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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics of expertise'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Linovski, Orly. "Politics of Expertise." Journal of Planning Education and Research 36, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 451–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456x15620656.

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This research assesses how professional expertise is constructed and deployed by public and private sector practitioners. In-depth case studies of urban design projects in two cities with differing local government capacities are used to critically examine professional expertise. The study finds that the expertise of consultants was portrayed as more creative and innovative, less constrained by bureaucratic and political contexts, and more knowledgeable of market conditions. In contrast, descriptions of public employee expertise often focused on regulatory knowledge. This study analyzes the relationship between limited public sector capacity and these constructions of expertise—and the implications for professional practices.

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2

Heydebrand, Wolf, and Frank Fischer. "Technocracy and the Politics of Expertise." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073702.

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3

Deleon, Peter, and Frank Fischer. "Technocracy and the Politics of Expertise." Public Productivity & Management Review 15, no. 4 (1992): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3380637.

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4

Martimianakis, M. A., M. Mylopoulos, and N. N. Woods. "Developing experts in health professions education research: knowledge politics and adaptive expertise." Advances in Health Sciences Education 25, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 1127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10459-020-10014-x.

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5

Epstein, Steven. "Autism, activism and the politics of expertise." BioSocieties 7, no. 3 (September 2012): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/biosoc.2012.15.

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6

Schwartzman, Kathleen C., Miguel A. Centeno, and Patricio Silva. "The Politics of Expertise in Latin America." Contemporary Sociology 28, no. 2 (March 1999): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654895.

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7

Fortun, Kim, and Todd Cherkasky. "Counter‐expertise and the politics of collaboration." Science as Culture 7, no. 2 (June 1998): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505439809526499.

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8

Freeman, Jody, and Adrian Vermeule. "Massachusetts v EPA: From Politics to Expertise." Supreme Court Review 2007, no. 1 (January 2007): 51–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/655170.

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9

Herrera, Veronica, and Alison E. Post. "The Case for Public Policy Expertise in Political Science." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 03 (February 28, 2019): 476–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000015.

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ABSTRACTThe politics of public policy is a vibrant research area increasingly at the forefront of intellectual innovations in the discipline. We argue that political scientists are best positioned to undertake research on the politics of public policy when they possess expertise in particular policy areas. Policy expertise positions scholars to conduct theoretically innovative work and to ensure that empirical research reflects the reality they aim to analyze. It also confers important practical advantages, such as access to a significant number of academic positions and major sources of research funding not otherwise available to political scientists. Perhaps most importantly, scholars with policy expertise are equipped to defend the value of political science degrees and research in the public sphere.

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10

Harrington, Carol. "Governmentality and the Power of Transnational Women’s Movements." Studies in Social Justice 7, no. 1 (November 19, 2012): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1054.

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Feminists have celebrated success in gendering security discourse and practice since the end of the Cold War. Scholars have adapted theories of contentious politics to analyze how transnational feminist networks achieved this. I argue that such theories would be enhanced by richer conceptualizations of how transnational feminist networks produce and disseminate new forms of global governmental knowledge and expertise. This article engages social movement theory with theories of global governmentality. Governmentality analysis typically focuses upon governmental power rather than political contention or the collective agency of political outsiders. However, I argue that governmentality analysis contributes to an account of feminist influence on the fields of development and security within global politics. The governmentality lens views politics as a struggle over truth and expertise. Since experts have authority to speak the truth on a given issue, governmentality analysis seeks to uncover the social basis of expertise. Such analysis of expertise can illuminate important aspects of the power of movements. The power of transnational women’s movements lies in production and dissemination of knowledge about women within global knowledge networks.

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11

Collins, Harry, Robert Evans, and Martin Weinel. "STS as science or politics?" Social Studies of Science 47, no. 4 (June 22, 2017): 580–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312717710131.

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In a recent editorial for this journal, Sergio Sismondo makes two claims. First, he states that STS bears no responsibility for the emergence of post-truth politics. Second, he claims that debates about the nature of expertise that take place within STS are irrelevant in this context. In contrast, we argue that, whether or not STS had a causal influence on the emergence of post-truth politics, there is a clear resonance between the two positions and that the current political climate makes the empirically informed and scientific analysis of expertise and the form of life of science more important than ever. We argue that treating the contribution of STS to these matters as essentially political rather than scientific surrenders any special role we have as experts on the organization and values of science and leaves STS as just one political actor among others.

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12

Altan‐Olcay, Özlem. "Politics of Engagement: Gender Expertise and International Governance." Development and Change 51, no. 5 (July 10, 2020): 1271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12609.

