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Patel, Karen. "The politics of expertise in cultural labour." Thesis, Birmingham City University, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.753295.
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What is expertise? In cultural work, the idea of expertise is commonly associated with a specialised knowledge of cultural forms and products, often possessed by art critics, dealers and cultural intermediaries. In the majority of literature on cultural work, the status of these ‘experts’ is mostly treated as normative and accepted as legitimate, with little attention paid to the expertise of the primary producers of the cultural forms which are judged. This thesis argues that expertise as a concept is taken for granted in cultural work scholarship, and thus requires further interrogation. The particular focus here is on the social media use of cultural workers to promote themselves, their aesthetic output and availability for work. As argued here, the status of their expertise is problematised in an ostensibly accessible and democratised space where ‘anyone’ can engage in cultural production. In this context, how do cultural workers signal their aesthetic expertise online? Signalling involves conveying information about one’s credentials. This concept is utilised in a framework to analyse the social media output of a group of UK cultural workers, who were also interviewed, in order to gain insight into their aesthetic expertise and how they manage signalling expertise online as part of cultural labour. The research reveals the expertise of cultural producers to be of a dynamic and fluid quality, worked on over the course of a cultural work career, where opportunities to build expertise can be constrained or enabled depending on access to resources. As these cases suggest, aesthetic expertise can be staged on social media by revealing creative skills and methods - the ‘back stage’ of production, then potentially enhanced through audience interaction, which can also put expertise signals at risk. The analysis also reveals gendered strategies for signalling expertise undertaken by the women cultural workers, to facilitate a potential collective raising of visibility online, but also raising questions about the exclusivity of such collective activity. The research concludes by suggesting ways in which cultural policy could widen access to creative skills and training, so that anyone who wishes to develop their own aesthetic expertise can do so.
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Bimber, Bruce A. (Bruce Allen). "Institutions and information : the politics of expertise in Congress." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13138.
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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.
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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Field, Mark. "The transparency of expertise in EU policy-making." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-transparency-of-expertise-in-eu-policymaking(d63183de-bb09-4dd6-be7b-67748e61d715).html.
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This thesis contributes to a growing body of literature on the role of transparency in public life. Analysing EU transparency through three levels of analysis, the thesis investigates how and why the expert advice proffered to EU policy makers is made transparent to EU citizens. At the institutional level, the study compares the transparency provided through the online registers to assess the extent of compliance with the rules and guidelines on the provision of information. It shows significant errors and gaps in the publicly available data, and demonstrates that these inaccuracies are the result of poor quality assurance at the institutions. At the group/actor level, the study draws on data from a series of elite interviews with policy-makers to consider the purpose of EU transparency. It shows that, whilst individual actors overwhelmingly frame transparency in wholly positive terms, collectively they bestow it with multiple attributes. The thesis posits that the EU has multiple transparencies and that the transparency tools - intended to improve citizen trust in the EU institutions - are frequently used by groups to undermine this trust. The process level of analysis examines the nature of the expertise used in the policy process in two distinct areas. It shows that, overwhelmingly, individuals apply to join an expert group following an informal approach from officials at the relevant Directorate General, and that those appointed in a personal capacity are likely to be already known to the Commission official responsible for the appointment. The study argues that, for the Commission’s expert group appointments, the non-transparent nature of these informal processes undermines the Commission’s rules and guidelines on transparency. Finally, the thesis recommends a number of specific and low cost measures to improve the transparency of the expertise used in the EU’s policy-making process.
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Lewis, Robin Anne. "Networked knowledge(s)?: Forest certification and the politics of expertise in Malaysia." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/202759.
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The proliferation of market-based policy instruments for governing the global forest commons has resulted in a proposed internationalization of the institutional arrangements, policy standards, and certification practices for assessing the ‘quality’ of forest management systems worldwide. Yet, like other global environmental governance systems before it, proposals for a universalized approach to forest certification have yet to come to fruition. Drawing on insights provided by Malaysia’s efforts to develop and operationalize the Malaysian Timber Certification Scheme (MTCS), I argue that standardization of forest certification systems worldwide is an unlikely and, more importantly, undesirable approach to forest governance. The central findings of this dissertation are thus as follows: 1) Despite many ‘on paper’ changes, the Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC) remains the most powerful actor within the MTCS. As an end result of an uneven distribution of rulemaking authority within the MTCS, the quasi state MTCC continues to dominate a distinctively monopolar MTCS institutional environment; 2) The current configuration of organizations involved in the day-to-day operations of the MTCS is reliant on a small, insular and tight knit group of similarly trained individuals who rely upon a single episteme that elevates state-conferred knowledge above all other ways of knowing; and, 3) Despite this state-derived episteme being a central component of the MTCS epistemic community, the audit process is far more ad hoc than planned. Instead of following a bureaucraticallyprescribed checklist approach to auditing, MTCS auditors simultaneously draw on the technical skill set that auditing demands (technê) and a more localized and contingent performance of their expertise (mētis) in order to make informed judgments. In summary, the MTCC and its scheme represent a highly contextualized approach to forest certification that values national priorities and local circumstances over international standards and norms. As a result, the case of Malaysia’s national forest certification scheme simultaneously challenges the state-derived episteme through which forestry experts are professionalized and, more broadly, the notion that forest certification systems can ever be fully standardized.
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Jerónimo, Natividade Helena Mateus. "Scientific expertise, uncertainties and politics : the protracted social and political conflicts over hazardous industrial waste in Portugal." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613020.
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Linsley, Johanna. "I know something you dont know : contemporary performance and the politics of expertise." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8510.
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This thesis explores the figure of the expert in a range of contemporary performance practices. Much has been written in recent years about the rise of education, pedagogy and research as both curatorial strategies and modes for making art (see below for cited texts). The significance of theatre and performance within these practices has also been asserted (see, for instance, Shannon Jackson’s Social Works). I argue, however, that the specific use of the figure of the expert within the conjunction of pedagogy, research and performance has not been fully addressed. I further argue that looking at the expert in performance practices provides valuable insight into the broader contemporary dynamic of knowledge and power, as well as telling us much about the current state of performance itself. This is clearly a broad topic, with many possibilities for analysis. In this introduction, therefore, I will outline the rationale behind my choices of practices and critical resources, and I will discuss the rationale behind the geographical and temporal limits that I have chosen. I will also define my key terms, while noting that all of them are both contested and subject to change. I will discuss my methodology, including the various ways I have accessed the performance events and documentation that are included in this thesis, and my approach to the interdisciplinarity that necessarily underpins a project with such potentially broad scope as this one. Finally, I will briefly outline the six chapters which form the body of this study, again indicating reasons for the choices I have made, as well as drawing a few initial connections between practices and ideas.
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Klepek, James Matthew. "Against the Grain: Biotechnology Regulation and the Politics of Expertise in Post-War Guatemala." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/145291.
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Since the 1990s, genetically modified (GM) agriculture has become a multi-billion dollar industry. Despite the rapid commercialization of GM crops in the United States, global controversy has slowed the adoption of the technology in developing countries. Yet, few studies have examined regulatory disputes outside of the United States and Europe. Debates in the United States and Europe focus on issues of human health and consumer choice. In other parts of the world, particularly Latin America, disputes center on the threats that GM agriculture poses to unique centers of biodiversity and food security, as well as issues related to bio-fuel expansion and the control over genetic resources and knowledge. My dissertation takes research on biotechnology in a new direction by analyzing the political process through which regulatory knowledge related to GM agriculture is negotiated, contested and reformulated. Guatemala is a key case to examine the politics of biotechnology regulation because despite strong US trade and transnational commercial interests, it is still illegal to grow biotech crops. The question becomes: what explains resistance to agricultural biotechnology? To address this issue, my dissertation focuses on three primary themes. First, I examine historical Mayan rural livelihood strategies within a context of political exclusion and state violence during the country's 36-year civil war. This history, in turn, informs a contemporary context characterized by the continued importance of subsistence-based corn production in the face of mounting rural inequality. Second, I contend that biotechnology regulatory debates in Guatemalan state institutions are integrally tied to a unique national context of corn biodiversity. I focus specifically on disputes between US-sponsored biotechnology regulations based on the principles of free trade and a more cautionary United Nations biosafety program. Third, I argue that resistance to agricultural biotechnology is bringing together diverse Guatemalan Mayan organizations until recently divided by the violence of the civil war. These organizations are deploying sophisticated cultural, economic and environmental knowledges that are effectively challenging efforts to commercialize GM agriculture. On a broader level, this study asserts that resistance to agricultural biotechnology is emblematic of broader struggles over the definition of legitimate knowledge in neoliberal development.
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Forbes, Shelby. "Who Owns Disability? An Investigation into the Politics of Representation." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1631.
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In this thesis, I show how a community of professionals providing equine therapy to individuals with disabilities discursively make sense of their enterprise. A market metaphor illustrates how disability is constructed as the capital sustaining the livelihood of their industry. Disability is a problem-centered concept. It is generally conceptualized according to a medical model which locates disability within the individual, as opposed to understanding it in a sociological sense which accounts for structural, cultural, and communicative factors. Therapy, on the other hand, is problem-determined-it needs to explicitly determine a problem to be treated in order to sustain itself as an industry and to legitimate the services it provides. As practitioners of an "alternative" form of therapy outside of the dominant biomedical frame, members of this community work not only to validate the need for therapy in general, but also to identify and justify the "uniqueness" of the therapy practiced. In an effort to proprietize disability, these professionals are involved in a politics of representation wherein divergent modes of speaking about disability (i.e., speaking from lived experience, speaking from expertise) vie to represent-or own-disability. In accordance with a market model, members are invested, with stakes in the rights to represent disability. Discourses of development and progress, hallmarks of economic ideology, are applied to bodies by staff as a means to validate the need for their services. Continuing this notion of disability as currency, I will demonstrate how, through their talk, members of this community construct types of disability-mental and physical-as having higher and lesser exchange values with respect to their therapeutic endeavors. Power too is conceptualized by professionals as a commodity to be exchanged in transactions from therapy-provider to therapy-receiver.
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Gwilliam, Janet Elizabeth. "The truth, whole truth, and nothing but the truth, censorship, sexuality, and the politics of expertise." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ59379.pdf.
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Schiffer, Ian S. "Lived Legal Expertise: Mobilizing the Political Agency of Incarcerated Youth." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/183.
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This thesis analyzes how caring relationships and an emancipatory approach to law related education (LRE) within juvenile justice facilities can cultivate political agency. I focused specifically on Camp Afflerbaugh-Paige, an LA County juvenile probation facility, in La Verne, CA, as a case study. During three months of teaching a law related education class and embedding myself at the facility with an asset-based framework, I encountered a wealth of knowledge that incarcerated juveniles possess, not from formal education or research, but based in their own lived experiences. Los Angeles County Probation spends $233,000 per student per year; assuming best intentions of those in charge and the actors, the students, with a wide array of expertise, should be thriving within these institutions and set up for success upon their release. Unfortunately, though, students’ academic, entrepreneurial, and legal expertise are criminalized rather than cultivated by the juvenile justice system. Through a policy class, the students created reforms to address the challenges of a paramilitary camp that neglects students’ emotional, physical, and mental health. The challenges in the environment complicate the political agency of students within the camp and post-release. I am making the claim that the political agency of the students is visible and the assets are tangibly cultivated by an emancipatory pedagogy, ethic of care, and the law related education curriculum.
