Dissertations / Theses: 'Politics of French industry'

1

Rhodes, M. J. "Steel and the state in France, 1945-1981 : The politics of industrial change." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371730.

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Underhill, Geoffrey Richard David. "The politics of domestic economic management in an era of international capital : the case of the French textile and clothing industry 1974-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236219.

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Rogers, Juliette R. "The political lives of dairy cows : modernity, tradition, and professional identity in the Norman cheese industry." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318354.

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Gregory, Stephen William George Modern Language Studies UNSW. "The collapse of dialogue:Intellectuals and politics in the Uruguayan crisis, 1960-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Modern Language Studies, 1999. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/17231.

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In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.

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Vinen, Richard Charles. "The politics of French business, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272342.

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Aston, Nigel. "The politics of the French Episcopate, 1786-1791." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359577.

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7

Burrows, Simon. "French exile journalism and European politics, 1792-1814 /." Woodbridge (GB) : the Royal historical society : the Boydell press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377203254.

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Willson, Alexander. "The Growing Instrumentalization of Catholicism in French Politics." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871639.

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9

Francis, Catrin Mair. "The politics of appropriation in French Revolutionary theatre." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9921.

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This thesis examines the popularity of plays from the ancien régime in the theatre of the French Revolution. In spite of an influx of new plays, works dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were amongst the most frequently performed of the decade. Appropriation resulted in these tragedies and comedies becoming ‘Revolutionary’ and often overtly political in nature. In this thesis, I will establish how and why relatively obscure, neglected plays became both popular and Revolutionary at this time. I shall draw on eighteenth-century definitions of appropriation to guide my analysis of their success and adaptation, whilst the theoretical framework of pre-history and afterlives (as well as modern scholarship on exemplarity and the politicisation of the stage) will shape my research. To ensure that I investigate a representative selection of appropriated plays, I will look at five very different works, including two tragedies and three comedies, which pre-date the Revolution by at least thirty years. Voltaire’s Brutus enjoyed successive Revolutionary afterlives from 1789-1799, whereas Lemierre’s Guillaume Tell was only truly successful as political propaganda during the Terror. Meanwhile, Molière’s Misanthrope was subjected to censorship and Revolutionary alterations, but could not rival the extraordinary success of one of his lesser known comedies, Le Dépit amoureux, which suddenly became one of the most popular plays in the theatrical repertoire. Finally, Regnard’s Les Folies amoureuses became popular in the highly politicised theatre of the Revolution in spite of the fact that the comedy had no obvious connection to politics or republicanism. The power of appropriation was such that any play could become Revolutionary, as both audiences and the government used appropriation as a method of displaying their power, attacking their enemy, and supporting the progress of the French Revolution.

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Welsh, Madison J. "Charlie Hebdo: The Politics of French Identity & Exclusion." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/730.

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On January 7th, 2015, two gunmen attacked the Paris offices of French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. Later identified as two French brothers of Algerian descent linked to Al-Qaeda, the shooting was perceived as a targeted and deliberate attack on the freedom of speech. Millions throughout the world declared "Je suis Charlie," in solidarity with the victims and in defense of free speech. Critics argued back and forth over whether Charlie Hebdo's right to free speech is in fact absolute, or if it's content could be considered hate speech. This thesis offers an alternative angle to this discourse, and that is a discussion on the narratives of French identity at play within the Je suis Charlie movement. What did it mean to declare oneself Charlie? Who was not Charlie, and why? These are the questions I seek to answer in my thesis by placing the event within the historical context of French Enlightenment, Revolution, and colonialism.

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Kershaw, Angela. "Gender, politics and fiction in 1930s France." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14337/.

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This study examines French political fiction of the 1930s, taking gender as its primary category of analysis. It considers texts by female novelists whose work has been largely excluded from critical attention, in order to bring their particular contribution to inter-war French literature to light. It integrates this analysis into a consideration of relevant and representative texts of the exclusively male canon of French political fiction dating from the 1930s, exploring points of contact and divergences to show how the work of the female authors relates to the wider context of French inter-war literary activity. Texts by eight writers are considered in detail, namely Madeleine Pelletier, Edith Thomas, Henriette Valet, Louise Weiss, Louis Aragon, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, André Malraux and Paul Nizan. The analysis of the female-authored novels informs the study of their male counterparts, whose texts also offer fertile ground for an analysis in terms of gender. The corpus is approached, in broad terms, through the themes of commitment, sexuality and the body. These themes permit an investigation of the gendering of politicization as it is manifested in 1930s literature.

