Academic literature on the topic 'Politics of French industry'

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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Carrol, Alison. "Wine Making and the Politics of Identity in Alsace, 1918–1939." Contemporary European History 29, no. 4 (November 2020): 380–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000375.

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This article examines the politics of wine making in Alsace in the two decades after the region returned to French rule in 1918. During these years Alsatian wine makers worked to transform their wines to meet the tastes of French drinkers, following five decades of producing wine for German consumption. As wine makers grappled with the question of how to secure the future of their industry, Alsatian wine became emblematic of the most contentious aspects of Alsace's reintegration into France. The introduction of new laws on viticulture raised the question of what was French about wine, the wine industry's woes symbolised the difficulties of Alsace's economic reintegration and wine became an emblem for often fierce wrangling over identity and belonging in the recovered region. This article traces this process and argues that while wine became a symbol of the complications of reintegration, its importance in understandings of French national culture equally allowed it to offer a solution to the problems that return to France caused for Alsace's wine industry in the interwar years. In this way, this case study of the politics of wine making in Alsace is suggestive of wine's broader power as a symbol of national belonging.
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Thirault, Eric. "The politics of supply: the Neolithic axe industry in Alpine Europe." Antiquity 79, no. 303 (March 2005): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113687.

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By examining their rock sources and mode of manufacture, the author offers a new interpretation for the Neolithic polished axe blades found in the western Alpine region. The dominant examples were made from rock extracted on the Italian side of the Alps (eclogitic) and finished in workshops on the French side. These first appeared as large blades with symbolic status, as part of the Neolithic expansion in North Italy. By the middle Neolithic the blades were reduced in size, but enjoying their widest distribution, creating a cultural zone on the left bank of the Rhône, more than 200 km from their source. In the late Neolithic, although the zone of influence was still large, the eclogites in the Rhône Valley were giving way to more local rock sources and copper. The fluctuations in this supply are interpreted as reflecting the varied political relations of Alpine communities.
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Passmore, Kevin. "Business, corporatism and the crisis of the French Third Republic. The example of the silk industry in Lyon, 1928–1935." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 959–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020525.

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ABSTRACTThe main purpose of this case study of an abortive entente in the Lyon silk industry in 1935 is to show that corporatism, often depicted by historians as a vague intellectual doctrine with little or no appeal to real business, was in reality a key category, linking business, politics and ideology. It is suggested that the problems of the silk industry must be seen in the context of a crisis of the Lyonnais liberal tradition and of the economic and ideological contradictions of French society as a whole. These tensions help in turn to explain the authoritarian potential of corporatism in the 1930s and the attraction of many business people to anti-parliamentary political movements. The example of the silk industry also reveals that corporatism cannot easily be categorised in terms of a traditional/modern dichotomy and that the impetus for the transformation of the French economy originated as much in the ideas of business people themselves as in the actions of the elite groups emphasised by some historians.
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Gendron, Robin S. "At Odds Over INCO: The International Nickel Company of Canada and New Caledonian Politics in the 1960s." Canada, Empire, and Decolonization 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044401ar.

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In the 1960s, the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) sought to preserve its dominance of the global nickel industry by securing access to New Caledonia’s abundant reserves of nickel ore. In attempting to do so, however, INCO became embroiled in an acrimonious political dispute between New Caledonian autonomists, who wanted to diversify the territory’s economic activities and secure greater self-government from French rule, and the government of France, which considered INCO a threat to French sovereignty over New Caledonia and France’s interests in the Pacific. In obstructing INCO’s ability to operate in New Caledonia throughout the 1960s, however, the French government inadvertently galvanized the territory’s nationalists and increased their demands for autonomy from France.
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Headrick, Daniel R., and Pascal Griset. "Submarine Telegraph Cables: Business and Politics, 1838–1939." Business History Review 75, no. 3 (2001): 543–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116386.