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Smedberg, Naomi. "The Politics of Literacy in Sweden 1949–2013 : A Governmentality Studies Perspective." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225132.
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The aim of this master’s thesis is to trace examples of political rationality and governmental technologies in a selection of final reports of Swedish Public State Inquiries (SOU) where literacy and related concepts are fea-tured. I make use of the governmentality studies perspective developed by Nikolas Rose and colleagues. This can be described as a theoretical and methodological approach based on Michel Foucault’s concepts of govern-mentality, subjectivity, truth and knowledge, whose focus is on the ways in which social phenomena are repre-sented politically as problematic and how governmental technologies, in the shape of evaluative techniques, institutional practices, tools and programmes of reform and intervention, are developed for the remedy of such ‘social problems’. I pose questions, stemming from my primary aim, which relate to the observation of political rationality in my material, the kinds of governmental technologies which are suggested as useful or necessary, the aspirations of government discernible, as well as how literacy might be seen. I demonstrate that literacy can certainly be viewed as a governmental technology, employed in the realisation of political aspirations, on the basis of ideals of participation, influence, lifelong learning, and access, and through a political rationality, common in advanced liberal societies, which promotes notions of self-empowerment, autonomy and freedom. The ideal citizen is, I conclude, conceptualised principally as a Swedish-born, able-bodied, adult reader. This is achieved through a process of othering, or ‘dividing practices’, which places children, young people, immigrants, and to some ex-tent, people with reading difficulties and disabilities outside of the picture of literate normality. This is a two year master’s thesis in Archive, Library and Museum Studies.Syftet med den här masteruppsatsen är att urskilja exempel på political rationality och governmental technologies i ett urval huvudbetänkande av Statliga offentliga utredningar, där litteracitet och närliggande begrepp framhävs. För att uppnå detta syfte, tillämpar jag ett governmentality studies-perspektiv såsom det har utvecklats av Nikolas Rose med kollegor. Perspektivet kan beskrivas som ett kombinerat teoretiskt och metodologiskt angreppssätt med utgångspunkt i Michel Foucaults begrepp på governmentality, subjektivitet, sanning och kunskap, och som lägger fokus på hur sociala fenomen representeras och problematiseras politiskt, och hur governmental technologies, i form av bedömningstekniker, institutionella praktiker, reformeringsverktyg och -program för avhjälpande av sociala problem, utvecklas. Följande är exempel på frågor jag ställer i relation till uppsatsens syfte: är det möjligt att skönja en political rationality i mitt empiriska material? Vilka governmental technologies rekommenderas som användbara eller nödvändiga? Hur ser politiska förhoppningar ut? Jag påvisar att litteracitet tydligt kan ses som en governmental technology, använd för att förverkliga politiska förhoppningar, på basis av ideal såsom deltagande, inflytande, det livslånga lärandet och tillgång, genom en political rationality som präglar senliberala samhällen, och som främjar föreställningar om empowerment, autonomi och frihet. Jag drar en slutsats som visar att den idealiska medborgaren konceptualiseras främst som den flergenerationssvenske, vuxna läsaren utan funktionshinder. Detta åstadkoms genom en process av othering, eller ’skiljande praktiker’, som placerar barn, ungdomar, invandrare och, till viss del, människor med lässvårigheter och läshinder utanför bilden av den litterata normaliteten. Detta arbete utgör en två-årig masteruppsats inom ABM.
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Hinkle, Rachael K. "Does Advocacy Matter? Examining the Impact of Attorney Expertise in Federal Courts." Connect to Online Resource-OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1196706788.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toledo, 2007.Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for The Master of Arts in Political Science." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 50-55.
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Bigday, Maria. "L'engagement intellectuel sous régime autoritaire : les " think tankers " biélorusses entre expertise et dissidence." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG038.
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A travers l’étude de l’émergence et de l’évolution de l’espace de la recherche non étatique en sciences sociales en Biélorussie la thèse revisite la frontière entre la science et la politique et aborde la question de l’engagement intellectuel dans le contexte des transformations postsoviétiques. En 1992, en s’inspirant du modèle des think tanks, des entrepreneurs intellectuels biélorusses ont fondé les premières organisations privées de recherche. Le nouveau mode professionnalisé de production intellectuelle est alors conçu comme un instrument de la « désoviétisation » de la science et de la « démocratisation » de la politique. Les transformations autoritaires de 1995-1996 ont marginalisé cet espace au sein du champ du pouvoir et ont provoqué sa politisation contestataire. Vers 2006 la quasi-totalité des centres fonctionnaient en dehors des cadres légaux. La nouvelle génération de chercheurs qui arrive dans les années 2000 contribue à la reproduction de son caractère à la fois engagé et professionnel. Un nouveau système de relations entre les agents du champ politique et les think tankers permet à ces derniers de prétendre aux rôles d’« experts indépendants » et d’« intellectuels engagés »Studying the evolution of the space of non-state social science research in Belarus, this thesis re-examines the border between science and politics, and raises the question of political role of intellectuals in post-soviet societies. In 1992, inspired by the think tank model, the Belarusian intellectual entrepreneurs set up the first national private research institutes. The new professional mode of intellectual production was presented as a tool for “de-sovietisation” of science and “democratisation” of politics. The 1995-1996 authoritarian transformation marginalised the non-state research in the field of power. In 2006, most private research institutes lose legal status and operate informally. Nonetheless, the new generation of think tankers reproduce the professional and protest character of the non-state research. In the new relations system that connects them with agents of the political field, the think tankers continue to claim the roles of “independent experts” and “public intellectuals”
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Drenker, dos Reis Filipe Robert Rodrigues Verfasser], Oliver [Gutachter] [Kessler, and Wouter [Gutachter] Werner. "From territoriality to universality? : jurisdiction, expertise and the politics of humanity in International Law / Filipe Robert Rodrigues Drenker dos Reis ; Gutachter: Oliver Kessler, Wouter Werner." Erfurt : Universität Erfurt, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1216041334/34.
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Wohnrath, Vinicius Parolin 1985. "Laços de família e expertise jurídica : uma análise da construção do direito dos filhos ao afeto." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/250718.
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Orientador: Agueda Bernardete BittencourtDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa objetiva compreender as condições sociais que possibilitaram os debates públicos sobre o afeto familiar. Isto porque, atualmente, tramitam pelo Congresso Nacional projetos de lei para positivar a necessidade dos pais amarem seus filhos - recurso jurídico que ainda não consta na letra da legislação brasileira. Assim, inserida nos espaços de estudos sobre a organização familial e sobre os direitos infanto-juvenis, esta dissertação buscou pelos discursos fundadores, pelas estratégias, pelas redes e pelas ações práticas mobilizadas pelos militantes interessados em legitimar esse novo direito de família. Para descortinar os repertórios articulados por esses agentes, foram tomados como fontes de pesquisa as suas biografias dispostas nos dicionários especializados (origens familiares, habitus, formação acadêmica, atuação profissional, ligações nacionais e internacionais, etc.), os documentos institucionais, a produção memorialística, os projetos de lei, os discursos dos parlamentares e as composições das comissões selecionadas. Ao inquerir a construção social da obrigatoriedade do afeto, relacionando-a com as trajetórias dos militantes que fazem circular determinados padrões, buscamos desnaturalizar o direito - iluminando as disputas, existentes nos campos jurídico e político, para oficializar específicos modos de convivência doméstica nas últimas três décadas.
Abstract: This research's aim is to comprehend the social conditions that allowed the public debate about parental affection. Presently, there are three law projects following the legal channels. Their intent is to turn into a positive law the need of the parents to love their children - a juridical resource that hasn't been integrated to the Brazilian legislation yet. Inserted in the space that studies family organization and children's rights, this dissertation searched for the founding speeches, for the strategies, for the connections and for the practical actions mobilized by these militants who are interested in legitimate this new family law. In order to reveal the repertory articulated by these agents, were taken as research sources their biographies, available in specialized dictionaries (family origin, habitus, academic formation, professional actuation, national and international relations, etc.), the institutional documents, the memoir production, the Law projects, the parliamentarians speeches and the composition of the selected committees. As we inquire the social construction of the affection imposed as an obligation, relating it with the trajectories of the militants who put into circulation determined patterns, we try denaturalizing the Law - bringing light to the disputes placed in the juridical and political fields to officialize specific ways of domestic acquaintanceship in the last three decades.
Mestrado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Mestre em Educação
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Iskandarova, Marfuga. "Constructing a macro-actor in practice : the case of wave hub." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14429.
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This research examines whether study of the controversial evolution of energy systems and emerging energy technologies can contribute to the debates in energy policy and STS, especially those concerning the ongoing search for solutions to energy and environmental problems through the promotion of low-carbon technologies. The focus of this study is on the emergence and growth of a technological project in the renewable energy sector, Wave Hub in Cornwall, UK. The analysis, informed by actor-network theory, helps to explore the emergence of Wave Hub as a complex socio-technical system and a macro-actor. The case study reveals that the project is associated with various controversies and problematic temporalities. The construction of credibility and viability of the technological project is explored, including the 'public face’ of the project, various meanings attributed to Wave Hub and its symbolic capital. The discourse around Wave Hub is critically reviewed, as regards stakeholder assumptions about the technological feasibility of the project. Consideration is also given to the political dimensions of credibility, including the promissory role of policy discourse. An actor-network theory approach helps questioning the idea of policy as ‘macro context’; the utility of an analytical approach to policy as an actant is thus investigated. I ask to what extent, and in what sense, policy can be understood as an element of an actor-network, not merely a context. Furthermore, this helps to build a critical discussion around the evolution of the actor-network with policy as its active element and critically assess to what extent this approach might help to understand the destiny of a technological project. The politics of expertise in the case of Wave Hub is shown to play a critical role for the ‘credibility-economy’ of the project. Exploring how the expertise is understood and performed in the case of Wave Hub, I consider the question of the self-representation of experts and how the expert knowledge and the expert status are constituted. Studying the contestation of expertise and its categorisation helps to analyse various forms of collaboration formed around Wave Hub, but also antagonism which was revealed between different groups of experts.
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Eklöf, Jenny. "Gene technology at stake : Swedish governmental commissions on the border of science and politics." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1424.
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This thesis examines the Swedish political response to the challenges posed by gene technology, seen through the prism of governmental commissions. It discerns and analyses continuities and changes in the Swedish political conception of gene technology, over the course of two decades, 1980–2000. This is done by thematically following ideas of “risks” and “ethics” as they are represented in the inner workings and reception of three governmental commissions. The Gene-Ethics Commission (1981–1984), the Gene Technology Commission (1990–1992) and the Biotechnology Commission (1997–2000) form the empirical focal points of this analysis. The first two provided preparatory policy proposals that preceded the implementation of the Swedish gene technology laws of 1991 and 1994. The last one aimed at presenting a comprehensive Swedish biotechnology policy for the new millennium.