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Mitchell, Paul Terence. "Philippe de Villiers : politics, parties, ideology." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287136.

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Roberts, Anne. "Veiled Politics: Legitimating the Burqa Ban in the French Press." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/78.

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@font-face { font-family: "Times"; }@font-face { font-family: "Cambria"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Times New Roman"; }div.Section1 { page: Section1; } In October 2010 the Constitutional Council of France approved a law banning the burqa and niqab from all public places. Joining the ongoing scholarly discussion on veiling, this study seeks to understand the role the French press played in legitimating the ban, the first of its kind to be implemented in Europe. I argue that discourse in the press made the legislation appear reasonable and necessary because of its association with gender inequality and religious fundamentalism. This media narrative legitimated the legislation by presenting the veil as intolerable and “against public social order.” Made necessary by rapidly shifting demographics in contemporary France, this discourse was couched in a defensive employment of laïcité.

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Zhou, Carson Yichen. "Othering France : depictions of French politics in Punch, 1848-1851." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42959.

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This thesis examines caricatures of French politics in the British cartoon periodical Punch between the years 1848 and 1851. I argue that although the French “Other” was seen by Britons in the eighteenth century as a military danger, by the 1848 revolution it had been transformed into a dystopian analogue of Great Britain’s own constitutional achievements. Punch contributes to the British nation-building project by juxtaposing the supposed failures of the French liberal movement, with the supposed successes of British government. Its cartoons depict French constitutionalism in the era as violent and radical, constantly threatened by the forces of revolutionary turmoil on the one hand, and Bonapartist autocracy on the other. Moreover, Punch depicts these problems as self-inflicted; when given the choice between disorder and dictatorship, Frenchmen chose the latter.

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Varouxakis, Georgios E. "John Stuart Mill on French thought, politics, and national character." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493825.

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Drugan, Joanna Marie. "Environmental themes in French literature and politics of the 1930s." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323737.

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Herron, Michael Francis. "Denial of the Armenian genocide in American and French politics." Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/29892/.

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The dissertation seeks to address three sets of questions: Why have the United States and France become involved in the issue of the Armenian genocide several decades after the genocide? How and why do the American and French debates have different outcomes? What conclusions can be drawn from these differences? It examines how the unresolved conflict between the competing Turkish narrative of denial and the Armenian narrative affirming the reality of the genocide has led the Armenian diaspora and the Turkish state to influence political actors in the United States and France to support their arguments for and against the reality of the genocide. This thesis focuses on the debates in the United States in 2007 and 2010 on a Congressional Resolution to recognise the genocide. It also traces the progress of French legislation from French official recognition of the genocide in 2001 to the passage of legislation to criminalise denial of the Armenian genocide in 2012, ultimately ruled unconstitutional by the French Constitutional Council. The contribution to knowledge this thesis makes is to demonstrate that recognition of genocide is a political question that involves more than the perpetrators and victims. Just as genocide does not only involve these two actors, recognition of genocide also involves other states and societies. Just as bystander states have to think about what they do when a genocide is being perpetrated when it comes to recognition they have to evaluate what to do, particularly when they have been involved from the outset.

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18

Malecka, Joanna. "The ethics, aesthetics and politics of Thomas Carlyle's 'French Revolution'." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8182/.