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13

Powers, Madison. "Bioethics as Politics: The Limits of Moral Expertise." Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 15, no. 3 (2005): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ken.2005.0023.

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14

Pfister, Thomas, and Anna Horvath. "Reassessing expert knowledge and the politics of expertise." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 27, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 311–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.2014.986436.

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15

Lunt, Peter, and Tania Lewis. "Oprah.com: Lifestyle expertise and the politics of recognition." Women & Performance: a journal of feminist theory 18, no. 1 (March 2008): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07407700801902775.

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16

Bernardi, John. "The Politics of Expertise with Thomas J. Whitley." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 49, no. 1-2 (November 9, 2020): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.17728.

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What are the professional limits of a graduate degree in religious studies? According to Thomas J. Whitley, these limits solely depend on one’s ability to interpret their skills outside the realm of academia. Having received four postsecondary degrees in religious studies, Whitley, rather than pursuing work in the precarious academic job market, took his skills into the world of politics, ultimately becoming Chief of Staff for the city of Tallahassee, Florida. In this interview with the Bulletin, Whitley shares his journey into marketing his degree, stressing the importance for humanities students to be able to articulate their skills beyond the scope of academia.

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17

Trondal, Jarle, Zuzana Murdoch, and Benny Geys. "Representative Bureaucracy and the Role of Expertise in Politics." Politics and Governance 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i1.65.

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The vast majority of existing studies on bureaucratic representation focus on bureaucracies’ permanent and internal staff. Yet, the rising sophistication of modern democracies and the technocratization of political life are gradually inducing an increased reliance on external experts to assist in the development and implementation of policy decisions. This trend, we argue, raises the need to extend studies of bureaucratic representation to such external and non-permanent experts in governmental affairs. In this article, we take a first step in this direction using seconded national experts (SNEs) in the European Commission as our empirical laboratory. Our results highlight that Commission SNEs do not appear representative of their constituent population (i.e., the EU-27 population) along a number of socio-demographic dimensions. Moreover, we find that the role perception of “experts” is primarily explained by organizational affiliation, and only secondarily by demographic characteristics (except, of course, education).

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18

Harrison, Brian. "The Politics of Expertise. How NGOs Shaped Modern Britain." Contemporary British History 27, no. 4 (December 2013): 535–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2013.845395.

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19

Pellizzoni, Luigi. "The politics of facts: local environmental conflicts and expertise." Environmental Politics 20, no. 6 (November 2011): 765–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2011.617164.

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20

BULMER, MARTIN. "Social Science Expertise and Executive-Bureaucratic Politics in Britain." Governance 1, no. 1 (January 1988): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1988.tb00058.x.

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21

Sterett, Susan. "Expertise and Comparative Politics: Reply to Feldman and Gould." Law & Social Inquiry 17, no. 01 (1992): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1992.tb00933.x.

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22

Jasanoff, Sheila. "Science, Politics, and the Renegotiation of Expertise at EPA." Osiris 7 (January 1992): 194–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/368710.

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23

Frankena, Frederick, and Joann Koelln Frankena. "The Politics of Expertise and Role of the Librarian." Behavioral & Social Sciences Librarian 6, no. 1-2 (June 11, 1987): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j103v06n01_04.

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24

O'Brien, Thomas. "The Politics of Expertise: How NGOs Shaped Modern Britain." Social History 40, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2014.952568.

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25

Read, Róisín. "Comparing Conflict-related Sexual Violence: Expertise, Politics and Documentation." Civil Wars 21, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 468–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2019.1642613.

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26

Koprić, Ivan, Polonca Kovač, and Anamarija Musa. "Agencies in Three South Eastern European Countries: Politics, Expertise and Law." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10110-012-0005-0.

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Abstract Agencies are an organisational form with regulatory, expert or executive tasks that may ensure better usage of expertise compared to traditional administrative organisations. However, there are certain unintentional effects of the agency model, which are more obvious in transitional countries. Coordination and policy coherence gaps may raise the question of political accountability, provoke robust political interventions, and undermine the level of autonomy and expertise, especially where a firm legal framework does not limit the influence of politics. Another problem is the effective legal control over agencies. Traditional, bureaucratic legal procedures of internal control and courts’ supervision in certain transition countries, like those researched in the paper (Slovenia, Croatia and Montenegro), are not fully suitable and effective for agencies, opening significant room for politicisation hidden behind expertise. The recent proliferation of agencies in those countries causes many new problems of public administration and enhances old ones. Interview-based research conducted in three countries in January 2012 has the purpose to establish the main problems and issues in the functioning of agencies, especially with regard to the legal aspect of agency and politics / policy relations. Basic findings confirm the hypothesis that the agency model in those countries has not been stabilised yet. Professionalism, autonomy and expertise of the agencies are in a precarious position. The legal framework for agencies should be fine-tuned and strengthened, to ensure proper steering within the agency model.

