in Postwar France." Enterprise & Society 18, no. 1 (November 11, 2016): 108–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2016.44.
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The Coca-Cola affair is a notable incident that is often cited in the history of American investments in France. However, the previous literature has generally not examined the social and economic contexts framing the incident, choosing instead to focus on the perspectives of the French communist attacks on Coca-Cola and the political pressure exerted by the French beverage industry to deny Coca-Cola’s application to operate in France. This article, by analyzing the affair based on a broader historical framework, attempts to offer another perspective on this famous incident. Drawing on French and American archival materials, it argues that the major causes of Coca-Cola’s defeat in France were primarily practical, financial considerations of the French government. The success of Pepsi Cola’s investment project in France provides confirmation of such considerations, and were closely related to France’s ultimate national objectives in the postwar years.
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Chen, Maria X. "Negotiating French Wine and European Identities at the European Community." Contemporary European History 29, no. 4 (November 2020): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000405.
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This article examines the French role in creating an integrated wine policy at the European level and demonstrates that political negotiations over the policy revealed competing European conceptions of agriculture and identity. Drawing on research in EEC and French historical archives, this article argues that in spite of the risks involved in relinquishing sovereignty over a key national industry with deep cultural resonance, the French government was determined to transfer responsibility for much of the sector to the European Community due to continued domestic pressure. Further, it suggests that common values around the centrality of agriculture in the European project meant that countries were persistent in realising a wine policy even though wine was not a natural fit in the pantheon of other goods for which common markets were created.
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Wilcox, Lynne. "Metro, info, haro! Fierce reactions to regime competition in the French newspaper industry." Media, Culture & Society 27, no. 3 (May 2005): 353–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443705051748.
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Duvaleix, Sabine, Charlotte Emlinger, Carl Gaigné, and Karine Latouche. "Geographical indications and trade: Firm-level evidence from the French cheese industry." Food Policy 102 (July 2021): 102118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2021.102118.
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Courault, B., and P. B. Doeringer. "From hierarchical districts to collaborative networks: the transformation of the French apparel industry." Socio-Economic Review 6, no. 2 (May 22, 2007): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwm008.
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Chetverikova, Anna S., and Yulia A. Baronina. "Cooperation of Russia and France: Regional Level." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-1-139-154.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the inter-territorial cooperation of Russia and France at the present stage. It is the cooperation at the level of individual territories that become one of the forms in which countries are interested in, and France is not an exception. Russian regions also seek to develop relationships with the French side though this direction of foreign economic activity is not a priority for them. Authors’ attention is focused on those regions, which are the most involved in the investment ties between the two countries. Regional authorities play a particular role in the development of inter-territorial economic cooperation that is reflected in the analysis of activities of the regional authorities of France and Russia in the direction of development of bilateral ties in crisis conditions. Forms and dynamics of cooperation are considered; prospects of Russian-French interregional ties in the current political and economic conditions is assessed. Russian regions with comprehensive cooperation with French side are given. Investment cooperation is the most important for regional economy and only a part of French regions and of the subjects of the Russian Federation is involved. A characteristic feature of such cooperation is the concentration of investments of both countries mainly in the capital territories of France and Russia, as well as the territorial narrowness of investment activity in general that is predefined by the investment strategies of big Russian and French companies. Special attention is paid to the companies, which have the most geographically diversified structure. The experience of the Kaluga region as one of the active participants of the Russian-French inter-territorial cooperation is analyzed at regional level. Kaluga region in particular adopted French experience of regional innovation development. Nowadays Kaluga region is one of the biggest recipients of French companies’ FDI. Their projects are concentrated in the field of mechanical engineering, food and chemical industry, and the construction materials industry. The existing level of inter-territorial cooperation between France and Russia allows us to say that this form of cooperation is perspective and will develop in the future.
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Burgin, Alice, Andrew McGregor, and Colin Nettelbeck. "Not dead yet: Three takes on auteurism in contemporary French and Francophone cinema." French Cultural Studies 25, no. 3-4 (August 2014): 396–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155814534146.