The study takes into account the role of governmental commissions as arenas where science and politics intersect in Swedish political life, and illuminates how this type of “boundary organisation”, placed on the border of science and politics, impinges on the understanding of the gene technology issue. The commissions have looked into the limits, dangers, possibilities and future applications of gene technology. They have been appointed to deal with the problematic task of distinguishing between what is routine and untested practices, realistic prediction and “science fiction”, what are unique problems and what are problems substantially similar to older ones, what constitutes a responsible approach as opposed to misconduct and what it means to let things “get out of hand” in contrast to being “in control”. Throughout a period of twenty years, media reports have continued to frame the challenges posed by gene technology as a task of balancing risks and benefits, walking the fine line between “frankenfoods” and “miracle drugs”.
One salient problem for the commissions to solve was that science and industry seemed to promote a technology the public opposed and resisted, at least in parts. For both politics and science to gain, or regain, public trust it needed to demonstrate that risks – be it environmental, ethical or health related ones – were under control. Under the surface, it was much more complicated than “science helping politics” to make informed and rational decisions on how to formulate a regulatory policy. Could experts be trusted to participate in policy-making in a neutral way and was it not important, in accordance with democratic norms, to involve the public?
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Momméja, Adèle. "Les enfants d'immigrés au temps du droit à la différence : socio-histoire d'une politique compassionnelle." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100086.
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Cette thèse retrace l’invention, à la fin des années 1970 d’un « problème de la deuxième génération » par un réseau transnational de fonctionnaires, d’experts et de chercheurs qui ont contribué à donner de la consistance à un groupe encore introuvable, c’est-à-dire non utilisé comme principe d’identification ordinaire. Elle restitue l’importation de la catégorie second generation, empruntée à la sociologie américaine, et le travail de traduction mené par des experts pour l’indexer au contexte de l’Europe post-migratoire. Elle s’intéresse également à la formation de nouveaux savoirs indexés aux « spécificités » de l'enfant d'immigrés et analyse le rôle des sciences sociales dans la formation d’un groupe social indéterminé. L’enquête restitue ensuite le passage de la catégorie de seconde génération du monde des politiques publiques vers celui des mobilisations collectives. Nous analysons la formation de huis clos protestataires qui ont favorisé des prises de parole sur des bases ethniques et permis l’émergence de porte-paroles parmi la jeunesse d’origine immigrée. Nous analysons les possibles que ces mobilisations ont ouverts au prisme d'une analyse longitudinale des carrières militantes et d'une étude pragmatique du déroulement des actions protestataires. Nous nous intéressons enfin aux conséquences biographiques d’une politique fondée sur des liens de reconnaissance interpersonnels et déconnectée de dispositifs de lutte contre les inégalités ethno-raciales. Les difficultés à négocier l’épuisement des mobilisations et le désarroi militant sont analysés comme la conséquence d’une politique compassionnelle qui a soulevé des espoirs tout en posant les fondements de leur impossible réalisationThis thesis analyses the invention, in the late 1970’s, of a « second generation problem » by a transnational network of experts, scholars and bureaucrats who gave increasing significance to a group which was still nowhere to be found, that is, not used as an ordinary self-identification category. It studies the borrowing of the “second generation” category form American sociology and the translation work conducted by experts to adapt it to the post-migratory European situation. It also investigates the appearance of a new knowledge adapted to the North African immigran children’s “specificities” and tries to understand the role of social sciences in the formation of an undefined social group. The research then focuses on the circulation of the “second generation” category between the public policy realm and the protests realm. We analyse the formation of protests behind closed doors which allowed claims on ethnic bases, and the emergence of spokespersons among the second generation. We seek to identify the emergence of new opportunities for a generation of immigrants’ children, by investigating simultaneously the activists’ careers in a diachronic perspective and the protests’ sequence of events in a pragmatic perspective. We finally address the biographical impact of a politics based on interpersonal bonds of recognition and disconnected from any measures against racial inequality. The troubles ex-activists had to recover from the end of protests and the confusion it generated are viewed as a consequence of a politics of compassion which nurtured hope but at the same time laid the foundation for its own failure
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Beder, Sharon Science & Technology Studies (STS) UNSW. "From pipe dreams to tunnel vision : engineering decision-making and Sydney's sewerage system." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Science and Technology Studies (STS), 1989. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/20621.
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The broad theme of this thesis is engineering decision-making. The various factors that shape technological development are investigated using the development of Sydney's sewerage system as a case study. The thesis focuses on various key decisions, past and present, including the choice of water-carriage technology for sewage collection, the selection of sewage treatment technologies, and on-going preference of engineers and bureaucrats for ocean disposal. Also covered are the legislative and regulatory mechanisms, the policies of the Sydney Water Board with regard to industrial waste disposal and the relationship between the Board and the public. A study was made of historical documents, engineering reports and papers, parliamentary debates, annual reports, minutes, newspaper reports and secondary sources and personal interviews were conducted. Various bodies of literature were referred to and used, including the books and articles on the history and sociology of engineers, the politics of expertise and public participation and the emerging discipline of science and technology studies. It is concluded that the development of Sydney's sewerage system has been shaped by social, political and economic factors and that engineers have played a pivotal role in the decisions made through their deliberate shaping of knowledge and the performance of predictions they have made for various options. The decisions made in this way have been defended against public opinion and public participation in the decision-making process has been kept to a minimum. This thesis supports the argument that technology is socially constructed, that the technical cannot be separated from the social, and that an interactive model of technological development is more appropriate than a linear, causal one. It shows that the role of power in the shaping of technology is crucial, and in particular the alliance of state and professional power that occurs in the shaping of public sector technology.
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Jalli, Nuurrianti B. "Media and Politics: Students' Attitudes and Experts' Opinions Towards Citizen Journalism and Political Outcomes in Malaysia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1503501829706421.
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Bayerová, Anežka. "Expertní kapacity českých politických stran: případová studie obranné politiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261809.
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The thesis deals with marginally explored area of expert capacities of the Czech political parties with respect to the different organizational types of selected political parties and movements. The work aims to find out what expert capacities work for these types of political parties, how these experts are recruited in their position, whether it corresponds to their educational background and professional experiences with function, which are they holding in the expert authority. Work is elaborated in the form of case study, which focuses on the activities of defense policy expert commissions. The text is divided into two theoretical and one empirical chapters. The first chapter deals with the process of policy-making, its actors and activities associated with this process. The second chapter defines the various types of political parties first from the mainstream perspective (cadre, mass, catch-all parties), which complements the modern concept of business party and finally there is a typology of S. Wolinetz (office-seeking, vote-seeking, policy-seeking parties). The last empirical chapter presents the case study focused on four Czech political parties (TOP 09, KSČM, ČSSD and political movement ANO 2011) and their access to party expertise. The result of this work is to compare the level of analytical capacity across selected political parties/movements and testing of hypotheses formulated in the introduction of the thesis.
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Hutchinson, Alexandra. "Experts by experience : 'madness' narratives, language, and politics." Thesis, University of Chester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/620314.
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This thesis demonstrates that the historic silencing of those labelled ‘mad’ is – paradoxically – inextricable from language. Stigma is a semantic issue. The focus of my first chapter is to establish how and when the language available to discuss ‘madness’ became so problematic. Chapter one establishes a dual language problem: first, the language which surrounds ‘madness’ is limited and limiting; second, this language imposes social ‘otherness’, often permanently. I approach the politics of the language of ‘madness’ using Saussure’s hypothesis of signification, Lacan’s theory of the nom du père, and narrative theory, in order to investigate who is to blame when language and narratives fail. In chapter two, I examine the reality of these semantic and narrative politics. This chapter covers a variety of ‘madness’ narratives salvaged from psychiatric textbooks, for example those of influential psychiatrists Emil Kraepelin, Eugen Bleuler and Sigmund Freud. Such texts have been essential to the development of psychiatry, but how have these discourses about ‘madness’ functioned to establish stigma? I retrieve personal accounts from these hegemonic publications, establishing how the presence of paratexts and psychiatric ‘authority’ manipulate the receipt of such narratives. This will demonstrate how the historic silencing of ‘madness’ began. Chapter three focuses on how a cross section of nineteenth-century fiction portrays ‘madness’, in order to explore the potential for fiction to offer ‘madness’ an accessible narrative platform. Initially, I examine literature as a continuation of psychiatric discourse, including Edgar Allan Poe’s ‘The Tell-Tale Heart’; Alfred Lord Tennyson’s ‘Maud’; Bram Stoker’s Dracula; and Elizabeth Braddon’s Lady Audley’s Secret. As a point of comparison, I examine literary representations which go beyond psychiatric discourse to articulate ‘madness’, exploring Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s The Yellow Wallpaper; Edgar Allan Poe’s ‘The System of Doctor Tarr and Professor Fether’; and texts which explore other selves and other worlds (Edgar Allan Poe’s ‘William Wilson’; and Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking-Glass). Chapter four examines the merits of visual art as a platform for ‘madness’ narratives, as it is divorced from many of the issues which are latent in language use. I explore the oeuvres of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century artists Richard Dadd, Vincent Van Gogh, Louis Wain, Adolf Wölfli, August Klett, and Hyacinth Freiherr von Wieser. Despite the theoretical assumption that visual art is universal and accessible, the social reception of art, necessary for this communication to be heard and validated, proves that the practice is far removed from this hypothesis. The stereotype of the ‘mad’ artist is, in itself, an oxymoron: in the realm of social engagement, either the artistic identity of the individual is compromised and eventually disparaged, or ‘madness’ is obscured and censored. Chapter five shows how the nineteenth-century model for (mis)understanding ‘madness’ is the foundation for our twenty-first-century discourse. This chapter examines narratives of ‘madness’ in popular culture, to understand how these discourses echo or challenge psychiatric representations of ‘madness’, and how a mainstream social audience is encouraged to feel about such depictions, including episodes The Simpsons, House and Peep Show, to explore how psychiatric discourse has shaped these narratives. This chapter also scrutinises the language employed by the media and other mainstream agencies in order to establish what these popular discourses reveal about entrenched societal prejudices and fear. This thesis addresses the question: can we truly ever speak of ‘madness’ without simultaneously silencing it?
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Prest, James. "Politics, science and experts : an examination of the political role of scientific experts with special reference to the case of radiation protection at Roxby Downs /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp936.pdf.
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Thurman, Scott. "Standing Up to Experts: The Politics of Public Education." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc67944/.
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In a small room in Austin, Texas, a group of 15 people are single-handedly deciding what is taught to the next generation of American children. The highly politicized 15 member Texas Board of Education is currently going through the once-in-a-decade process of rewriting the teaching and textbook standards for its nearly 5 million schoolchildren. Texas is also unbelievably influential on the standards that textbook publishers use as a basis for their textbooks nationwide. Over the last 10 years, the textbooks adopted by this board found their way in upwards of 65% of American classrooms. My goal is to shed light on this important issue and the key players in this process - I explain their goals, explore the scope of their influence, and delve into the personal motivations behind their actions, which will affect public education throughout the country.
