Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics of disability'

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1

Symeonidou, Simoni. "Understanding and theorising disability and disability politics : a case study of the Cypriot disability movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615082.

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2

Conroy, Colette. "Performing disability : theatre and politics of identity." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488469.

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The trajectory of my argument moves from thinking about disabled bodies as exceptional or unusual bodies in Chapter One to thinking about impaired bodies as exemplary bodies in Chapter Eight. Analysing disabled bodies on stage and disability and impairment in dramatic texts reveals methodological problems because the questions of what impairment can mean on stage are contested by an articulate political movement. The first chapter is an attempt to develop questions about the differences created by disability in the act of acting. I use structuralist semiotics to break down and analyse the reasons for the confusions in the actor/audience relationship. The conceptual gaps between actor and character are also discussed. Chapter Two asks how we can move from the apparent self-evidence of impairment to the question of comparative or relative identity. I suggest that disability is a representation of a set of complex and unstable ideas. The complexity of these accumulated ideas seems to move us closer to the sorts of complex articulations that are made in art works, including theatre. Ideas of disability as metaphor are the starting point for Chapter Three. This is the point where the argument engages in theories of mind/body relationships and, informed by feminisms' methods of discussing physical difference, I turn to psychoanalytic theory. Chapter Four follows multiple signposts throughout theoretical and theatre writing by going in search of references to disability in Freud. Chapters Five and Six connect the psychoanalytical innovations of Freud with the structuralist and post-structuralist methodologies of Chapter One. I bring Lacan's material on signification and Kristeva's on abjection to a discussion of disability and gender identity, and this suggests that the moment of reading disability is a moment of fixing identity within an interpretative frame. At this point I return to the analysis of theatre with the advantage of insights from a range of theorists. Chapter Seven offers a discussion of a de-freaking of disability, or an un-disabling of freaks. I offer a summary of the implications of the theoretical work developed so far, then in Chapter Eight I try out the innovations of this exercise by analysing five pieces of theatre, selected randomly, through the framework of disability, offering an example of the uses of the theoretical methodologies developed in the thesis.
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Cimini, Nicholas. "The politics of genetics, disability and reproductive medicine." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521891.

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4

Forbes, Shelby. "Who Owns Disability? An Investigation into the Politics of Representation." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1631.

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In this thesis, I show how a community of professionals providing equine therapy to individuals with disabilities discursively make sense of their enterprise. A market metaphor illustrates how disability is constructed as the capital sustaining the livelihood of their industry. Disability is a problem-centered concept. It is generally conceptualized according to a medical model which locates disability within the individual, as opposed to understanding it in a sociological sense which accounts for structural, cultural, and communicative factors. Therapy, on the other hand, is problem-determined-it needs to explicitly determine a problem to be treated in order to sustain itself as an industry and to legitimate the services it provides. As practitioners of an "alternative" form of therapy outside of the dominant biomedical frame, members of this community work not only to validate the need for therapy in general, but also to identify and justify the "uniqueness" of the therapy practiced. In an effort to proprietize disability, these professionals are involved in a politics of representation wherein divergent modes of speaking about disability (i.e., speaking from lived experience, speaking from expertise) vie to represent-or own-disability. In accordance with a market model, members are invested, with stakes in the rights to represent disability. Discourses of development and progress, hallmarks of economic ideology, are applied to bodies by staff as a means to validate the need for their services. Continuing this notion of disability as currency, I will demonstrate how, through their talk, members of this community construct types of disability-mental and physical-as having higher and lesser exchange values with respect to their therapeutic endeavors. Power too is conceptualized by professionals as a commodity to be exchanged in transactions from therapy-provider to therapy-receiver.
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Moss, Julianne, and j. moss@unimelb edu au. "Inclusive schooling : contexts, texts and politics." Deakin University. School of Social and Cultural Studies in Education, 1999. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20040524.162132.