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Sixty years have passed since the term une politique des auteurs was first coined by François Truffaut in the pages of Les Cahiers du cinéma. Initially an approach to filmmaking reacting against its own socio-political context, la politique evolved into something of an ideological celebration of the personal worldview of the artist, and became a dominant element in determining a new canon of cinéma d’art. Since the fall of the French colonial empire, the end of the Cold War and the rise of a vastly transformed global order, the French cinema industry, including many historians and critics, seems to have largely maintained the auteur-based model in terms of its funding and self-projection on both a national and an international level. But is that not an anomaly? What is the real place and meaning of the auteur paradigm within the context of a diverse and fractured Francophone world? This article provides three different perspectives regarding the critical purchase of la politique des auteurs within the contemporary postcolonial Francophone cinematic landscape. Through these perspectives, we argue that while the auteur paradigm can claim relevance within the confines of the Franco-French film industry, its wider applicability as a model for Francophone filmmaking raises pertinent questions about the continuing influence of the metropolitan centre on how minority identities are constructed and received.
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Bignon, Vincent, and Marc Flandreau. "The Price of Media Capture and the Debasement of the French Newspaper Industry During the Interwar." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 3 (August 29, 2014): 799–830. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000606.
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Measurement of the value of “media capture” (the control of newspapers by business or political interests) is difficult. However, if capture is valuable, it should affect the price of newspaper shares. Useful information about the value of media capture should be retrievable from Stock Exchange data. Interwar France provides a unique setting to implement this idea because key newspapers floated voting and nonvoting stocks. Combined with takeover prices, data yield estimates of the price of media capture and of the time-series evolution of this price. Comparison with Britain sheds new light on a dark episode of French history.
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Guz, Marzena. "Obszary tematyczne eponimów pochodzenia francuskiego w języku polskim." Białostockie Archiwum Językowe, no. 10 (2010): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/baj.2010.10.05.
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This article discusses eponyms (name words) of French origin in the Polish language, found in Słownik eponimów czyli wyrazów odimiennych [Dictionary of Eponyms, i.e. Name Words] by Władysław Kopaliński. There are enough of such words in Kopaliński’s dictionary to assign them to certain thematic areas, which is covered in this work. Analysis of the accumulated material shows that the largest thematic areas represented in the dictionary include physics, chemistry, botany, religion, gastronomy, fabrics, clothing and additions, culture in its broad sense (theatre, literature, music, printing, dance, archaeology). Eponyms derived from the names of literary characters also account for a considerable group of such words. Such groups as politics, technology and devices, geology, medicine, military, industry, furniture and animals contribute only a few words each. Among the analysed eponyms, there are several which are parts of set phrases. Around a dozen have not been assigned to any of the thematic areas.
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Reid, Donald. "Industrial Paternalism: Discourse and Practice in Nineteenth-Century French Mining and Metallurgy." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 4 (October 1985): 579–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011671.
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In recent years paternalism has become one of the most discussed concepts in social history. While historians of women invoke paternalism and patriarchy to help explain relations of male domination, Marxist historians have found paternalism useful in expanding their analyses of class consciousness. Eugene Genovese organized his interpretation of slavery in the American south around paternalism. For E. P. Thompson, the breakdown of the ideology and practice of rural paternalism underlay the development of “class struggle without class” in eighteenth-century England. Despite Genovese's warning that paternalism is an inappropriate concept for understanding industrial society, several recent studies have identified paternalism as an important factor in the history of industrial labor during the nineteenth century. Daniel Walkowitz and Tamara Haraven have analyzed paternalism in the textile industries of upstate New York and southern New Hampshire. Lawrence Schofer and David Crew have studied paternalism in nineteenth-century German heavy industry, and Patrick Joyce has recently argued for its centrality in the restructuring of class relations in the late Victorian textile industry.
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Grenier, Line. "The aftermath of a crisis: Quebec music industries in the 1980s." Popular Music 12, no. 3 (October 1993): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000005687.
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Increased market concentration of multinational record companies, greater integration of major labels with international multi-media and entertainment conglomerates, as well as long economic recession were among the most striking developments of the 1980s to impact upon music-related industries. In the French-speaking province of Quebec (Canada), these developments, combined with local socio-political turmoil, left popular music in the throes of crisis and further jeopardised an indigenous music industry still in the making. The purpose of this paper is to examine the ways in which a local industry, by coming to terms with the aforementioned international developments, overcame what could well have spelled its doom.