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Heijboer, Claire. "L'expertise usagère : un défi pour les institutions sociales et médico-sociales du 21ème siècle : l'usagent et le maïeuticien." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. https://wo.app.u-paris.fr/cgi-bin/WebObjects/TheseWeb.woa/wa/show?t=1246&f=22902.
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L'action sociale et médico-sociale du 21ème siècle est en crise. Cette dernière s'origine dans le désajustement usager/institution qui s'est engagé de manière très visible dans ce champ social et médico-social dès le début des années 2000 avec la déflagration provoquée par la loi 2002-2 qui fait de la participation des usagers l'axe majeur de la rénovation - et donc du déséquilibre - des modes de gouvernance et du régime de légitimité des institutions de la solidarité à la française. La refondation de l'action sociale et médico-sociale par la participation des usagers à la vie des institutions qui s'est amorcée il y a 15 ans se fond dans le sens de l'histoire de notre démocratie moderne d'une égalisation en droit, en condition matérielle d'existence et aujourd'hui en reconnaissance citoyenne des individus. Produit - à la fois processus et résultat - de l'adaptation du travail social à la société moderne, cette refondation et les bouleversements institutionnels qu'elle dévoile renseignent sur la société des individus, des mouvements sociaux et des connaissances dans laquelle elle se déploie et permet de poser une question sociologique aujourd'hui fondamentale : comment les institutions de la solidarité s'adaptent-elle à la mise en réseau de l'individu, de ses cadres organiques de vie et à la montée des formes de participation sociale et citoyenne des minorités devenues centrales dans la formation du lien social aujourd'hui ?The 21st century's social welfare and medico-social action is going through a crisis, which is originated by the imbalance in the relationship between welfare institutions and their beneficiaries. This disturbance emerged quite clearly in the social and medico-social fields in the early 2000s in the wake of the watershed of the 2002-2 French piece of legislation. This law makes user's participation the major reform axis - and as such, a disturbance - of the governance system and the endemic legitimacy of the French institutions of solidarity. The rebuilding of social and medico-social action through users' participation in the care-providing institutions' day-to-day started fifteen years ago and is in keeping with the evolution of our modern democracy toward an equalization of legal and social rights and access to public ressources, today attempting to level out civic recognition of individuals. Being simultaneously a process and a product of the adaptation of social work to modernity, this reconstruction and the institutional upheavals it reveals provide information on a society of individual claim, social movements and shared knowledge. This society being the grounds on which the social work reconstruction is laying its foundations, it raises a fundamental sociological question today : how do traditional institutions of solidarity adapt to the global networking of individual life environments, and the increasing possibilities in terms of social and civic involvement from the minorities, which have become essential to social cohesion?
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Niemi, Marjaana. "Health, experts and the politics of knowledge : Britain and Sweden 1900-40." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31033.
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Early twentieth-century public health campaigns provide a useful means of examining the role that scientific knowledge has played in urban governance. By invoking the authority of science, public health experts and executives could claim that the way in which they analyzed and organized the life of the city was above class antagonisms, gender conflicts, ethnic tensions and the politics of age relations, serving the best interest of the whole community. This study, which compares infant welfare and anti-tuberculosis campaigns in the second cities of Britain and Sweden, Birmingham and Gothenburg, shows how health authorities used 'apolitical' scientific knowledge to regulate their city and to advance political aims. The study examines the role which infant welfare campaigns played in regulating urban family life and family relations. While the Birmingham campaign promoted full-time motherhood, in Gothenburg, where many households were dependent on women's wages and where industries were concerned to employ female labour, the authorities argued that the well-being of infants could be secured by helping poor mothers reconcile paid work with motherhood. Both these campaigns, though reflecting local economic arrangements and social structures, were anchored in 'universal' scientific knowledge. By comparing the anti-tuberculosis campaigns in Birmingham and Gothenburg, this study shows that these campaigns served to justify the central tenets of the municipal housing policies. The way in which tuberculosis was defined legitimated intervention in the homes and intervention or non-intervention in the housing market. The health campaigns enhanced the interests of medical doctors. In Gothenburg, where the majority of doctors worked in the public sector, public health problems were often defined as medical matters which were to be resolved by professionals. The Birmingham authorities, reluctant to damage the interests of independent practitioners, confined their activities to preventive medicine. Finally, the study examines how middle-class women and working -class women and men challenged the authorities' views.
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Brönstrup, Gabriela D'Avila. "Um ofício polivalente : Rodolfo Garcia e a escrita da história (1932-1945) /." Assis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/132124.
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Orientadora: Karina Anhezini de AraujoBanca: Rebeca Gontijo Teixeira
Banca: Wilton Carlos Lima da Silva
Resumo: Compreender os fundamentos do ofício de Rodolfo Augusto de Amorim Garcia (1873-1949), especialmente, naquilo que diz respeito às problemáticas próprias da escrita da história desse autor, sua atuação na coleta, seleção e divulgação de documentos históricos, assim como na organização de acervos, entre os anos de 1932 e 1945, é a questão que norteia esta dissertação. Tendo em vista a tensão entre a figura do erudito e do intelectual identificada naquele período, algumas inquietações perpassam a investigação das relações estabelecidas nos principais locais de sociabilidade e produção do conhecimento em que circulou: Que atividades os chamados eruditos desenvolviam? Quais as motivações dos que se referiam a Rodolfo Garcia como intelectual? Tais indagações servirão como fio condutor na investigação das possibilidades de escritas de vida por meio de correspondências e prefácios, bem como de sua dedicação na validação do conhecimento histórico através dos procedimentos metódicos praticados na edição documental e na promoção de cursos de especialização em um período de investimentos na formação de profissionais
Abstract: Comprehending the métier fundamentals of Rodolfo Augusto de Amorim Garcia (1873-1949), especially, about the own issues on his writing of history, his collecting, selecting and disclosing procedures of historic documents, even as on collection organization, between 1932 and 1945, is the main question of this dissertation. Taking in account the tension between erudite and intellectual figure at that period, some concerns pervade the investigation about the relationships established on the main sociability and production places of knowledge where he has been: What activities did the so-called erudite develop? Which were the motivations of those who referred Rodolfo Garcia as intellectual? Such inquiries will be used as conducting wire in investigation about the possibilities of writing of life by means of correspondences and forewords, as well as his dedication on history knowledge validation by methodical proceedings used in documental edition and promoting specialization courses during a period of investments on professional formation
Mestre
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Crawford, Matthew James. "Empire's experts the politics of knowledge in Spain's royal monopoly of quina (1751-1808) /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3358583.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 369-389).
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Blouin, Chantal. "Experts in the political arena, telecommunications policy in the United States." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ59059.pdf.
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Rahman, Kazi Sabeel Al-Jalal. "Governing the Economy: Markets, Experts, and Citizens." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10822.
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The 2008 financial crisis provoked a debate over how we as a democratic society ought to govern the modern market economy. Our prevailing response to this problem of economic governance has been to appeal either to free markets as self-regulating, self-optimizing systems, or to technocratic rule by neutral experts. Both these systems are appealing because of they claim to promote the public good free of the corruption, irrationality, conflict, and vagaries of democratic politics. This project aims to overcome this skepticism to sketch an account of a democratic approach to economic governance, inspired by the thought and reforms of the Progressive Era.Government
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Piolli, Alessandro Luis. "Participação publica e novas expertises : um estudo de caso na camara tecnica rural dos comites de bacias hidrograficas dos rios Piracicaba, Capivari e Jundiai." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286969.
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Orientador: Maria Conceição da CostaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
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Resumo: A centralidade da ciência e da tecnologia no mundo atual gera, cada vez mais, um aumento da participação de cientistas em decisões públicas, especialmente na resolução de controvérsias. Esta participação crescente de cientistas aponta dois problemas para o futuro das democracias. Um desses problemas seria resultante das desigualdades de conhecimentos entre especialistas e leigos, que são incompatíveis com o princípio da igualdade das democracias liberais. Outro problema ocorre quando o Estado, ao dar especial status à opinião de experts, fere o princípio da neutralidade. Pensados separadamente, esses dois problemas poderiam ser solucionados nos caminhos da política: as desigualdades de conhecimento ou a suposta "incapacidade pública" de participar das decisões seriam resolvidos com a educação; já a questão da neutralidade, ou o suposto descontrole democrático do conhecimento especializado poderia ser resolvido por meio dos concílios de cidadãos em tecnologia ou conselhos e comitês gestores com participação do público. Pensados juntos, no entanto, os dois problemas trazem uma questão mais complexa: se os experts são o princípio do conhecimento público, e esse conhecimento não deveria ser pensado como superior à opinião do público leigo, o público é, então, menos competente que os experts e está sob o controle cultural ou intelectual desses especialistas. Para discutir esses problemas, será feita uma análise compreensiva, com uso de tipos ideais de experts e de expertises, a partir do estudo de caso na Câmara Técnica Rural dos comitês federal e estadual das bacias hidrográficas dos rios Piracicaba, Capivari e Jundiaí, que terá como foco três aspectos: a elaboração de uma proposta de cálculos para cobrança pelo uso das águas no meio rural; as disputas entre setor rural e de saneamento para a definição das formas de cobrança e pela alocação de recursos arrecadados; e as propostas dos comitês estudados para divulgação e educação científica de aspectos ligados a gestão das águas. O presente estudo demonstra que a diversidade permitida na gestão por comitês promove a formação de novas formas de expertise, como a expertise híbrida - entre as expertises interacional e contributiva - que têm fortalecido o processo democrático. A análise dos processos de formação dessas expertises é o ponto de partida para o desenvolvimento de dois argumentos centrais. O primeiro é o de que a contraposição feita entre ciência e política, comum nas disputas do comitê estudado, desvaloriza um dos principais avanços do novo modelo de gestão das águas: a diversidade política, técnica e científica gera uma maior abertura ao debate político, fundamental ao processo democrático, e não a despolitização do debate. O segundo argumento parte da noção de que é possível se estabelecer, por meio de negociações, um mínimo necessário de conhecimentos que permite ao público "leigo" o engajamento na discussão, permitindo a ele, mesmo mantendo suas características de não especialista, participar das decisões políticas de assuntos científicos.
Abstract: The science and the technology are in the center of the world nowadays, which generates the crescent increase of the scientists' participation on public decisions, especially on the resolution of controversies. These scientists increasing participation highlights two problems for the future of democracies. One of these problems would result in inequality of knowledge between experts and lay people, which are incompatible with the principle of equality in liberal democracies. Another problem takes place when the State gives special status to the view of experts, offending the principle of neutrality. If considered separately, these two problems could be solved in the path of politics: the inequality of knowledge or the supposed "public failure" to participate in decisions would be solved with education, while the issue of neutrality, or the supposed lack of democratic expertise could be solved through the councils of citizens in technology or management boards and committees with public participation. If considered together, however, the two problems bring up a more complex issue: if experts are the principle of public knowledge, and this knowledge should not be taken as superior to the opinion of the lay people, the public is the less competent than experts and is under the intellectual or cultural control of experts. To discuss these issues, a comprehensive analysis will be done, with use of ideal types of experts and expertise from the case study in the Rural Technical Chamber of federal and state committees of the river basins of the rivers Piracicaba, Capivari and Jundiaí, which will focus three aspects: the preparation of a draft recovery calculations for the use of water in rural areas, disputes between the rural sector and sanitation for the definition of the forms of recovery and the allocation of funds raised and the proposals of the committees studied to disseminate scientific and educational aspects of water management. This study shows that the diversity allowed by the management committees promotes the formation of new forms of expertise such as hybrid expertise - between the interactional and contributory expertises, which has strengthened the democratic process. The analysis of the formation procedures of such expertise is the starting point for the development of two central arguments. The first is that the opposition made between science and policy, common in disputes of the committees studied, devalues one of the main advances of the new model of water management: the policy, technical and scientific diversity generates greater openness to political debate, fundamental the democratic process, not the depoliticization of the debate. The second argument comes from the notion that it is possible to establish, through negotiations, a minimum necessary of knowledge which enables the lay public to the engagement in discussion, enabling him, even while maintaining its characteristics of non-specialists, to participate in decisions policies for scientific affairs.