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The title ‘Inclusive schooling: contexts, texts and politics’, names a thesis which critically analyses the development of inclusive schooling in the small Australian Island state of Tasmania between 1996 and 1998. The ‘Inclusion of Students with Disabilities’ policy, introduced in 1995 by the Tasmanian Department of Education, Community and Cultural Development, provides an opportunity to understand the cultural context and politics of change in schooling over this period. The qualitative methodology deployed here is informed by poststructuralism and captures the everyday experiences of university teaching as a research site. The teacher/researcher as the visible maker of the research use metaphors of fibre and textile practice, techniques of textual juxtaposition and her positioned subjectivity as a female academic to tell a 'big story'. The researcher develops a 'double method' as a possible model for Inclusive research practice and educational policy analysis. Using a critical ethnographic method, derived from the work of Carspecken (1996), 'data stories' (Lather & Smithies 1997, p.34) are produced from the narratives of five key informants – a parent, two teachers, a policy-maker and the researcher. Assembled as the data of the thesis the multi-voiced texts provide an account of the sociocultural, professional and systemic context of Inclusive schooling over a three-year period. In the analysis these data are interpreted from a feminist poststructural standpoint. A deconstructuive reading of the data stories interprets the discourse of inclusive schooling emphasising the dominant foundation of the special education knowledge tradition. The idea of author function (after Foucault 1975, 1984b and Grundy and Hatton 1995) is used to interpret the 'texts' of the key Informants as discursive constructions. The researcher theorises inclusive schooling as an entangled, multiple and contradictory discourse, embedded in the social, cultural and material contexts, rather than a singular unitary Idea of the progress within the special education knowledge tradition. The study contributes a fine-grained analysis of the constructed knowledge of inclusive schooling in one locality. The thesis advocates continuing engagement with questions of epistemology and social transformation in inclusive schooling, rather than persisting with technical rationality and the status quo. The researcher takes the position that the opportunities to theorise inclusive schooling lie within the multiple and disparate constructed texts of the micro world of everyday practice and the macro understanding of understandings of contemporary social justice. The poststructuralist writing/reading questions traditionalist theorising in the special education field. Central to the negotiations of power and truth inclusive schooling research and practice is a communicative theory that transforms populist conceptions of inclusion.
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6

Acevedo, Epinal Sara. "Enabling Geographies| Neurodivergence, Self-Authorship, and the Politics of Social Space." Thesis, California Institute of Integral Studies, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10815948.

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Enabling Geographies: Neurodivergence, Self-Authorship, and the Politics of Social Space examines and co-documents the political relevance of alternative educational, vocational, and community-living strategies developed and implemented by autistic grassroots educators serving autistic and otherwise neurodivergent youth in Berkeley, California. These educators reject the conceptualization and treatment of neurodivergent embodiment and expression as a medical pathology or a charity case and, in concert with grassroots disability justice initiatives, reclaim it instead as a vibrant cultural and political experience. They so do while simultaneously calling for the emancipation and collective liberation of all disabled people. More specifically, our collaborative inquiry documents the role of autistic educators in the visioning of strategies designed to enable a creative opening of differential social spaces wherein to freely and fully embody neurodivergence. Neurodivergence is an umbrella term covering a wide range of alternative individual neurocognitive styles.

One of the main arguments of this dissertation is that disabled service providers are uniquely positioned to intervene and unsettle institutionalized ableism vis-à-vis “safety-net” programs, especially against the historical backdrop of traditional community (care) services. The term ‘transition services’ means a coordinated set of activities to facilitate a disabled person’s movement from school to post-school activities. To document these strategies, the autistic leaders in question and myself co-designed the line of inquiry, methodology, and goals of this dissertation. We held collaborative meetings, interviews, and group conferences for almost two years. Our findings are presented through activist ethnographic vignettes, oral narrative analysis, and historical-analytical frameworks emerging from disability studies, activist anthropology, critical sociology, postmodern philosophy, and critical human geography. Overall, our methodology aims at capturing the program’s dynamics and philosophy, its gains and successes, as well as the institutional barriers and limitations to developing and sustaining autistic leadership roles in disability service provision.

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7

Battams, Samantha Jane, and sam battams@flinders edu au. "Housing for people with a psychiatric disability; community empowerment, partnerships and politics." Flinders University. Public Health, 2008. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080926.215213.