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Wixforth, Harald. "The Economic Consequences of the First World War." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003090.
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Arthur Turner, The Cost of War: British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998), 272pp., £45.00 (hb), ISBN 1-898723-37-0.Patricia Clavin, The Great Depression in Europe, 1929–1939 (Basingstoke: Macmillan/Palgrave 2000) 244pp., £13.99 (pb), ISBN 0-333-60681-7.Karl Mayer, Zwischen Krise und Krieg. Frankreich in der Außenpolitik der United States zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Zweitem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 275pp., DM 84.00, ISBN 3-515-07373-6.Christoph Buchheim and Redvers Garside, eds., After the Slump. Industry and Politics in 1930s Britain and Germany (New York and Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 235pp., DM 69.00. ISBN 3-631-34912-2.Philipp Heyde, Das Ende der Reparationen. Deutschland, Frankreich und der Youngplan 1929–1932. Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998), 506 pp., DM 134.00 ISBN 3-506-77507-3.Monika Rosengarten, Die Internationale Handelskammer. Wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen in der Zeit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929–1939 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), 360 pp., DM 148.00, ISBN 3-428-10411-0.
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Granier, Caroline, and Nicolas Bedu. "The role of banks and the state in the shaping of the French fund industry." Review of International Political Economy 26, no. 4 (July 4, 2019): 573–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1596146.
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Conner, Christopher T., and Nathan Katz. "Electronic Dance Music: From Spectacular Subculture to Culture Industry." YOUNG 28, no. 5 (July 31, 2020): 445–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308820926102.
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This article is an attempt to show the dialectical nature of Guy Debord’s (1967/1994, The Society of the Spectacle, Aldgate Press) concept of the spectacle, showing how its employment as a resistance technique by electronic dance music (EDM) subculturalists would also help shape it into a corporately organized culture industry (Horkheimer & Adorno, 1944/1969). In doing so, we show the overlap between the French Internationalist approach and that of the Frankfurt School, and how the combination of these two concepts provides for a more nuanced conceptualization in which the agency of social actors ultimately resulted in the shaping of the subculture into a culture industry. In other words, we attempt to address the critique that the approaches endorsed by both schools are overly deterministic in their approach. We attempt to overcome this limitation by showing how promoters’ decisions to compromise with law enforcement agencies resulted in changes drastically altering the music subculture.
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Baudry, Jérôme. "Examining inventions, shaping property: The savants and the French patent system." History of Science 57, no. 1 (April 26, 2018): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275318767233.
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In 1791, the Loi relative aux découvertes utiles instituted a new patent system in France. Because patents were seen as the expression of the natural right of inventors, prior examination was abolished. However, only a few years after the law was passed, an unofficial examination was reinstated, and it was entrusted to the Comité Consultatif des Arts et Manufactures – a consultative body composed of prominent scientists. I analyze the political significance of the involvement of the savants in the patent system, and based on the archives of the Comité, I study the scope and practicalities of the examination process, paying close attention to the ways through which the savants of the Comité directly intervened in the writing and drawing of specifications. I show how a distinct regime of intellectual property emerged in France and how it was constructed by the interests and norms of scientists, eager as they were to distinguish ‘science’ from ‘industry’ and establish the superiority of the former over the latter.
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Joana, Jean, and Andy Smith. "Changing french military procurement policy: The state, industry and ‘Europe’ in the case of the A400M." West European Politics 29, no. 1 (January 2006): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500389257.
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NGUYEN, THUY LINH. "Dynamite, Opium, and a Transnational Shadow Economy at Tonkinese Coal Mines." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (February 13, 2020): 1876–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000574.
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AbstractThe rise of the coal-mining industry in colonial Vietnam has often been associated with the French economic presence and their drastic methods of exploitation. But, beyond the confines of French mining enterprises, coal mining gave rise to transnational economic links, fuelled clandestine economic activities, and bound communities across the Chinese–Vietnamese borderland. Drawing from business and police records located at the Vietnamese national archives including those of the Société Francaise des Charbonnages du Tonkin (SFCT)—the largest French coal-mining company in Indochina, this article reveals a thriving, complex, and intersected world of criminal activities involving the theft and trafficking of explosives and opium at Tonkinese coal mines. An investigation into the patterns of these crimes and their perpetrators exposes a transnational shadow economy that managed to stay under the radar of both the French surveillance system and the Vietnamese nationalist movement. Breaking away from the metropole–colony paradigm in colonial historiography, this blended history of labour and crime provides a new lens through which to explore the dynamics of colonial rule and the interplay of the local and the global, as well as the creation of new and important inter-Asian networks.