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‘The Ethics, Aesthetics and Politics of Carlyle’s French Revolution’ examines the work of Thomas Carlyle as a crucial aesthetic intervention in the modern reception of the French Revolution in Europe. It interrogates the prevalent critical constructions of Carlyle’s work and finds them to proceed predominantly from the Whig historical agenda, structured around such key nineteenth-century concepts as utilitarianism and civilisational and moral progress. Within this critical framework, Carlyle’s largely conservative cultural stance and Christian spirituality are hardly allowed any creative potential and, ever since the famous fabrication of James Anthony Froude who depicted Carlyle as ‘a Calvinist without the theology’, they have been perceived as artistically-stunted, irrational, and out of touch with the nineteenth-century political, social and cultural realities. In examining Carlyle’s involvement with German Romanticism on the one hand, and with contemporary British periodical press on the other, this thesis proposes a more comprehensive reading of Carlyle’s politics, aesthetics and spirituality in an attempt to represent his radically open, catholic and indeed cosmopolitan artistic agenda which taps into the Scottish Enlightenment concept of rationality, Calvinist scepticism towards nineteenth-century progressivism and acute perception of evil in this world, and post-Burkean Romantic aesthetics of the sublime. We chart the aesthetic movement from Carlyle’s early dialogue with Schiller and Goethe to ‘The Diamond Necklace’, Carlyle’s first artistic rendition of the French pre-revolutionary scene, delivered as a (Gothic) moral tale and anticipating The French Revolution (a historical work that uniquely employs the Gothic genre within historical narrative, arguably unparalleled in British post-Burkean Romanticism). The critical reception of The French Revolution in Britain is examined, with special attention paid to the highly unfavourable review by Herman Merivale in The Edinburgh Review, in order to challenge the Whig line in Carlylean criticism and to expose the fundamental artistic, political and moral disagreement between Carlyle and Merivale. Carlyle’s Calvinist stance sees both Merivale’s and Thomas Babington Macaulay’s facile exorcism of the categories of good and evil from their historical agendas as irrational given the recent French terror (which, in Carlyle’s reading, released its demons precisely through such a botched ethical deal). Similarly, I highlight Carlyle’s close dialogue with John Stuart Mill both in their correspondence, and in the publications in the London and Westminster Review, while I argue that this intellectual exchange is crucial for the reading of The French Revolution as a text challenging Mill’s utilitarianism, and written within the institutional framework of the contemporary periodical press. Finally, Carlyle is seen to make capital of the concepts of Gothic and sublime, introduced by Edmund Burke and popularised by the Anti-Jacobin Review in Britain, by applying them directly to the French mob in search of a new spiritual tongue for his times (a move that even a nineteenth-century radical liberal thinker such as Mill sees as politically, if not artistically, far too subversive and revolutionary). Creative non-conclusiveness and playful deconstruction of the prevalent post-revolutionary narratives of 1789 characterise Carlyle’s deeply spiritual and artistically-sophisticated text, which, in an orthodox Christian reading, rejoices in the messy, dark and complex residue of human history, through which Christian providence acts in mysterious and unexpected ways that do not allow for any simple, de-mythologised reading.

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19

Rossiter, Adrian. "Experiments with politics in Republican France, 1916-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327963.

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20

Swann, Julian. "Politics and the Parlement of Paris, 1754-1771." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272193.

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Exley, Alexandria. "An Investigation into the Socio-Political Dissonance between the French Government and the Islamic French Minority." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/369.

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The Islamic minority in France today is experiencing adversity as the government of France passed legislation stating that all facial coverings will be henceforth illegal, restricting or prohibiting religious symbols in various public spaces. Some Islamic women feel as though this is a pointed attack on women of the Muslim faith for their choice to wear traditional clothing which covers the face and body. There have been outcries that this is a human rights violation and restriction of religious rights. This project is an examination of the effects of France’s “burqa ban” and restrictions on religious symbols on both Islamic men and women who live in France. The goal of this project is to speak directly to those affected by this legislation and to understand the perspective and opinions of French Muslims. Records such as documented personal testimonies, legal archives, and transcriptions of in-person interviews are utilized to study the perspective of this minority in response to the controversial legislation. Neglecting to pursue an understanding of another culture and belief system will only yield disharmony among groups, and this research aims to avoid this phenomenon. In collecting the data, I set a goal to have and later discuss a better understanding of this issue and the people affected by it.

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Barling, Joseph Kurt. "The politics of British and French foreign aid : a comparative analysis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389635.

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23

Ross, James Magnus. "Crisis and transformation : French opera, politics and the press 1897-1903." Thesis, Oxford : The University, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377183711.

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Bridgford, J. "French trade unions and the union of the left." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234393.

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Wengier, Sabrina Emilie. "The Politics and Poetics of Ekphrasis in Nineteenth-Century French Art Novels." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/383.