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27

ARNOLD-FORSTER, TOM. "DEMOCRACY AND EXPERTISE IN THE LIPPMANN–TERMAN CONTROVERSY." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (September 4, 2017): 561–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000385.

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Historians often interpret American political thought in the early twentieth century through an opposition between the technocratic power of expertise and the deliberative promise of democracy, respectively represented by Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. This article explores Lippmann's concurrent controversy with Lewis Terman about intelligence testing, in which Dewey also intervened. It argues that the Lippmann–Terman controversy dramatized and developed a range of ideas about the politics of expertise in a democracy, which centered on explaining how democratic citizens might engage with and control the authority of experts. It concludes by examining the controversy's influence on democratic theory.

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28

Huckfeldt, Robert, Ken'ichi Ikeda, and Franz Urban Pappi. "Political Expertise, Interdependent Citizens, and the Value Added Problem in Democratic Politics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002012.

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In this paper we are primarily concerned with political expertise, interest, and agreement as factors that might accelerate the flow of information between citizens. We examine dyadic exchanges of information as a function of two primary sets of factors: the characteristics of the citizens in the dyadic relationship and the characteristics of the larger network within which the dyad is located. Moreover, we compare political communication within dyads across several different national contexts: Germany, Japan, and the United States. We assume that citizens are more likely to obtain information from people they trust, but why do they trust some individuals more than others? Is the frequency of communication predicated on shared political preferences? Or is it based on one citizen's assessment regarding the political expertise of another? The answers to these questions have important implications for whether social communication and social capital create added value in the collective deliberations of democratic politics.

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29

Davies, Sara E., and Clare Wenham. "Why the COVID-19 response needs International Relations." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa135.

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Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic affects all countries, but how governments respond is dictated by politics. Amid this, the World Health Organization (WHO) has tried to coordinate advice to states and offer ongoing management of the outbreak. Given the political drivers of COVID-19, we argue this is an important moment to advance International Relations knowledge as a necessary and distinctive method for inclusion in the WHO repertoire of knowledge inputs for epidemic control. Historical efforts to assert technical expertise over politics is redundant and outdated: the WHO has always been politicized by member states. We suggest WHO needs to embrace the politics and engage foreign policy and diplomatic expertise. We suggest practical examples of the entry points where International Relations methods can inform public health decision-making and technical policy coordination. We write this as a primer for those working in response to COVID-19 in WHO, multilateral organizations, donor financing departments, governments and international non-governmental organizations, to embrace political analysis rather than shy away from it. Coordinated political cooperation is vital to overcome COVID-19.

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30

Rimkutė, Dovilė. "Explaining Differences in Scientific Expertise Use: The Politics of Pesticides." Politics and Governance 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i1.82.

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Despite the growing importance of EU regulatory agencies in European decision-making, academic literature is missing a systematic explanation of how regulatory agencies actually contend with their core tasks of providing scientific advice to EU institutions. The article contributes to the theoretical explanation of when and under what conditions different uses of scientific expertise prevail. In particular, it focuses on theoretical explanations leading to strategic substantiating use of expertise followed by an empirical analysis of single case research. Substantiating expertise use refers to those practices in which an organisation seeks to promote and justify its predetermined preferences, which are based on certain values, political or economic interests. Empirical findings are discussed in the light of the theoretical expectations derived by streamlining and combining the main arguments of classical organisational and institutional theories and recent academic research. Process-tracing techniques are applied to investigate the process by which an EU regulation restricting the use of neonicotinoid pesticides (European Commission, 2013) was developed. The empirical analysis combines a variety of data sources including official documents, press releases, scientific outputs, and semi-structured interviews with the academic and industry experts involved in the process. The study finds that the interaction between high external pressure and high internal capacity leads to the strategic substantiating use of expertise, in which scientific evidence is used to promote the inclinations of actors upon which the agency depends most.

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31

Heesook Hwang. "Professionalism and Gender: A Critique on the Politics of Expertise." Korean Feminist Philosophy 20, no. ll (November 2013): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17316/kfp.20..201311.5.

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32

Weingart, Peter. "Scientific expertise and political accountability: paradoxes of science in politics." Science and Public Policy 26, no. 3 (June 1, 1999): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3152/147154399781782437.