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International telecommunication is not only a business but also a political enterprise, the subject of great-power rivalries. In the late nineteenth century, British firms held a near monopoly, because Britain had more advanced industry, a wealthier capital market, and a merchant marine and colonial empire that provided customers for the new service. After the 1880s, they encountered increasing competition on the North Atlantic from American, German, and French firms. Elsewhere, the British conglomerate Eastern and Associated retained its hegemony until the 1920s. Following World War I, radiotelegraphy threatened the dominance of cables. In the 1930s, cable companies were almost bankrupted by the Depression and by competition from shortwave radio.
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Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.

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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Bergeron, Henri, Patrick Castel, and Abigail C. Saguy. "A FRENCH PARADOX?" French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205.

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The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail at any given moment.
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Milner, Helen. "Resisting the protectionist temptation: industry and the making of trade policy in France and the United States during the 1970s." International Organization 41, no. 4 (1987): 639–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027636.

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Why were advanced industrial states able to keep their economies relatively open to foreign trade in the 1970s and the early 1980s, despite declining U.S. hegemony and increasing economic difficulties? This article argues that an international-level change affected domestic trade politics and contributed to the maintenance of a liberal trading system. Examining the United States and France, the argument proceeds in two steps, showing first how domestic trade politics were changed and second how this change affected the policy process. Initially, I argue that aspects of the increased international economic interdependence of the postwar period altered domestic trade politics by creating new, anti-protectionist preferences among certain firms. Firms with extensive international ties through exports, multinational production, and global intra-firm trade have come to oppose protectionism, since it is very costly for them. Evidence for these new preferences was apparent among both American and French industries. Despite different contexts, firms in the two countries reacted similarly to the growth of interdependence. Next, I ask whether firms' preferences affected trade policy outcomes and show how these preferences were integrated into the policy process in both countries. Trade policy structures in neither country prevented firms' preferences from affecting the policies adopted. Even in France, a so-called “strong” state, firms' preferences were a key influence on policy. In the trade policy area then, the French and American states did not appear to differ greatly in their susceptibility to industry influence, even though their policy processes were different.
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Lapina, N. "Is There Any Chance to Revive French Industry?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 10 (2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-10-103-111.

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Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.

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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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Rhodes, M. J. "Steel and the state in France, 1945-1981 : The politics of industrial change." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371730.

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Underhill, Geoffrey Richard David. "The politics of domestic economic management in an era of international capital : the case of the French textile and clothing industry 1974-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236219.

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Rogers, Juliette R. "The political lives of dairy cows : modernity, tradition, and professional identity in the Norman cheese industry." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318354.

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Gregory, Stephen William George Modern Language Studies UNSW. "The collapse of dialogue:Intellectuals and politics in the Uruguayan crisis, 1960-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Modern Language Studies, 1999. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/17231.

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In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.
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Vinen, Richard Charles. "The politics of French business, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272342.

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Aston, Nigel. "The politics of the French Episcopate, 1786-1791." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359577.

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Burrows, Simon. "French exile journalism and European politics, 1792-1814 /." Woodbridge (GB) : the Royal historical society : the Boydell press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377203254.

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Willson, Alexander. "The Growing Instrumentalization of Catholicism in French Politics." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871639.

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Francis, Catrin Mair. "The politics of appropriation in French Revolutionary theatre." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9921.