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This dissertation explores how literary descriptions of visual artworks affect the narrative and descriptive fabric of a text. The novels I examine operate on three textual levels: the painter's creative struggles, his amorous entanglements with his model and/or the painted women of his canvas, and his aesthetic claims to revolutionize painting. My project argues that ekphrasis is a translational mode that takes two forms: the traditional, "contained" description of a visual artwork; and a mode of writing that pervades the entire text and emulates the characteristics of painting. For example, Balzac's "Le Chef d'oeuvre inconnu" and the Goncourts' Manette Salomon successfully adopt the ekphrastic mode of writing, transforming the narrative into a canvas where the boundaries between the media are blurred. On the other hand, Zola's L'oeuvre exploits ekphrasis in order to advance the superiority of literature over painting. At the heart of these Realist and Naturalist texts, the fundamental adherence to the mimetic principle of art is confronted with the nonfigurative experiments of their fictional painters. The female body, as the embodiment of Art and the manifestation of the artist's desire, becomes the symptom of his incursion into abstract painting and the site of the resistance to ekphrasis.

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Chafer, Anthony Douglas. "Decolonisation and the politics of education in French West Africa : 1944-1958." Thesis, University of London, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341929.

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Griot, Clémence. "Internationalization of French firms within the medical technology industry." Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Business and Engineering (SET), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-5119.

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French SMEs within the medical technology industry follow an internationalization pattern which cannot completely be explained by traditional internationalization models. Going abroad is not a strategy to overcome challenges inherent to the medical technology industry. Instead, it is the positive consequence of their merge with internationalized firms, or an opportunity offered by their network.

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Taylor, Margaret Alison. "Cultural politics : discord and factionalism in New Caledonia, 1919 to 1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1479/.

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This thesis focuses on the activities of a group of young French people staying in a hostel in Noumea from 1991 to 1993. It draws on my fieldwork in Noumea and Mare in the Loyalty Islands of New Caledonia. The main part of the thesis looks at the interactions of this group of young people with other ethnic and social groups living in New Caledonia. These include the Kanaks, the "Caldoches" (native-born Caledonians of French origin), the "Metros" (immigrants from metropolitan France), Pacific islanders, Vietnamese and Indonesians. The thesis also includes a short section describing Mare itself and my fieldwork there. Particular attention is paid to the Kanaks and to the Caldoches, whose rural and urban lifestyles are compared and contrasted to those of the young people being studied. Relations between these young people, newly arrived in the French Pacific, and those of the colony's established inhabitants, allow themes of globalization, travel, knowledge, reflexivity and alterity to be explored vis-a-vis anthropological theory. Kanak behaviour, towards Kanaks and others, is shown to relate to ideas of knowledge, power, gender and hierarchy, prevalent in both Polynesia and Melanesia. The work is underpinned by explanations of, and references to, the international and local historical and geographical context of New Caledonian social and political behaviour. It attempts to show the bitter disputes and resentments arising between ethnic groups. It discusses civil unrest, the Kanaks' desire for independence, and some possible economic and social consequences.

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Woods, Michael. "Reality vs. Perceptions: The Treatment of Early Modern French Jews in Politics and Literary Culture." VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3391.

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Although historians have written extensively on both the early modern era and the development of an absolute monarchy, the history of Jewish communities in France and the role they played has been largely ignored. Beginning with the French Wars of Religion, this study analyzes to what extent France’s religious situation affected the growth of absolutism and how this in turn affected the Jews. Taking advantage of the fractured nature of the early French monarchy, Jews began settling in provinces along the border of both Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. Affected by economic jealousies and cultural perceptions of Jews, the treatment of these communities by local officials led to requests by Jews for royal intervention in these regions. Perceptions of Jews evolved through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the French Enlightenment influenced the way Jewish characters were presented. This study then ties these perceptions of Jews to the political and economic reality of these communities in an attempt to create a unified history of France’s early modern Jewish population.

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Jackson, Owen David. "Receiving revolution : the newspaper press, revolutionary ideology and politics in Britain, 1789-1848." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/1c1f67cb-2a3a-4287-8ffb-2fb7b56d3d50.