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Mtar, Monia. "Institutional, Industry and Power Effects on Integration in Cross-border Acquisitions." Organization Studies 31, no. 8 (August 2010): 1099–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840610376147.
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Drawing on comparative institutional theory, this paper examines post-acquisition integration in international acquisitions, which has seldom been examined through this perspective. Based on a longitudinal and comparative study of three blue-chip French acquirers in the UK that shared similar integration intentions but realized those to varying degrees, this paper theorizes this variation in integration outcomes as a dynamic interplay of institutional distance, market structure and power dependencies. Whilst all important, those effects do not equally explain integration outcomes and can only be understood in conjunction with one another. Thus, contrary to a core assumption of institutional theory that institutional distance is consistently a dominant influence on multinational firms’ behaviour, the study shows that its effect is varied. It will only become extremely constraining when the market structure is highly localized, and both dynamics combine to make the acquirer largely dependent on the target firm. The study’s first contribution is to provide a fuller conceptual understanding of post-acquisition integration. Secondly, it introduces the role of market structure into a politico-institutional framework and, thirdly, it demonstrates complex relationships among three effects located at multiple levels. The results have important implications for the debate about environmental determinism vs multinationals’ agency at host-country level.
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Mucchielli, Laurent. "Behind the French controversy over the medical treatment of Covid-19: The role of the drug industry." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 4 (June 17, 2020): 736–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783320936740.
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This article explores the stakes of the very intense controversy that has developed in France around the medical treatment of Covid-19 (which finds some parallels in the United States of America). It centres on the therapeutic proposal of a Marseilles doctor, who has become a very divisive ‘star’ in public debates over the efficacy of treatment. The author shows that competition between this doctor’s proposal and the commercial hopes of a major pharmaceutical company plays an important role. This company has managed to create links of interest with many other major doctors, some of whom are at the heart of the decision-making process concerning the management of the health crisis. Finally, the author places this episode within the broader question of the hold the drug industry has on scientific production within the medical field. The interdependence between health authorities and the pharmaceutical industry is anything but healthy. The Covid-19 debate conforms to a well-worn pattern of behaviour: public backlash over the transgressions of wealthy corporate actors, government regulatory responses insisting on greater levels of transparency, corporate circumvention of said regulations, resulting in the continuation of fraud and corruption.
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Marihandono, Djoko. "When and Why Java was Deliberated from the Slavery?" Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 1, no. 1 (July 23, 2017): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v1i1.1372.
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Java islands as one of the colonies on the European nations in Asia, had several changes since the Dutch Government liquidated the operation. This condition was caused by the change of the political constellation in Europe since the end of this century. As we knew that since 1795 till 1813, the Netherland was dominated by the French. From the year 1795, in January, the Bataafsche Republic was established in Netherland, supported by French after the governor (Staathouder) escaped by leaving his country to London. The result of this fact, the changes were happened in all provinces in Netherland and in almost of its colonies, included in Java. The form of the government was changed because of the implementation of the French Revolutionary ideas. How to overlook the colonies were different compared by the VOC era. In VOC era, East India had been looked as the economical point of view. In the other hand, in Bataafsche Republic era, it had been considered as the integrated territory of French. So, there was a different management of both. During the VOC era, East India was placed under the Ministry of trade and colony regions. Then, in the Bataafsche Republic era, it was located under the Ministry of Maritime Army and the Colonies.The status of this colony was totally changed. The consequence of this change, there were a reformation of the social, politic and economic. The influences of the liberation idea, the main idea of French Revolution, was applied in almost all the regulations of its colony regions. Human rights guaranteed the rights not only as individual but also as a member of society. The Governor General deliberated all slaves in Java and others several islands to be trained as the soldiers.From the French point of view, Java would be set as centre of the French strategy in the effort to reoccupy India as before. According to Napoleon Bonaparte, India had natural resources more than the riches of all European kingdoms. So, the position of Java island geographically was very important because of his location was directly in front of India Ocean, and the military troupes could directly attack India. Java which was very rich of the natural resources as wood as the basic materials of ship industry, potassium nitrate, as the materials of ammunition and the Javanese who had the very special endurance were considered by the Emperor as a very ideal island. The Javanese could compete the Sepoy soldiers, the Indian indigenous soldiers formed by the British. So, Napoleon Bonaparte considered that the Javanese would be prepared to realize the Napoleonic strategy. Java had to be saved from the British attack.