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This thesis examines the popularity of plays from the ancien régime in the theatre of the French Revolution. In spite of an influx of new plays, works dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were amongst the most frequently performed of the decade. Appropriation resulted in these tragedies and comedies becoming ‘Revolutionary’ and often overtly political in nature. In this thesis, I will establish how and why relatively obscure, neglected plays became both popular and Revolutionary at this time. I shall draw on eighteenth-century definitions of appropriation to guide my analysis of their success and adaptation, whilst the theoretical framework of pre-history and afterlives (as well as modern scholarship on exemplarity and the politicisation of the stage) will shape my research. To ensure that I investigate a representative selection of appropriated plays, I will look at five very different works, including two tragedies and three comedies, which pre-date the Revolution by at least thirty years. Voltaire’s Brutus enjoyed successive Revolutionary afterlives from 1789-1799, whereas Lemierre’s Guillaume Tell was only truly successful as political propaganda during the Terror. Meanwhile, Molière’s Misanthrope was subjected to censorship and Revolutionary alterations, but could not rival the extraordinary success of one of his lesser known comedies, Le Dépit amoureux, which suddenly became one of the most popular plays in the theatrical repertoire. Finally, Regnard’s Les Folies amoureuses became popular in the highly politicised theatre of the Revolution in spite of the fact that the comedy had no obvious connection to politics or republicanism. The power of appropriation was such that any play could become Revolutionary, as both audiences and the government used appropriation as a method of displaying their power, attacking their enemy, and supporting the progress of the French Revolution.
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Welsh, Madison J. "Charlie Hebdo: The Politics of French Identity & Exclusion." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/730.

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On January 7th, 2015, two gunmen attacked the Paris offices of French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. Later identified as two French brothers of Algerian descent linked to Al-Qaeda, the shooting was perceived as a targeted and deliberate attack on the freedom of speech. Millions throughout the world declared "Je suis Charlie," in solidarity with the victims and in defense of free speech. Critics argued back and forth over whether Charlie Hebdo's right to free speech is in fact absolute, or if it's content could be considered hate speech. This thesis offers an alternative angle to this discourse, and that is a discussion on the narratives of French identity at play within the Je suis Charlie movement. What did it mean to declare oneself Charlie? Who was not Charlie, and why? These are the questions I seek to answer in my thesis by placing the event within the historical context of French Enlightenment, Revolution, and colonialism.
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Books on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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The politics of public enterprise: Oil and the French state. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1985.

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Feigenbaum, Harvey B. The politics of public enterprise: Oil and the French state. Princeton, N.J: University of Princeton Press, 1985.

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Technical workers in an advanced society: The work, careers, and politics of French engineers. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

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Ashenfelter, Orley. French wine and the U.S. boycott of 2003: Does politics really affect commerce? Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

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Chapman, Herrick. State capitalism and working-class radicalism in the French aircraft industry. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.

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Chapman, Herrick. State capitalism and working-class radicalism in the French aircraft industry. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

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Making and marketing arms: The French experience and its implications for the international system. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1987.

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Estados Unidos, Francia y Guinea Ecuatorial: Las "amistades" dudosas : tres sinopsis históricos, cuatro bibliografías (trilingüe). Ginebra: Editions du Temps, 1997.

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Lewis, J. A. C. French defence industry forecast. Coulsdon, Surrey, UK: Jane's Information Group, 1998.

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Sandra, Brown. French silk. New York, NY: Grand Central Publishing, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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Hancké, Bob. "Revisiting the French Model: Coordination and Restructuring in French Industry (in the 1980s and 1990s)." In Corporate Governance in a Changing Economic and Political Environment, 195–219. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286191_8.

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Belin, Jean, Julien Malizard, and Hélène Masson. "The French defence industry." In The Economics of the Global Defence Industry, 145–60. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429466793-6.

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Alonso Ugaglia, Adeline, Jean-Marie Cardebat, and Linda Jiao. "The French Wine Industry." In The Palgrave Handbook of Wine Industry Economics, 17–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98633-3_2.

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Sineau, Mariette. "Parité in Politics." In Beyond French Feminisms, 113–26. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09514-5_13.

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Varouxakis, Georgios. "French National Character and French Politics." In Victorian Political Thought on France and the French, 103–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505834_4.

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Slater, Malcolm. "The Constitutional Background." In Contemporary French Politics, 1–24. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17720-2_1.

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Slater, Malcolm. "Ideological Conflict." In Contemporary French Politics, 25–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17720-2_2.

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Slater, Malcolm. "Political Culture — Behaviour, Participation and Style." In Contemporary French Politics, 60–83. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17720-2_3.

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Slater, Malcolm. "The Presidency and Executive Power." In Contemporary French Politics, 84–110. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17720-2_4.