Mestrado
Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica
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Brönstrup, Gabriela D'Avila [UNESP]. "Um ofício polivalente: Rodolfo Garcia e a escrita da história (1932-1945)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/132124.
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000853654.pdf: 1209328 bytes, checksum: f9ec77a1ce8f9d67050377e7f2ff473b (MD5)Compreender os fundamentos do ofício de Rodolfo Augusto de Amorim Garcia (1873-1949), especialmente, naquilo que diz respeito às problemáticas próprias da escrita da história desse autor, sua atuação na coleta, seleção e divulgação de documentos históricos, assim como na organização de acervos, entre os anos de 1932 e 1945, é a questão que norteia esta dissertação. Tendo em vista a tensão entre a figura do erudito e do intelectual identificada naquele período, algumas inquietações perpassam a investigação das relações estabelecidas nos principais locais de sociabilidade e produção do conhecimento em que circulou: Que atividades os chamados eruditos desenvolviam? Quais as motivações dos que se referiam a Rodolfo Garcia como intelectual? Tais indagações servirão como fio condutor na investigação das possibilidades de escritas de vida por meio de correspondências e prefácios, bem como de sua dedicação na validação do conhecimento histórico através dos procedimentos metódicos praticados na edição documental e na promoção de cursos de especialização em um período de investimentos na formação de profissionais
Comprehending the métier fundamentals of Rodolfo Augusto de Amorim Garcia (1873-1949), especially, about the own issues on his writing of history, his collecting, selecting and disclosing procedures of historic documents, even as on collection organization, between 1932 and 1945, is the main question of this dissertation. Taking in account the tension between erudite and intellectual figure at that period, some concerns pervade the investigation about the relationships established on the main sociability and production places of knowledge where he has been: What activities did the so-called erudite develop? Which were the motivations of those who referred Rodolfo Garcia as intellectual? Such inquiries will be used as conducting wire in investigation about the possibilities of writing of life by means of correspondences and forewords, as well as his dedication on history knowledge validation by methodical proceedings used in documental edition and promoting specialization courses during a period of investments on professional formation
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Karl, Kling, and Wreth Ludvig. "TJÄNSTEPERSONSINFLYTANDE -En kvalitativ studie om inflytande och möjligheter till inflytande i miljö- respektive skolområdet." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-75106.
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Power and influence in the democratic process is a controversial area. In an effort to contribute to this is the purpose of this study is to investigate the influence that public officials have in the political process and if theories connected to influence can be observed in officials’ statements. We also examined if it differs between two political areas (environment and school). The choice of these two areas is based on the fact that these differ in nature when it comes to technical complexity. The study examines four public administrative officials, two administrators that work in the environmental area and two from the school area. We used semi-structured interviews in which the public officials subjective experience of influence were discussed. The study showed that the public officials in general have the opportunity to influence the political process through key factors such as their expertise, participating in networks and trough certain personal characteristics. We also saw that the public officials differ between the two areas concerning some of these key factors.
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Joyce, Marnie. "The structure of political judgement as a function of expertise : a multidimensional scaling analysis of the Australian 1996 Federal Election policy statements /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SPS/09spsj89.pdf.
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Marty, Thomas. "Mobilisations politiques et expertise électorale : la question de la « représentation proportionnelle ». Histoire sociale de la réforme électorale sous la Troisième République." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100148/document.
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Au début du vingtième siècle, après deux décennies sans réforme électorale, le mode de scrutin devient un sujet de controverse. Cette étude se propose d’examiner les conditions du choix de la représentation proportionnelle par les membres de la Chambre des députés française ainsi que par d’autres militants. Au-delà de la rééligibilité législative, c’est à travers le changement du mode de scrutin (introduction du scrutin de liste et de la représentation proportionnelle) que le problème de la réélection apparaît sous la Troisième République. Les professeurs de droit constitutionnel, tant à Paris qu’en province, délaissent cette expertise malgré quelques entreprises militantes éparses. Leurs étudiants formulent alors un savoir académique vite enserré par les contraintes récurrentes des jurys de thèse. Nous cherchons à examiner pourquoi et comment le parlement s’est emparé de cette question. Si les conservateurs et les socialistes sont les plus zélés partisans de la représentation proportionnelle, on ne peut en rester au fait que les partis défendent des systèmes qui les favorisent le plus. Notre étude insiste sur la stabilité socio-biographique du recrutement parlementaire plutôt que sur les variations de majorité et donc d’intérêts. Il faut expliquer pourquoi et comment ce fut le débat parlementaire lui-même qui a pu aboutir à une réforme électorale. Le système mixte de 1919, entre proportionnelle et principe majoritaire, exprime cette tendance des députés à l’ « auto-critique » qui dessine in fine un « auto-portrait ». Progressivement, les circulaires ministérielles adressées aux préfets confondent ces problèmes en un seul mouvement qui tente de codifier l’organisation des candidatures qui pourrait être au fondement du renouvellement souhaité. Ce travail préfectoral retire aux seuls entrepreneurs électoraux le monopole de l’anticipation des résultats et en ménage une co-production administrative. Dans la production préfectorale, de nouvelles cartes des circonscriptions uninominales ont eu tendance à perpétuer le traditionnel « scrutin d’arrondissement ». Ces tentatives de réforme électorale spatiale ont également introduit une nouvelle échelle dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales. Cet élargissement de la capacité électorale a été rendu possible par une nouvelle représentation : la circonscription administrative du département a eu tendance à devenir le critère principal de la mobilisation électorale que ce soit pour la loi électorale de 1919 ou celle de 1927Early twentieth century, after two decades of indifference to electoral reform, the electoral system has become a controversial question. This study explores the factors that should been taken into consideration when members of the French Chamber of Deputies and some other activists have tried to choose “proportional representation”. Beyond its political and legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the Third Republic was influenced by manipulation of electoral rules – in particular the introduction of proportional and list voting. In Paris and in Province, professors desert this part of doctrine in spite of some militant activities. Students had produced their thesis under constraint because the boards of examiners were always the same. We seek to explain how and why Parliament becomes leader in this electoral reform. Conservatives and Socialists advocated more strongly the proportional representation. The problem is often stated on the level in which every political party prefers the electoral system that favors it. This study will underline the biographical and social effect of membership stability instead of change in partisan control of the legislature. We seek to explain why a parliamentary debate may lead to a change in the established electoral system. The mixed system of 1919, between proportional representation and majority principle, expresses the deputies’ trends to self-criticism which is also self- representation. Increasingly, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tend to conflate these elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating and predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them and the Prefects. First, new maps for single-seat districts have tended to perpetuate the traditionnal “scrutin d’arrondissement”. These attemps of spatial electoral reform have introduced a new scale in electoral campaign. This enlargement of electoral capability was made possible with a new representation : the administrative district of “département” has tended to become the main criterion in electoral mobilization whatever one of the two different electoral rules in 1919 and 1927
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Machado, Eduardo Pinto. "De aprendiz a coach : o aprendizado sobre o uso de anabolizantes entre estudantes de Educação Física." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/133749.
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A utilização não-terapêutica de drogas anabolizantes está documentada na literatura médica como prejudicial à saúde e, na legislação brasileira, como infração penal ante à Lei das Drogas. Apesar dos alertas em diferentes recantos da mídia, cresce o uso destes medicamentos em meio à população brasileira. Entre os usuários, a maioria deles jovens praticantes de musculação, é possível perceber que muitos não apenas usam tais drogas com o propósito de obter ganho muscular, mas também desenvolvem conhecimentos cada vez mais sofisticados, e de várias ordens, sobre os diferentes efeitos dos anabolizantes no corpo humano visando seu melhor uso. Dada à relevância social deste tema e da relação direta com o campo da Educação Física, o presente relatório de pesquisa versa acerca do empreendimento de uma investigação strito sensu que buscou compreender o processo de aquisição, elaboração e compartilhamento dos conhecimentos acerca do uso de anabolizantes entre estudantes de graduação em Educação Física. O marco teórico que subsidiou este estudo contempla, principalmente, as discussões sobre as formulações de Nikolas Rose acerca das biopolíticas contemporâneas (políticas da própria vida), em articulação com os conceitos de enhancement corporal e expertise, além de também versar acerca da teoria da biossociabilidade de Paul Rabinow e da bioascese de Francisco Ortega. A parte mais densa do material empírico foi obtida a partir de entrevistas episódicas, entretanto, sites da Internet também serviram como fontes de informação complementar no processo de identificação sobre como ocorre a organização e sistematização do aprendizado em ambiente virtual. Os entrevistados descreveram o aprendizado sobre a utilização de medicamentos anabolizantes como algo considerado “proibido” frente aos elementos éticos e jurídicos e envolto em um clima de clandestinidade na formação inicial. A partir das entrevistas foi possível identificar que o aprendizado sobre a utilização dos medicamentos anabolizantes é uma temática que apenas tangencia o percurso curricular formal dos acadêmicos de um curso de Educação Física. Também foi possível identificar, a partir do material empírico, que além da dimensão formal de aprendizagem na Educação Física, estes estudantes encontram, fora da graduação, as seguintes dimensões de aprendizagem sobre o tema: as academias de musculação, os fóruns virtuais da Internet e os coaches, considerados os guias da construção corporal por meio do uso do anabolizante. Há também uma última dimensão de aprendizagem que consiste no momento em que os sujeitos têm sua expertise reconhecida pelos pares do grupo quando, então, tornam-se coaches, passando a aplicar os conhecimentos sobre as modificações corporais não apenas em si mesmos, mas também em outras pessoas.The non-therapeutic use of anabolic drugs is documented in the medical literature as harmful to health and, in Brazilian legislation, as a criminal offense. In spite of warnings in different media spaces, there is an increased use of these drugs among the Brazilian population. Among the users, most of them young bodybuilders, we observed that many not only use these drugs in order to develop muscle hypertrophy, but also acquire increasingly sophisticated knowledge, from several orders, about the different effects of anabolic drugs on the human body aiming at a safer use. Taking into account the social importance of this theme and its direct relation with the Physical Education area, this study aimed to understand the process of acquisition, development and sharing of knowledge about the use of anabolic steroids among undergraduate students of Physical Education. The theoretical framework that supports this study includes mainly discussions on the formulation by Nikolas Rose about contemporary biopolitics of life, in conjunction with de concepts of body enhancement and expertise, and also discusses about the biosociality theory by Paul Rabinow and the bioasceticism by Francisco Ortega. The densest element of the empirical material was obtained from episodic interviews; however, websites also served as data sources in order to identify how learning is organized on the internet. Interview participants described learning about the use of anabolic drugs as something considered "forbidden" in face of ethical and legal elements, and surrounded by a clandestine environment in initial training. From the interviews, we could identify that learning about the use of anabolic steroids is an issue that only touches the formative trajectory of the undergraduate students of Physical Education. We also identified, from the empirical data, that, besides the formal dimension of learning in Physical Education, these students find, outside the undergraduate course, the following learning dimensions about the theme: gyms, virtual forums, and the coaches. The coaches are the last level of learning about the use of anabolic steroids. In this stage, the subjects have their expertise recognized by their peers.