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EISING, RAINER, and NICOLAS JABKO. "Moving Targets." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 7 (September 2001): 742–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034007002.
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After 10 years of controversial negotiations, in 1996 the European Union finally took action to liberalize the electricity supply industry. Given the intensity of bilateral contacts between France and Germany, the reform has often been presented as a straightforward intergovernmental deal. This article argues that the French-German deal was only the tip of the iceberg. Perceptions of national interests evolved considerably in both countries. The most important cause for these changes was at the European Union (EU) level, not at the national level. The institutional dynamics of EU negotiations induced a series of preference changes and key political realignments at the national level.
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Pong, David. "Keeping the Foochow Navy Yard Afloat: Government Finance and China's Early Modern Defence Industry, 1866–75." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1987): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00008003.
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AbstractThe Foochow Navy Yard was founded in 1866 by Tso Tsung-t'ang with the assistance of two French naval officers. In their opinion, they had provided ample funding for the enterprise, which was to construct a modern naval dockyard and academy, to build sixteen gunboats, and to train the Chinese in all aspects of naval construction, marine engineering, navigation and command of the small squadron, all within a five-year period. By a liberal interpretation of the contract, Tso managed to commit the government to funding the project for a total of seven years, up to early 1874. Since the objectives were by and large attained by that date, one could say that the Navy Yard was a success.
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Choi, Jae-Sung, and Soochan Choi. "Social work intervention with migrant workers in South Korea." International Social Work 48, no. 5 (September 2005): 655–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872805055331.
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Although migrant workers have emerged as a major force throughout Korean industry, they are often alienated by disadvantageous labor conditions as well as social discrimination as a whole. Social workers in the work-place can themselves utilize the micro and macro procedures of assisting troubled newcomers. French Bien que les travailleurs immigrés en soient venus à occuper une place prépondérante dans l'industrie coréenne, ceux-ci se trouvent souvent aliénés parce qu'on leur impose des conditions de travail désavantageuses et sont victimes de discrimination. Les travailleurs sociaux en milieu de travail peuvent s'impliquer personnellement à travers des procédures micro et macro afin de venir en aide à ces nouveaux venus en difficulté. Spanish Aunque los trabajadores migratorios en la industria coreana se han convertido en una fuerza importante, a menudo están alienados, son discriminados socialmente, y trabajan en condiciones laborales desventajosas. Los trabajadores sociales en los lugares de trabajo pueden utilizar procedimientos micro y macro para ayudar a los recién llegados en sus problemas.
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Vergopoulos, Hecate. "Alternative tourism and civil society in Athens." International Journal of Tourism Cities 5, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-12-2017-0086.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to tackle the issue of the meaning of tourism as it is being crippled by the economic crisis in Greece. Design/methodology/approach To do so, it brings together the findings of three different fieldworks related to tourism in Athens in times of crisis. Each one of these focuses on a specific player of tourism: a linguistic and semiological analysis led mainly on travel guides and ad campaigns deals with the industry of tourism; a linguistic analysis of tourists’ posts on a French web forum deals with the tourists themselves; and an ethnographical approach of alternative guided tours of Athens focuses on local players (associations and cooperatives offering out of the beaten tracks tours). Findings The whole study reveals that there is a misunderstanding between the industry and the consumers toward what the tourist practice should mean: whereas the tourists are in search of an ethical meaning, the industry claims there is no room for such issues. The alternative players, however, offer a political perspective that embraces the ethical issues raised by tourists. Originality/value They thus might, in the end, show us the way a so-called “civil society” could also have its own role to perform in tourism.