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Through a close reading of Bristol newspapers this thesis considers the intrusion of revolutionary idioms into the English language. This was a far more hesitant and nuanced process than the 'logocide' argued for by Burke whose notion of a 'linguistic terror' is overly dramatic. In adopting a longer term perspective and considering the revolutionary examples of 1830 and 1848, the violence of Burke's model is replaced by a more nuanced understanding of the range of idiomatic choices presented to British politics by the French experience. A brief introductory section addresses key historiographical and methodological issues. Chapter one explores the development of revolutionary reporting in the Bristol newspapers between 1792 and 1848. The first half of the chapter examines the subtle combination of idioms and rhetorical devices evident in the five Bristol titles for 1792. Reports on French and British affairs operated within a consciously circular discourse founded on the interchangeability of 'signified' and 'referent'. In this way the revolutionary example was fictionalised, demonised and emptied of any political value. The second half of the chapter then focuses on the decline of this discursive loyalism over the period to 1848. Later chapters concentrate upon the trajectory of specific terms into British political discourse. Chapter two addresses two inter-related questions. Firstly, how did the polarised discursive structure identified in chapter one incorporate examples of British interaction with, and sympathy for, revolutionary France? Secondly, how did the revolutionary notion of fraternite interact with, and influence, existing British idioms of inclusion and exclusion? Chapter three explores the revolutionary signifier, egalite, and the associated concepts of democracy, meritocracy, socialism and communism. Finally, chapter four examines the interplay of an egalitarian, revolutionary liberte with older British conceptions of liberty, liberties, privilege, property, and patriarchy. In examining the interplay of liberte and egalite with analogous British terms both chapters suggest that by 1848 British political discourse owed more to the French paradigm than the editors of the Bristol press cared to admit

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Smith, Angel. "Industry, labour and politics in Catalonia 1897-1914." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1990. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1721.

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This thesis analyses the development of trade unionism and working class political organisations in Catalonia between 1897 and 1914. Our study of the labour movement has been put within the context of both the structure of Catalan industry, and the response of the state and employer associations to the challenge of labour. The beginnings of the industrial revolution in Catalonia can be traced to the first half of the nineteenth century, when there grew up an important factory -based cotton textile industry. However, Catalan industry was faced with a serious difficulty. Outside Catalonia the Spanish economy remained backward and agrarian based. Demand for capital goods and manufactures was, therefore, low. This handicap slowed the rate of growth, and held up the technological transformation of Catalan industry. None the less, Catalan workers were not unaffected by the advance of capitalist relations of production. In order to cut costs and increase productivity cotton textile industrialists tried to replace male by female labour. Furthermore, in metallurgy and the artisanal trades new machinery was introduced piecemeal, and efforts were made to transform apprenticeship into cheap labour. Strong working class opposition was mobilised against such schemes. However, Catalan unions were faced with state repression and employer intransigence. This made it difficult for the workers to form stable bureaucratic unions which could enter into collective bargaining with employers. This fact had important political implications. It has been argued that the trade union practice of the Socialists was geared to the existence of such federations. The difficulties faced in organising them, therefore, hindered Socialist penetration. Unions in Catalonia were often unstable, and social conflict in much of Catalan industry was severe. This, together with the unwillingness of the state to carry through a serious programme of social reforms, increased working class support for the anarchists and syndicalists, for both anarchists and syndicalists rejected conciliatory wage negotiations and state intervention, and instead favoured the use of direct action and the revolutionary General Strike. By 1914 the Catalan working class was still poorly organised. However, within the unions, it was the supporters of direct action who were in the strongest position. This provided a springboard for the rapid growth of the anarcho-syndicalist labour federation, the CNT, between 1916 and 1919. On the other hand, the inability of the Socialists to gain a strong union base in Catalonia also prevented them from becoming an important political force. As a result, left wing politics remained dominated by middle class led republican parties.

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Levy, Scott A. "The brewing industry : politics and taxation, 1852-1880." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272249.

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Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.

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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]

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Conrad, Barbara Helen. "Politics of the Resistance and the political and administrative reconstruction of the Cote d'Or 1943-1946." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295666.

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Based on oral testimonies, archival evidence and newspapers, the thesis explores the role of the Resistance in the Liberation and the post-Liberation administrative and political reconstruction of the C6te d'Or. The different facets of Resistance are discussed with particular attention to the maquis phenomenon, Liberation Committees and the 'Commissaire R€gional de la Republique'. Early chapters deal with the specificity of the Resistance under the Occupation and its preparation of the Liberation in both military and administrative terms. Expectations of the 'maquisards' and Liberation Committees of a new, repoliticised post-Liberation society which would be an extension of this localised Resistance experience are examined as conflicting with the secondary role to which most would find themselves confined shortly following the Liberation. The mixed success of the newly established 'Pouvoirs Publics' in dealing with the immediate post-Liberation problems of 'epuration' and law and order is explored. Later chapters cover the limited administrati ve purges, particularly in the sphere of the police and the 'Pr~fecture' despite Resistance pressures for an extensive 'epuration' at all levels. The role of Liberation Committees in promoting changes on the departmental political scene through the elimination of councillors and the creation of provisional councils is also discussed. The post-Liberation period would herald the entry of men and women new to the political arena, whose Resistance record would be initially significant in their rise. The final chapters trace their electoral fortunes through 1945 and 1946 and the steadily decreasing influence of many Resistance elements noted. The role of personalities is examined and the personal popularity and political and administrative skill of the individual found to rapidly take precedence over a Resistance record. Finally, there is an analysis of the extent to which the ever-increasing public preoccupation with economic issues came to dominate the post-war period and contribute to the decreasing popularity of politicians and parties supported by the Resistance