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Targa, Leandro Garcez. "A politização do direito na magistratura: ativismo jurídico via associativismo de juízes, uma análise da AJD e da militância pelos direitos humanos." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/993.
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Previous issue date: 2010-04-06Ao longo da década de 1990, a partir do contexto da Constituição de 1988, emergiu uma nova geração de magistrados brasileiros que se inserem na disputa interna ao campo jurídico criticando a tradição de neutralidade política na atuação profissional do juiz. O presente trabalho procura avaliar a atuação de parte deste grupo de ativistas jurídicos que se organizam em torno de associações. O foco da análise é na maneira com que os agentes utilizam estes espaços de organização coletiva para captação de capital simbólico utilizado tanto em disputas internas no campo jurídico quanto em disputas no campo da política do Estado. A partir desta análise foi possível fazer uma caracterização do associativismo na magistratura, tendo a Associação Juízes para a Democracia (AJD) como objeto empírico para avaliação de um tipo diferente de associativismo quando comparado a outras associações mais antigas de atuação no país. O trabalho analisa também o associativismo da magistratura por meio do uso de estratégias internacionais para obtenção de legitimidade social nas ações de militância política de seus agentes. Neste sentido, enfocam-se os efeitos da internacionalização da expertise jurídica européia na atuação associativista dos juízes brasileiros através da estratégia internacional de militância pelos direitos humanos.
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Grandi, Elisa. "Reti di esperti e attori politici nelle missioni della Banca Mondiale : l programmi in Colombia e i loro effetti globali sull’assistenza allo sviluppo (1940-1966)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC103/document.
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Crée en 1944, la Banque Internationale pour la Reconstruction et le développement entre en activité en 1947. Parmi les premières activités auxquelles elle se consacre au cours des années quarante, les missions et prêts de la Banque Mondiale en Colombie représentent un moment clef dans l’évolution de cette institution vers la forme d’organisation, l’articulation des procédures et la définition des objectifs qui la caractérisent encore aujourd’hui. Notre recherche porte sur ce processus, en se concentrant en particulier sur la mission organisée en 1949 et sur les conséquences de cette celle-ci sur l’évolution de la Banque, ainsi que sur la politique économique colombienne. Nous avons étudié l’ensemble des pratiques liées à l’évolution des politiques de la Banque mondiale dans les premières années d’activité, en soulignant en particulier le caractère émergent de cette organisation. Dans cette évolution, les missions représenteraient un moment d’interaction entre experts internationaux et experts locaux, fondamental pour comprendre l’évolution de l’action de la Banque mondiale. À partir de cette hypothèse, le défi principal de la recherche a été celui d’élaborer une méthode d’analyse permettant de saisir les stratégies et les pratiques mises en place au cours des missions de la Banque Mondiale et de les mettre en relation avec les résultats de ces missions. Pour saisir ces stratégies nous avons analysé les liens mises en place entre les acteurs, locaux et transnationaux, au cours des missions et en observer l’évolution dans le temps. La reconstruction de ces liens nous a permis de mieux comprendre l’émergence de certaines institutions à la base de la demande et de la gestion des prêts, ainsi que des critères d’évaluation et d’intervention des experts internationaux dans les pays en développement. Nous essayons donc d’étudier un phénomène transnational par une approche micro historiqueThe International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was founded in 1944 and began its operations in 1947. Among the first activities the Bank carried out in the 1940s, the missions and loans in Colombia represented a key moment in the evolution of this institution towards the form of organization, the articulation of procedures and the definition of the objectives that characterize the Bank still today. Our research focuses on this process, focusing in particular on the General Survey mission organized in 1949 and its implications for the evolution of the Bank, as well as Colombian economic policy. Through this mission, we examined the practices related to the evolution of the World Bank's policies during the first years of activity, highlighting in particular the emergent nature of this organization. These missions, analyzed as a moment of interaction between international experts and local experts, are fundamental to understanding the evolution of the World Bank's work. Based on this assumption, one of the main challenge of the research was to develop a method of analysis to capture the strategies and practices developed during the World Bank missions and to relate them to the results of these missions. In order to understand these strategies, we analyzed the links established among the actors, local and international, and observed their evolution over time. Crafting and studying these links allowed us to better understand the emergence of certain institutions related to the demand and management of the loans, as well as the criteria the Bank established for the evaluation and intervention of international experts in developing countries. This implied the study of a transnational phenomenon by a micro-historical approach
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Robson, Eleanor Dezateux. "Improvement and environmental conflict in the northern fens, 1560-1665." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290033.
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This thesis examines 'improvement' of wetland commons in early modern England as a contested process of rapid environmental change. As a flagship project of agrarian improvement, drainage sought to alchemise pastoral fen commons into arable enclosed terra firma and promised manifold benefits for crown, commoners, and commonwealth alike. In practice, however, improvement schemes generated friction between the political and fiscal agendas of governors and projectors and local communities' customary ways of knowing and using wetland commons, provoking the most sustained and violent agrarian unrest of the seventeenth century. This thesis situates the first state-led drainage project in England, in the northern fens of Hatfield Level, in the context of the local politics of custom, national legal and political developments, and international movements of capital, expertise, and refugees; all of which intersected to reshape perceptions and management of English wetlands. Drawing on the analytic perspectives of environmental history, this thesis explores divergent ideas and practices generating conflict over the making of private property, reorganisation of flow, and reconfiguration of lived environments. This thesis argues that different 'environing' practices - both mental and material - distinguished what was seen as an ordered or disordered landscape, determined when and how water was understood as a resource or risk, and demarcated different scales and forms of intervention. Rival visions of the fenscape, ways of knowing land and water, and concepts of value and justice were productive of, and produced by, different practices of management, ownership, and use. Drainage disputes therefore crossed different spheres of discourse and action, spanning parliament, courtroom, and commons to bring improvement into dialogue with fen custom and generate a contentious environmental politics. In seven substantive chapters, this thesis investigates how improvement was imagined, legitimised, and enacted; how fen communities experienced and navigated rapid environmental transformation; and how political, social, and spatial boundaries were reforged in the process. By grounding improvement in the early modern fenscape, this thesis reintegrates agency into accounts of inexorable socio-economic change, illuminates ideas at work in social contexts, and deepens understandings of environmental conflict.
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Maire, Sarah. "Science et politique des "soft skills" de l'éducation à l'emploi : sociologie d'un nouveau motif cognitif international." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG049.
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La thèse étudie les relations entre science et politique à travers l’émergence d’un nouveau concept, celui de « soft skills ». Examinant comment ce motif cognitif se construit et se diffuse à l’échelle internationale en l’espace d’une décennie, elle met en évidence le rôle essentiel d’experts et d’organisations internationales, mais aussi d’entrepreneurs et de réseaux privés. Ces circulations mènent à la convergence progressive des acteurs sociaux autour d’un même raisonnement qui se décline au sein du monde de l’éducation et du monde de l’emploi. Menée en France, la seconde partie de la recherche replace ces évolutions dans une dynamique de recomposition de l’action publique et d’émergence de nouveaux cadres, intimement liés à l’implication croissante de nouveaux acteurs issus de la philanthropie et de l’entrepreneuriat social. Articulée à la promotion du capital humain et de l’économie de la connaissance, justifiée par la stratégie européenne d’éducation tout au long de la vie et d’investissement social, soutenue par la responsabilité sociale revendiquée par certaines entreprises, la valorisation des compétences sociales mène à l’hybridation progressive des politiques et de leurs acteurs. Ces arrangements sont étudiés dans la troisième partie de la thèse, consacrée à l’étude de plusieurs dispositifs éducatifsThis doctoral thesis studies the relationships between science and policy through the emergence of the new concept of “soft skills”. Examining how this cognitive motive is built and disseminated at a global level over the last decade, this research shows the essential roles played by experts and international organizations, as well as by entrepreneurs and private networks. These circulations lead to a gradual convergence of actors upon a shared reasoning in the field of education and employment policies. Conducted in France, the second part of the research shows how these dynamics fit in the context of public policies’ reconfigurations. New frames emerge, tightly linked to the growing influence of new actors coming from the fields of philanthropy and social entrepreneurship. Nested in the promotion of human capital and the knowledge economy, justified by the European strategy of lifelong learning and social investment, and by corporate social responsibility claimed by companies, soft skills are growingly promoted. This leads to a gradual hybridization of policies and their actors, studied in the last part of the research which based upon study cases of educational programs
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Fernandez, Sara. "Si la Garonne avait voulu... étude de l'étiologie déployée dans la gestion de l'eau de la Garonne, en explorant l'herméneutique sociale qui a déterminé sa construction." Phd thesis, AgroParisTech, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00466462.
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Cette recherche explore les mécanismes par lesquels des principes méthodologiques d'interprétation et d'explication définissent des relations de causalité particulières qui ont façonné et façonnent aujourd'hui un certain discours sur la gestion de l'eau, un certain développement des sciences et des techniques de l'eau et un certain pouvoir sur l'eau. Nous nous appuyons sur un cas d'étude particulier, celui de la gestion de l'eau dans le bassin de la Garonne. Quelles relations causales ont permis de façonner les stratégies favorisant la construction d'infrastructures hydrauliques ? Quelles relations de pouvoir ont permis à ces stratégies de s'imposer ? Quels schèmes interprétatifs ont été mobilisés, quelles structures de signification ont-ils alimentées et quelles structures de domination ont-ils renforcées ou au contraire affaiblies? La réponse à ces questions exige de caractériser et de comprendre la gestion de l'eau actuelle dans le bassin de la Garonne. Un examen de l'histoire des infrastructures hydrauliques du Sud-ouest de la France, des rapports de force et des justifications qui leur ont été associés met en lumière de nombreuses reformulations paradigmatiques. Le problème de la gestion de l'eau a été successivement décrit de façons très différentes par des acteurs poursuivant chacun leurs stratégies propres. La modélisation en tant qu'outil contribue largement à produire notre représentation de la nature et de ses enjeux. Comme toute science et technologie, la modélisation et les indicateurs ont été des constructions sociales et politiques qui ont façonné la perception du problème. Enfin, les modalités d'insertion des experts au sein des divers mécanismes de prises de décision ont activement participé à ces processus. Cette recherche nous informe sur les relations intimes entre maîtrise de l'eau d'un côté et construction des sciences et des technologies de l'eau de l'autre. Les résultats nous permettent aussi de reconsidérer le problème de la pénurie d'eau. Les modèles et les indicateurs développés et promus ne sont pas des représentations objectives : ils façonnent certaines représentations et contribuent à les légitimer. Il s'agit d'actants, c'est-à-dire des entités humaines ou non, qui s'organisent, se structurent en prenant part aux controverses, et qui sont donc largement impliqués dans la construction du problème lui-même. Une constellation hydropolitique correspond à l'ensemble des acteurs et de leurs relations impliqués dans la maîtrise de l'eau, même s'ils peuvent être associés à une grande diversité d'enjeux, déployés à différentes échelles. Conceptualiser la constellation hydropolitique, impliquant des instruments, des méthodes et des acteurs particuliers demande une analyse approfondie avant de penser à des « solutions ».