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33

Lundgreen, P. "Handling risk: expertise and regulatory politics in Germany, 1870-1913." IEEE Technology and Society Magazine 16, no. 1 (1997): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/44.584645.

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34

Helgadóttir, Oddný. "Banking upside down: the implicit politics of shadow banking expertise." Review of International Political Economy 23, no. 6 (September 29, 2016): 915–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1224196.

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35

Jones, Carla. "Better Women: The Cultural Politics of Gendered Expertise in Indonesia." American Anthropologist 112, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 270–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01225.x.

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36

Hayton, Darin. "Expertise ex Stellis: Comets, Horoscopes, and Politics in Renaissance Hungary." Osiris 25, no. 1 (January 2010): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/657261.

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37

Nicolas, Frédéric. "Between ‘Scientization’ and Democratization of Science: The ‘Politics of Expertise’." Science as Culture 21, no. 2 (June 2012): 259–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505431.2010.550608.

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38

Rich, Andrew. "The Politics of Expertise in Congress and the News Media." Social Science Quarterly 82, no. 3 (September 2001): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0038-4941.00044.

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39

Krause, Keith. "Bodies count: the politics and practices of war and violent death data." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (2017): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.1.7.

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In discussions of conflict, war and political violence, dead bodies count. Although the politics and practices associated with the collection of violent-death data are seldom subject to critical examination, they are crucial to how scholars and practitioners think about how and why conflict and violence erupt. Knowledge about conflict deaths – the who, what, where, when, why and how – is a form of expertise, created, disseminated and used by different agents. This article highlights the ways in which body counts are deployed as social facts and forms of knowledge that are used to shape and influence policies and practices associated with armed conflict. It traces the way in which conflict-death data emerged, and then examines critically some of the practices and assumptions of data collection to shed light on how claims to expertise are enacted and on how the public arena connects (or not) with scholarly conflict expertise.

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40

Pel, Bonno, and Julia Backhaus. "Realizing the Basic Income." Science & Technology Studies 33, no. 2 (May 14, 2020): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.60871.

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Current social innovation initiatives towards societal transformations bring forward new ways of doing and organizing, but new ways of knowing as well. Their efforts towards realizing those are important sites for the investigation of contemporary tensions of expertise. The promotion of new, transformative ways of knowing typically involves a large bandwidth of claims to expertise. The attendant contestation is unfolded through the exemplar case of the Basic Income, in which the historically evolved forms of academic political advocacy are increasingly accompanied by a new wave of activism. Crowd-funding initiatives, internet activists, citizen labs, petitions and referenda seek to realize the BI through different claims to expertise than previous attempts. Observing both the tensions between diverse claims to expertise and the overall co-production process through which the Basic Income is realized, this contribution concludes with reflections on the politics of expertise involved in transformative social innovation.

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41

Boswell, John, Jack Corbett, and Jonathan Havercroft. "Politics and Science as a Vocation: Can Academics Save us from Post-Truth Politics?" Political Studies Review 18, no. 4 (September 20, 2019): 575–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919875065.

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In an apparently post-truth era, the social science scholar, by disposition and training committed to rational argumentation and the pursuit of truth, appeals as the ideal bulwark against excessive politicization of facts and expertise. In this article, we look to the experience of four prominent social scientists who have recently left the academy to enter politics with the aim of using their academic expertise to reshape policy. We use these cases to explore fundamental dilemmas derived from a close reading of Max Weber’s seminal vocation essays of a century ago. Weber observed that politicians were driven by a will to power, whereas academics were driven by a will to truth. We argue that these two competing dispositions create four tensions for the academic turned politician: (1) between calling and commitment, (2) between means and ends, (3) between rationalization and professionalization and (4) between facts and values. Analysing memoirs written by four of the most prominent academics-turned-politicians in recent times, we explore how Weber’s tensions manifest in contemporary practice. Our account reveals that these actors face a daunting, but not impossible, task. Their success depends on wedding the relentless pursuit of ends with the prudent application of political means.

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42

Shires, James. "Enacting Expertise: Ritual and Risk in Cybersecurity." Politics and Governance 6, no. 2 (June 11, 2018): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i2.1329.