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Watson, Timothy D. "The Lyon city council c. 1525-1575 : politics, culture, religion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322782.

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36

Kernaghan, Stuart John Simpson. "The idealised revolutionary, contemporary French politics and the symbolic importance of Maximilien Robespierre." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37409.pdf.

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Laachir, Karima. "The ethics and politics of hospitality in contemporary French society : Beur literary translations." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1599/.

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The thesis examines the issue of the ethics and politics of hospitality in the French contemporary context in relation to the diasporic populations of the descendants of post-war North African immigrants or the 'Beur', using an approach which combines philosophy, sociology and literature. I argue that the concept of hospitality has been framed by the enduring effects of colonial legacy, the legacy of the 'camp-thinking' mentality marked by bio-cultural kinship and the ties of blood or 'race' as the basis for belonging to a nation. I maintain that hospitality is exactly the anti-logic of the camp-thinking mentality in its rejection of closure and overdetermination by keeping the political open to the ethical. Even though a hiatus between the ethics and the politics of hospitality exists, the two can not exist separately. I argue that this aporia does not mean paralysis, but in fact, it means the primacy of the ethics of hospitality over politics, and thus, keeps alive the danger of hostility in the making of the politics of hospitality by means of 'political invention' that respects the uniqueness of the Other and that does not exclude him/her every time a decision is taken. The language of deconstruction and its political and ethical rejection of nationalisms, borders and centres reflects the experience of those who are marginalised at the peripheries of societies, whom I call the hyphenated peoples or diasporic populations like the Beurs. But at the same time, this language enables them to assert and articulate their own existence, their own politics and identities in a way that opens new possibilities of resistance to violence and exclusion. Jacques Derrida's concepts of marginality, diaspora, translation and democracy-to-come express the experience of minority diasporic groups such as the Beurs in France. I attempt a close deconstructive reading of the Beur texts in order to trace their translations of the contradictions of French hospitality and the way the Beurs have been 'racialised' as an 'external group' threatening the supposed 'purity' of the French national culture by their physical, cultural and religious 'difference' though they are French citizens with strong affiliations with France. I argue that with their mixed origins and cultural multiplicity, the Beurs resist the authority of the 'constructed' and 'mythical' national purity and cultural determinis1n, since their position at the threshold between communities (the French and the North African immigrant communities) and national camps (the French and the North Africans) allows them to offer a basis for solidarity that transcends ethnic absolutism and national belonging. I argue in my thesis that it is the diasporic populations such as the Beurs in France that can open up hospitality to an attitude beyond nationalistic determinism and xenophobia.

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38

Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.

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39

Earlie, Paul Joseph. "Derrida's return to Freud : from phenomenology to politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c536ba17-c846-45d1-8a57-a39a29bbd56e.

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This thesis identifies and explores a ‘return to Freud’ in the work of Jacques Derrida. Resemblances between Derrida’s method of deconstruction and the therapeutic procedure of psychoanalysis have long been a source of debate among critics. Is deconstruction little more than a psychoanalytic reading of the history of philosophy, or is Freud a Derridean avant la lettre? Revealing this dilemma to be a false one, this thesis challenges major interpreters of Derrida such as Jonathan Culler and Gayatari Chakravorty Spivak. By developing Derrida’s well-known yet little understood concept of différance, it argues that this dilemma stems from an inadequate understanding of Derrida’s treatment of time. The structure of temporality implied by différance entails that the meaning of the past is continually reconstituted in its relationship to an ever-evolving present. Far from dissolving the importance of Freud’s contribution, this structure allows Derrida to circumvent nebulous notions of ‘influence’ and ‘indebtedness’ while still engaging psychoanalysis as a key theoretical resource in his own project of deconstruction. A productive engagement with psychoanalytic theory is shown to inform every major stage of the philosopher’s career, from his early phenomenological work to his later reflections on the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Derrida repeatedly turns to Freud as a crucial interlocutor in interrogating a number of philosophical problems encountered in his own work. These problems include the nature of time, space, and memory; the role of the fictive in scientific discourse; the question of the archive; the interdependence of the psyche and technology; and the relationship between politics and the unconscious. At a theoretical level, this thesis provides a detailed account of Derrida’s notion of spacing, arguing that the unconditional belatedness entailed by différance calls us to a difficult, dual responsibility: both towards the legator of an inheritance (that is, towards the textual legacy Freud has bequeathed to us) and towards the unforeseeable future contexts in which this inheritance will require transformation. The discourse of deconstruction, it concludes, enacts a careful negotiation of these two demands.