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Lakso, Daniel. "Den representativa demokratin och kompetenskraven : En studie av kompetensnivå och kompetenskrav på kommunpolitiker." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-10.
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The local politicians in Sweden are responsible for a great deal of the welfare system why one would assume that there are a lot of demands put on them - demands for certain skills or a certain level of competence. I have in this study tried to find out how the demands on the local representatives concerning the demands for competence and the actual level of competence among the politicians are affecting the local politics. This was done through investigating how the local politicians are perceiving their level of competence and the demands put on them, but also how the employees are perceiving the demands and the level of competence put on the politicians. The study was made in the municipality of Gislaved in Southern Sweden. I was using both quantitative method (an opinion poll among the politicians and employees in the municipality) and qualitative method (interviews with three politicians and three employees and literature studies).
In order to investigate the demands for competence I split the concept into “soft” competence (socially and emotionally based skills), and “hard” competence (skills based on knowledge, education and experience). The demands for competence mentioned in the opinion-poll are both “soft” and “hard”: 62 % of the employees put demands of “hard” competence skills on the politicians. 61 % of the politicians put demands of “soft” competence skills on themselves. The interviewed respondents say that certain skills are needed for a certain political mission. I consider the demands for competence as rather high according to the result.
The local politicians are not, according to the opinion-poll, having the appropriate competence skills, though many of the respondents (56) answered that they have the competence to a certain degree. It is also noticeable that 33 out of 81 persons say that the employees are only having the competence needed to a certain degree. I consider the level of competence among the local politicians rather low according to the result.
The results from the investigations of the demands for competence and the level of competence were put into a model with different outcomes depending on if the level of competence and the demands for competence are high or low. The result from high demands for competence and a level of competence not answering fully to those demands is that these high demands of political skills may put a pressure on the politicians, which may lead to a higher level of competence, an increased quality on the local politics, create a higher degree of confidence in the politicians from the society and an increased interest in political participation, but the high demands could also lead to a feeling of incompetence among the politicians, and that less people will take interest in participating in politics as they wont consider themselves having the demanded skills. So increased demands of competence may lead to both quality and elitism. The non-existing demands of competence of today supports increased amateurism among the local decision makers, and an increase in the rule of experts. If a number of demands would be formalized they could on the other hand create barriers for marginalized groups participation in politics.
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Le, Moulec Jean-Baptiste. "Janissaires du savoir : sociologie des producteurs et diffuseurs de savoirs sur le Moyen-Orient en Turquie (1998-2015)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1085.
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Cette thèse se propose d’explorer les modalités de constitution d’un domaine de production de savoirs dits académiques dépendant du pouvoir politique. La première partie examine la convergence de trajectoires individuelles vers une activité relativement nouvelle, située au carrefour de champ professionnels et centrée sur l’analyse de la politique étrangère turque menée depuis 2003 par le gouvernement du parti AKP. Partant de là, la seconde partie s’attache plus particulièrement aux liens des acteurs de l’espace identifié avec les responsables gouvernementaux. Il apparaît que ce domaine constitue un champ d’activité dont la structure concentrique découle de la proximité d’une communauté épistémique en son sein avec le champ politique. Par voie d’institutionnalisation et de cooptation du reste du champ, les membres de cette communauté parviennent à imposer une conception utilitaire des sciences sociales permettant de produire des savoirs convergent avec les priorités politiques du moment. La troisième partie examine donc le contenu de ces savoirs de sorte à démontrer le rôle de médiateur joué par le champ expert. Il se confirme alors que sa vocation est de convaincre diverses parties-prenantes, en Turquie et à l’étranger, de la légitimité et l’opportunité du projet hégémonique du gouvernement turc en direction du Moyen-Orient arabe. En définitive, par l’étude de cette configuration experte, a été aussi posé la question de la profondeur de la rupture créée par l’AKP dans le mode de gouvernement et les orientations géopolitique de la Turquie. L’analyse conclut à une rupture dans la continuitéThis Ph. D. research offers an opportunity to explore the form of dependency to political power maintained by a self-labelled academic knowledge production domain. This study is based on the case study of Turkish Middle Eastern policy expertise. The first part examines the convergence of individual trajectories towards a relatively new activity in Turkey, located at the intersection of various professional fields and centered on the analysis of the AKP government foreign policy since 2003. The second part then focuses on the links that exist between the previously identified actors and statesmanship. It soon appears that this knowledge production forms a field of activity which concentric structure derives from the proximity of the epistemic community at its very center with the political arena. Through institutionalization and cooptation with the State’s material support, the epistemic community members manage to impose its utilitarian conception of social sciences to the whole expertise field, thereby bringing its actors to design knowledge convergent with the time’s policy priorities. The last part of this work consists of a study of this expertise’s content in order to demonstrate the go-between function played by experts. It appears ultimately that their mission is to convince foreign policy stakeholders in Turkey and abroad of the legitimacy and opportunity of Turkey’s hegemonic project towards the Arab Middle East (2003-2013). Finally, through the study of this expert configuration, it is the question of policy change and geopolitical shift that has been examined. The thesis concludes on the hypothesis of change within continuity
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Violle, Alexandre. "Constituer un territoire de gouvernement pour la finance : enquête sur l’expertise de supervision au sein de l’Union bancaire européenne." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLEM043/document.
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Cette recherche prend pour objet l’Union bancaire, à savoir la principale réforme des institutions de l’Union européenne souhaitée par les chefs d’État et de gouvernement en réponse à la crise financière de 2008. La réforme confie notamment à la Banque centrale européenne la charge de superviser les banques de la zone euro à partir de novembre 2014. À la croisée d’une sociologie de la finance en discussion avec une sociologie des sciences et des techniques, et d’une sociologie politique attentive aux instruments d’action publique, la thèse propose d’analyser les nouvelles pratiques de supervision comme un problème de gouvernement au sens de Michel Foucault. Elle décrit ainsi l’Union bancaire comme un agencement institutionnel, à savoir un assemblage d’acteurs, de pratiques de vérification et de dispositifs de contrôle, au sein duquel s’invente une forme inédite d’intervention. Cet agencement produit une expertise européenne centralisée sur un territoire de gouvernement. Sur celui-ci, la problématisation de la bonne conduite des établissements vise à garantir un devenir pérenne des actifs des investisseurs, sans agir de façon dirigiste sur les flux financiers. Les autorités de supervision des États prenant part à l’agencement sont en charge de relayer les décisions collectivement actées à Francfort sur leurs banques considérées comme nationales. La thèse contribue aux débats académiques contemporains relatifs à la finance et à la construction européenne, en rendant visibles par l’enquête les effets d’une action publique tournée vers le problème de la gestion de l’investissement en Europe. Elle permet notamment de saisir la recomposition des souverainetés étatiques en matière de politique bancaire qui, loin de s’effacer, jouent un rôle décisif dans la constitution du territoire étudié. Les développements sont élaborés à partir d’une enquête qualitative, incluant une ethnographie de l’Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de résolution (ACPR), une campagne d’entretiens et une analyse documentaireThis research is focused on the Banking Union, the main reform of the European Union's institutions called for by the Heads of State and Government in response to the 2008 financial crisis. This reform entrusts the European Central Bank in particular with the task of supervising banks in the euro zone from November 2014. At the crossroads of a sociology of finance in discussion with a sociology of science and technology studies, and a political sociology, the thesis proposes to analyse new supervisory practices as a problem of government in the sense defined by Michel Foucault. The Banking Union is portrayed as an institutional arrangement, namely an assemblage of actors, auditing practices and control devices, at the heart of which a new form of intervention is invented. The purpose of this arrangement is to produce a centralized European expertise on a developing territory of government. In this territory, the problematization of good banking conduct aims at ensuring a sustainable future for investors' assets without acting on the financial flows in a constraining way. The supervisory authorities of the states involved in the arrangement are now in charge of applying the decisions made collectively in Frankfurt about banks still considered as national. Through this inquiry, the thesis contributes to contemporary debates on finance and on the European construction by enlightening the effects of public policies geared towards the issue of investment management in Europe. It especially improves our understanding of the reshaping of national sovereignties in banking policies, and shows that far from disappearing, those play a decisive role in the constitution of the territory studied. Developments are based on a qualitative inquiry, including an ethnography of the Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de résolution (ACPR), an interview campaign and a documentary analysis
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Ribas, Marie-Noëlle. "EMPEIRIA. La querelle de l'expérience (Aristote, Platon, Isocrate)." Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ENSL1040.