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Slater, Malcolm. "Government and Administration." In Contemporary French Politics, 111–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17720-2_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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Firmonasari, Aprillia. "Exploring ‘The Past’ in French Identity-Politics Discourse." In 4th International Conference on Language, Literature, Culture, and Education (ICOLLITE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201215.012.

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Bezier, Pierre E. "CAD/CAM in the French automobile industry." In SC - DL tentative, edited by Leonard A. Ferrari and Rui J. P. de Figueiredo. SPIE, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.19725.

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"Organizational Politics and Organizational Commitment: A Cross Industry Examination." In Sept. 21-22, 2017 Cebu (Philippines). URUAE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/uruae.uh09171025.

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Chengula, Zawadi, Miguel Angel Rubio Morato, Thilo Thurner, Yannick Wiedensohler, and Ludwig Martin. "State of Industry 4.0 Across Six French Companies." In 2018 IEEE International Conference on Engineering, Technology and Innovation (ICE/ITMC). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ice.2018.8436256.

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"The Driving Factor and Operation Mode of the Integration of the Sports Industry and the Old-age Industry." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.04.

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Yustitia, Senja, Muhammad Susilo, and Subhan Afifi. "Opinion Polarisation in Indonesia Politics." In Proceedings of the 1st Asian Conference on Humanities, Industry, and Technology for Society, ACHITS 2019, 30-31 July 2019, Surabaya, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-7-2019.2287626.

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Panuju, Redi, and Stefanus Rodrick Juraman. "Politics of Film Needed by National Film Industry in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st Annual Internatioal Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities (AICOSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aicosh-19.2019.28.

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Yan, Runqin, and Jingwen Bao. "Analysis of Application of Fama-French 3-factor Model and Fama-French 5-factor Model in Manufacture Industry and Health Industry." In 2020 Management Science Informatization and Economic Innovation Development Conference (MSIEID). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msieid52046.2020.00036.

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Gang, Long. "The Research on Innovation of Welfare Politics in Post-Industry Economy." In 2009 International Forum on Computer Science-Technology and Applications. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ifcsta.2009.266.

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Ignatova, D. F., and A. A. Shishkanova. "FOREIGN TOURISTS SERVICE. DISHES AND DRINKS FEATURES OF FRENCH AND SPANISH CUISINES." In Current issues in the beverage industry. Author-online, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21323/978-5-6043128-4-1-2019-3-117-119.

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Reports on the topic "Politics of French industry"

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Irwin, Douglas. Trade Politics and the Semiconductor Industry. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w4745.

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Ashenfelter, Orley, Stephen Ciccarella, and Howard Shatz. French Wine and the U.S. Boycott of 2003: Does Politics Really Affect Commerce? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13258.

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Bertrand, Marianne, and Francis Kramarz. Does Entry Regulation Hinder Job Creation? Evidence from the French Retail Industry. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8211.

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Becuwe, Stéphane, Bertrand Blancheton, and Christopher Meissner. The French (Trade) Revolution of 1860: Intra-Industry Trade and Smooth Adjustment. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25173.

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Zumwalt, James P. Pressure Politics and Free Trade: Influence of the Services Industry on the Uruguay Round. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442438.

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Richardson, Bradley. The Forgotten Front: Gender, Labor, and Politics in Camas, Washington, and the Northwest Paper Industry, 1913-1918. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2531.

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Teye, Joseph Kofi, and Ebenezer Nikoi. The Political Economy of the Cocoa Value Chain in Ghana. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.007.

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The cocoa sector has, historically, been the backbone of the Ghanaian economy. Many households depend directly on the cocoa sector for livelihoods, and aspects of the cocoa industry, such as input supplies to farmers and cocoa pricing, have historically featured prominently in national and local politics. This paper examines the basic underlying political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain, with particular focus on how the interests, powers and interactions of various actors along the value chain have contributed to agricultural commercialisation in Ghana. The paper also explores the challenges affecting the cocoa value chain, social difference within the chain, and how various segments of the cocoa value chain have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana since March 2020.
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