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40

Sweet, Cecily Sidney. "The Nature of Food Politics: Consumer vs. Industry Control." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/144991.

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41

Farrell, Kathleen P. "Backstage politics Social change and the "Gay TV" industry /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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42

Startin, Nicholas James. "Europe as an issue in French domestic politics : the troubled evolution on the right." Thesis, Brunel University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413585.

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Hodson, Jane Lesley. "The politics of style in the French Revolution debate : Burke, Wollstonecraft, Paine and Goodwin." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401297.

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44

Whitaker, James Long. "The union of Demeter with Zeus : agriculture and politics in modern Syria." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1160/.

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45

Rowe, Michael. "German civil administrators and the politics of the Napoleonic State in the Department of the Roer, 1798-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272814.

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Lôbo, Sônia Aparecida. "Trabalhadores frente à produção de medicamentos." Florianópolis, SC, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/90013.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política
Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-23T05:11:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 240728.pdf: 2676347 bytes, checksum: 39d8395bf39947ccfcf87e5e25d7bf0c (MD5)

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Watson, Peter Anthony. "Anarchy, order, and the politics of moral theology : censuring the French confessional right, 1924-1934." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271054.

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Kleinman, Julie O'Brien. "Dangerous Encounters: Riots, Railways, and the Politics of Difference in French Public Space (1860-2012)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10919.

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This dissertation builds a socio-cultural biography of Paris's Gare du Nord, Europe's largest railway station, from its transnational aims to connect Europe in the nineteenth century, to early twentieth century strikes, to twenty-first century immigration and riots. It shows how the formation of subjects, boundaries, and the "dangerous classes" in France were linked to infrastructural development. Through this examination, I argue that official French rhetoric and policies around the so-called "dangerous classes" created ideologies of contact that played out in concrete public space and came to be challenged by subjects and groups represented as dangerously different. Through encounter, overlapping boundaries--beyond the foreigner/citizen divide--became significant in the Gare du Nord, as marginalized subjects created new ways of relating spaces and bodies in this heterogeneous arena. My dissertation examines the connection between four processes that govern the station’s socio-political trajectory: 1) the government’s elaboration of the "dangerous classes" paradigm that led to expanding technologies of policing and surveillance; 2) the development of transportation infrastructure that brought migrants and goods to the capital; 3) the emergence of a railroad labor economy that created a new class of workers; and 4) the arrival and settling of immigrant groups from former colonies. I show how "dangerous" social archetypes, from the nineteenth century provincial migrant, to the early twentieth century railway worker on strike, to the African-Muslim immigrant, were summoned and reconfigured in events at the Gare du Nord and shaped the future configuration of political subjects and their struggles. I focus ethnographically on the trajectories of African immigrants at the station, the contemporary "dangerous classes." I argue that through their trans-regional networks and practices, the Gare du Nord has become a unique site of political contestation as it transforms into a node that connects the station to immigration pathways through sub-Saharan and North Africa. By offering an ethnographic approach to multidisciplinary conversations on transnational cities and postcolonial history, my dissertation builds a framework and methodology to analyze proliferating "theaters of encounter:" sites suffused with conflicting idioms, grounded in structures of human and capital circulation, and traversed by histories of struggle.

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Skinner, J. "Republicanism and royalism : The conflicting traditions of peasant politics in the department of the Vaucluse, 1789-1851." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234463.

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Stigson, Peter. "The industry role in policymaking : Policy learning in climate politics." Doctoral thesis, Västerås : School of Sustainable Development of Society and Technology, Mälardalen University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-7324.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics of French industry'

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