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This article applies the concept of ritual to cybersecurity expertise, beginning with the cybersecurity “skills gap”: the perceived lack of suitably qualified professionals necessary to tackle contemporary cybersecurity challenges. It proposes that cybersecurity expertise is best understood as a skilled performance which satisfies decision-makers’ demands for risk management. This alternative understanding of cybersecurity expertise enables investigation of the types of performance involved in key events which congregate experts together: cybersecurity conferences. The article makes two key claims, which are empirically based on participant observation of cybersecurity conferences in the Middle East. First, that cybersecurity conferences are ritualized activities which create an expert community across international boundaries despite significant political and social differences. Second, that the ritualized physical separation between disinterested knowledge-sharing and commercial advertisement at these conferences enacts an ideal of “pure” cybersecurity expertise rarely encountered elsewhere, without which the claims to knowledge made by cybersecurity experts would be greatly undermined. The approach taken in this article is thus a new direction for cybersecurity research, with significant implications for other areas of international politics.

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43

Coletta, Damon, and Thomas Crosbie. "The Virtues of Military Politics." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (September 12, 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19871605.

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Sociologists and political scientists have long fretted over the dangers that a politicized military poses to democracy. In recent times, however, civil–military relations experts in the United States accepted retired or indeed still serving generals and admirals in high-ranking political posts. Despite customary revulsion from scholars, the sudden waivers are an indicator that military participation in momentous national security decisions is inherently political without necessarily being partisan, including when civilian authority defers to a largely autonomous sphere for objective military expertise. Military politics is actually critical for healthy civil–military collaboration, when done prudently and moderately. Janowitz and Huntington, founders of the modern study of civil–military relations, understood the U.S. military’s inevitable invitation to political influence. Here, we elaborate on two neglected dimensions, implicit in their projects, of military politics under objective civilian control based on classical virtues of civic republicanism: Aristotle’s practical wisdom and Machiavelli’s virtú.

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44

Jervis, Robert. "Politics and Political Science." Annual Review of Political Science 21, no. 1 (May 11, 2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-090617-115035.

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Throughout my life, politics and political science have been intertwined. I handed out leaflets for Adlai Stevenson at age 12, participated in protests at Oberlin and Berkeley, and, as I developed professional expertise, worked with national security agencies. Conflict has been a continuing interest, particularly whether situations are best analyzed as a security dilemma or aggression. In exploring this question, I was drawn into both political psychology and signaling, although the two are very different. I have continued to work on each and occasionally try to bring them together. My thinking about strategic interaction led to a book-length exploration of system effects, a way of thinking that I believe is still insufficiently appreciated in the discipline and among policy makers. My research continues to be stimulated by both developments in the discipline and unfolding international politics.

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45

Ziegler, J. Nicholas. "Science, Politics, and the Pandemic." Current History 119, no. 820 (October 20, 2020): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2020.119.820.303.

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Comparing the virus responses in Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States shows that in order for scientific expertise to result in effective policy, rational political leadership is required. Each of these three countries is known for advanced biomedical research, yet their experiences in the COVID-19 pandemic diverged widely. Germany’s political leadership carefully followed scientific advice and organized public–private partnerships to scale up testing, resulting in relatively low infection levels. The UK and US political responses were far more erratic and less informed by scientific advice—and proved much less effective.

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46

Lixinski, Lucas. "International Cultural Heritage Regimes, International Law, and the Politics of Expertise." International Journal of Cultural Property 20, no. 4 (November 2013): 407–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739113000210.

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Abstract:The article examines the problematic politics of expertise in the formation of international legal rules in the field of heritage, looking specifically at international conventions made under the auspices of UNESCO. The article shows that, even within this seemingly small and cohesive universe, there is a lot of room for disagreement, and much of it can be traced back to what Laurajane Smith has called “the Authorized Heritage Discourse” (AHD). The AHD is responsible for the dichotomization of heritage between intangible and tangible, as heritage professionals strive to hold on to and expand their self-created professional legitimacy and importance. Heritage professionals, in striving to maintain their relevance, tend to create self-referential regimes that exclude heritage holders and communities. I argue that lawyers, because of their own professional tendencies, might be in a position to offer a counterpoint to rule by experts in international cultural heritage management.

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47

Skaggs, Rachel. "The Politics of Expertise in Cultural Labor: Arts, Work, and Inequalities." Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society 50, no. 4-5 (August 12, 2020): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10632921.2020.1805080.

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48

Barke, Richard P., and Hank C. Jenkins-Smith. "Politics and Scientific Expertise: Scientists, Risk Perception, and Nuclear Waste Policy." Risk Analysis 13, no. 4 (August 1993): 425–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1539-6924.1993.tb00743.x.

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49

Eade, Deborah. "The Politics of Feminist Knowledge Transfer: Gender Training and Gender Expertise." Gender & Development 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2017.1286805.

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50

Tangney, Peter. "Between conflation and denial – the politics of climate expertise in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (November 28, 2018): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1551482.

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