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Cette thèse de doctorat étudie la manière dont Aristote, Platon et Isocrate font du recours à la notion d’empeiria et de la promotion d’une certaine conception de l’expérience, le moyen de se défendre contre l’accusation d’inexpérience qui les vise et de polémiquer entre eux sur la question de l’excellence, dans les domaines théorique, technique et pratique. Cet examen permet d’éclairer sous un jour nouveau la question de l’empirisme antique, en considérant, d’une part, la critique que Platon et Aristote adressent à une certaine conception empirico-sophistique des savoirs et de la pratique, en reconsidérant de l’autre, le supposé empirisme d’Aristote. Si la notion d’empirisme n’a pas d’équivalent en grec, Platon fait de la notion d’empeiria, désignant une forme de pratique non-technique ignorant les causes, un instrument polémique permettant de souligner le défaut de technicité des différentes techniques, que les sophistes se font forts de transmettre. En mettant l’accent sur « l’expérience de la vérité », Platon remet en question l’empirisme de ceux qui ignorent la valeur théorique et pratique de la connaissance des réalités intelligibles. Aristote poursuit la réflexion, en reconsidérant le rôle positif, cognitif et pratique, de l’empeiria comme connaissance acquise à partir de la sensation. Aristote poursuit la critique d’un certain empirisme, dont se rendent coupables tous ceux qui échouent à s’élever à la connaissance de l’universel, tout en déplorant le défaut d’empeiria de ceux dont le savoir est purement théorique. Si comme Platon, Aristote n’est pas un empiriste, parce qu’il refuse de faire de la sensation le principe de la connaissance et le critère du vrai, son rationalisme diffère de celui de Platon, par le rôle reconnue à la sensation et l’expérience dans les domaines théorique, technique et pratique. Cette étude entend révéler l’urgence de distinctions en philosophie de la connaissance dans le cadre des études anciennes, comme la distinction entre le rationalisme logique de Platon et le rationalisme empirique d’Aristote, par exemple, permettant de mesurer l’originalité des doctrines antiques sur des problèmes aussi fondamentaux que l’origine et le principe de la connaissance et de l’action bonneThis dissertation investigates how Aristotle, Plato and Isocrates use the notion of empeiria and promote a certain conception of experience, in order to defend themselves from the charge of inexperience made against them, and also in order to debate about the question of excellence in the theoretical, technical and practical fields. This study sheds some new lights on ancient empiricism, by investigating, on one hand, Plato’s and Aristotle’s criticism against an empiricist sophistic approach of knowledge and action, and, on the other hand, the so-called Aristotelian empiricism. Although the concept of ‘empiricism’ has no equivalent in Greek, Plato uses the notion of empeiria to designate a non-technical form of action, in order to underlie a lack of technicality and to question the value of what some sophists claim to teach under the name of technai. While insisting on a philosophical kind of experience of truth, Plato criticizes what appears to be the empiricism of those who ignore the theoretical and practical value of the knowledge of intelligible realities. Aristotle goes beyond this stance by re-evaluating positively the role of empeiria, both in its cognitive and practical aspects, as a specific kind of knowledge, derived from sense-perception. He still criticizes the empiricism of those who fail to reach a certain kind of knowledge, namely the knowledge of universals, but also adds a criticism against those who lack the knowledge of particulars acquired through sense-perception and experience.If Aristotle is no more an empiricist than Plato, since he does not recognize sense-perception as the principle of knowledge and as the criterion of the truth, his rationalism is quite different from Plato’s, because of the important role he gives to sense-perception and experience in all areas. This study intends to break through in the direction of some distinctions in ancient philosophy, such as the distinction between Plato’s logical rationalism and Aristotle’s empirical rationalism, which would enable us to re-evaluate the originality of the Ancients on some fundamental issues like the problem of the origin and principle of knowledge and of good action
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von, Schmettow Jan. "Cooking Peace? : Authoritative mediators' formulation in the Aceh conflict 2004-2005 and the Kosovo conflict 2005-2007." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446153.
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Many mediators exercise power across borders, facilitating talks, formulating agendas and manipulating interests of hostile parties. However, the problem of how mediators justify their use of power and how the terms of this justification legitimate mediators’ strategic conduct has not been systematically theorized and tested in the leverage literature yet. A configurational theory can provide varied combinations of mediator authority types and strategy. Two types, legal-rational authority and expert authority, will be conceptualized in relation to formulation strategy. The theory hypothesizes that an authoritative mediator’s acceptable formulation suppresses strategic bargaining and nurtures principled bargaining, propitious for agenda-based mediation success. The theory will be tested by an empirical puzzle. UN mediation on Kosovo (2005-2007) and NGO mediation on Aceh (2004-2005) have both been conducted by a directive approach but negotiations failed in the former case and succeeded in the latter. While the general co-variation supports the hypothesis from authoritative formulation, tracing the causal mechanism reveals that the theory cannot explain agenda-based mediation success in Aceh. Among other questions, a new puzzle suggests the viability of mediators’ varied speech acts as a fruitful research problem.
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Platužaitė, Sandra. "Lietuvos deleguotų nacionalinių ekspertų statusas ir veiklos organizavimas Europos Sąjungos institucijose." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120604_102328-23413.
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Europos Sąjungos institucijose dažnai remiamasi valstybių narių deleguotų nacionalinių ekspertų patirtimi bei žiniomis. Tokiu būdu gerinami institucijų administraciniai gebėjimai, didinamas veiklos efektyvumas, o ekspertams suteikiama galimybė patobulinti darbo įgūdžius bei iš arčiau susipažinti su tarptautinėmis institucijomis. Delegavimu taip pat naudojamasi kaip priemone politiniams tinklams užmegzti ar sukurti savitą tiltą tarp Europos Sąjungos bei valstybių narių. Tačiau pastaruoju metu įžvelgiama vis daugiau delegavimo trūkumų, kadangi dažniausiai jis neatneša realios naudos nei ekspertus delegavusioms institucijoms, nei pačių deleguotųjų ekspertų karjerai. Maža to, užmegzti politiniai tinklai taip pat pasirodo esantys trumpalaikiai.
Nacionaliniai ekspertai, siekiantys laikinai užimti pareigas Europos Sąjungos institucijose, turi atitikti griežtus reikalavimus bei laimėti nacionalinę nei priimančios institucijos organizuojamą atranką. Atrinktiems kandidatams visą delegavimo laikotarpį nacionalinis darbdavys moka atlyginimą, išsaugo tarnybinį statusą bei suteikia visas socialines garantijas. Tuo tarpu priimančioji institucija kompensuoja tik papildomas delegavimo išlaidas. Nepaisant to, eidami pareigas deleguotieji ekspertai privalo vadovautis tik Europos Sąjungos interesais ir jokiu būdu neprivilegijuoti nacionalinės institucijos ar valstybės. Galimų interesų konfliktų siekiama išvengti stipriai apribojant deleguotųjų nacionalinių ekspertų savarankišką veiklą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The institutions of European Union offen use the experience and knowledge of seconded national experts. Thus executive abilities of institutions are improved, efficiency of work is increased and national experts get a better opportunity to upgrade their working skills as well as familiarize with the international institutions. The secondment is also used for building the political networks or a specific bridge between European Union and the member states. However, recently more and more weaknesses of secondment are being found. First of all, it does not necesarily guarantee expert‘s promotion or bring a benefit to national institutions either. Moreover, the political networks built by seconded national experts mostly are nondurable. The applicants for the secondment must meet the strict requirements and pass both national and european selections. The secondment lasts from six months to two years and can be renewed up to a total period not exceeding four years. All this period the national employer who sent the experts on the secondment continues to pay salary and guarantees their position and social security. Whereas EU institution pays only the additional expenses of secondment. Despite this, the seconded national experts have to be loyal to the EU institution under whose supervision they work and do not privilege their national employer or state. The possibility of clash of interests is decreased by restricting the discretion of the seconded national experts. The... [to full text]
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Oelofsen, Heiletha. "More public and less experts : a normative framework for re-connecting the civic work of journalists with the civic work of citizens." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5195.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:In a system of representative government, the media is assumed as an important institution to reflect public concerns and holding government accountable for the way in which it addresses these public concerns. Not only is this role imposed by a paradigm which views the media as one of the institutions that sustain and consolidate liberal democracy – the so-called fourth estate alongside the legislative, executive and judicial pillars – but the media itself has conceptualised its identity around the notion that journalists are a “vital part of political life” (Sparks, 1991:58). This study explores the validity of this authority. It suggests that the authority of the media to frame public concerns in a way that is useful for ordinary citizens to “bridge the gap between the private, domestic world and the concerns and activities of the wider society (McQuail, 2005:432)” has been eroded because citizens feel that their concerns and priorities have become secondary to the priorities of powerful state, economic and other “experts” who determine the news agenda. At the same time, there is a general sense that representative government or what is generally known as liberal democracy is losing its currency because citizens have developed a “habit of seeing the political system as indifferent and unresponsive” to their problems and their circumstances (Mathews, 1999:33). This study explores the potential of a more productive relationship between the media and citizens to rekindle and energise the role of citizens to contribute to the public work of solving common problems that face the wider society. This study proposes three theoretical frameworks – democratic professionalism, public journalism and deliberative democracy – with the potential to re-conceptualise the way journalists consider their professional role. This re-conceptualisation raises the possibility for reassessing the political work of journalists and the political work of citizens and build new habits of participation and discussion in the political process of communities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 'n stelsel van verteenwoordigende regering, word die media veronderstel as 'n belangrike instelling om publieke kwessies te weërspieël en die regering verantwoordelik te hou vir die wyse waarop dit hierdie publieke kwessies aanspreek. Hierdie rol word veronderstel in 'n denkraamwerk wat die media beskou as een van die instellings wat liberale demokrasie konsolideer as die sogenaamde “vierde pilaar” neffens die wetgewende, uitvoerende en geregtelike gesag. Die role word verder deur die media self gekonseptualiseer as ‘n identiteit rondom die idee dat joernaliste 'n "belangrike deel is van die politieke lewe" (Sparks, 1991:58). Hierdie studie ondersoek die geldigheid van hierdie gesag. Die studie dui daarop dat die media gesag het wat die moontlikheid bied om publieke kwessies aan te spreek op 'n manier wat van nut kan wees vir gewone burgers om die kloof tussen die private, huishoudelike wêreld en die sorg en die aktiwiteite van die breër gemeenskap te oorbrug (McQuail, 2005:432). Die gesag word ondermyn omdat gewone burgers voel hulle belange en prioriteite word sekondêr geag aan die magsbelang van die staat en ander "kenners" wat die nuus agenda bepaal. Terselfdertyd is daar 'n algemene persepsie dat verteenwoordigende die regering, of wat algemeen bekend staan as liberale demokrasie, geldigheid verloor omdat burgers voel dat die politieke stelsel onverskillig reageer op die probleme wat hulle ervaar. Hierdie studie ondersoek die potensiaal van 'n meer werkbare verhouding tussen die media en die burgery om die energie wat burgers in die openbare sfeer kan bydra te ontgin. Hierdie studie stel drie teoretiese raamwerke voor – demokratiese professionaliteit, openbare joernalistiek en beraadslagende demokrasie – wat moontlikhede bied om opnuut oor die professionele rol van joernaliste te besin. Hierdie “besinning” bied weer nuwe moontlikhede vir die politieke werk van joernaliste en die politieke werk van die burgery. Dit veronderstel nuwe gewoontes van deelname en gesprek in openbare politieke proses.
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Varimelo, Arquimedes João F. "La décentralisation en Angola et au Mozambique : Du discours à la consécration juridique." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0915/document.
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Après avoir adopté la centralisation comme mode d´organisation politique etadministrative, l´Angola et le Mozambique ont décidé d’emprunter la voie de ladécentralisation.Cette option pour la décentralisation se justifierait, selon le discours porté,principalement, par les acteurs politiques, par sa capacité à répondre à des enjeuxpolitiques, sociaux, économiques et administratifs qui on trouve dans ces deux pays.Cependant, le synchronisme entre ce discours et la consécration juridique de ladécentralisation dans ces pays reste loin d´être une réalité.Ainsi, la présente étude analyse la consécration juridique de la décentralisation,compte tenu du discours sur la décentralisation tenu dans ces deux paysAfter adopting political centralization as a form of political and administrativeorganization, Angola and Mozambique made up on decentralization reforms as a largeprocess of administrative reform.This choice for decentralization reforms would be warranted, according to theprevailing discourse, mainly by political actors, by its capacity to address certainpolitical, social, economic and administrative problems that can be found in these twocountries.However, the synchronism between this discourse and the legal consecration ofdecentralization in these countries remains far from being a reality.Thus, this study analyzes the legal consecration of decentralization, taking into accountthe discourse of decentralization prevailing in both countries