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This research examined intersectoral relationships and community participation in policy processes across the mental health and housing sectors. The focus was on the development of suitable housing options for people with a psychiatric disability. The study period covered five years of mental health system reform in South Australia (2000-2005). The research found a shortage of housing and support options for people with psychiatric disability and lack of significant strategic policy coordination or ongoing cross-sectoral programmes. The problems faced by people in gaining access to housing and disability support services and the ways in which families provide housing or support in the absence of public services are documented. This case study used qualitative research methods which were triangulated across four stages: 1) a thematic analysis of national and state policies in the health, housing and disability sectors; 2) participant observation of NGO activity, a thematic analysis of NGO documents, and interviews and focus groups with NGOs; 3) interviews and focus groups with consumer and carer representatives and a thematic analysis of the minutes from state-level groups; 4) interviews with professionals from the health, housing and disability sectors The housing situation for people with psychiatric disability was explained in terms of a number of key issues in the policy environment; „X The overarching neo-liberal policy context synonymous with a decline in public housing resources and increasing tension between NGOs service provider and advocacy roles. „X The political nature of the local mental health policy context and lack of political commitment to ongoing resources. Broad community stigma reflected in the media and government, affecting ongoing political commitment to mental health and housing and the introduction and progress of housing ¡¥projects¡¦. „X The slow development of peak NGO and consumer organisations and alliances in South Australia which affected access to policy networks and contributed to the dominance of professional interests within policy processes. „X The separation of health, housing and disability policy and networks within and across levels of government. This was associated with bilateral agreements (between Australian and state governments) tied to resources within departments, the programme objectives and the goals of bureaucrats. „X The separation of policy networks by sector was also connected to the dominance of bio-medical discourses and interventions and associated professional interests in the health policy sector. Medical discourses on health and disability and ¡¥consumerist¡¦ discourses on participation also led to social determinants of health such as housing being overlooked within policy processes. „X Governance reform at a state level contributed to organisational instability within departments, causing some problems for cross-sectoral initiatives and protocols. Kingdon¡¦s (2003) multiple streams analysis of policy helped to explain what missed or reached political agendas within each policy sector of the case study. Kingdon predicts that the unity of policy networks is important for the realization of policy solutions, and the lack of unity in policy sectors was an obstacle to policy agendas on housing for people with a psychiatric disability. However, the way in which problems were being represented (Bacchi 1999) was also important to understanding this policy environment. For example, a medical discourse on disability (Fulcher 1989) tied to the health sector led to a narrow focus on clinical mental health services. Similarly, neo-liberal discourse (Dean 1999) supported private housing solutions and resources or NGOs advocating ¡¥within sectors¡¦ for the types of services they already provided or wished to provide. The case study suggested strategies for ¡¥policy change¡¦ need to address a number of factors across service delivery, policy and political realms. Firstly, better recognition is warranted of the difficulty experienced by many people with psychiatric disability in achieving stable housing, and the need for indicators on housing access and stability for this group. Secondly, processes to address stigma (particularly that perpetuated in the media) will be instrumental for policy change and political commitment. Thirdly, ongoing cross sectoral advocacy and alliances require development at both a national and state level and support by a political culture which encourages advocacy. Developing processes for working across sectors such as policy learning forums involving both experts and community groups could counter problems arising from professional culture and territories that were documented in this study. Finally, the cross-sectoral development of policy, programmes and accountability mechanisms and the stability of policy networks will be important to ensuring stable housing for people with psychiatric disability.
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8

Hartley, Julie. "Politics of disability : the body, sectarianism and social inclusion in modern Lebanon." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24684.

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From war-wounded soldiers' stories of heroic sacrifice, to disability rights activists' calls to action, practices of disability defy definition. The current World Health Organization definition of disability centres on the lack of ability; but there is more to disability than that. While activists have tried to move our understandings of disability away from bodies into the social realm, I would suggest that disability is better understood as a convergence between the body and the socio-political cum religious discourses which inform 'normal' bodily presentation. Therefore this thesis examines the intersection between a plurality of disability discourses and the ways that persons with disabilities engage or disengage themselves from these discourses according to their religious and political inclinations. My research is based on two years of fieldwork in Lebanon where I conducted unstructured interviews and engaged in participant observation with individuals and groups working with disability. I worked with disability rights activists, and residents at "rehabilitation" hospitals, as well as people outside any type of group or organization who did not always define themselves as 'disabled'. Situated at the cross-roads of the Middle East and Europe, Lebanon's Muslim, secular and Christian communities identify with decidedly different ideologies. Twenty years after the civil war, many of these communities remain antagonistic. Disability in Lebanon serves as an alternative lens through which to view these competing ideologies, therefore exposing the tension between traditional versus cosmopolitan concepts of the body and individual, the fissures between different communities, and also between these communities and the state. By tracing personal narratives of disability I show how disabled men and woman actively engage with discourses of disability. I found that disabled people discarded negative beliefs about bodily deviation, and utilized more enabling discourses in order to craft themselves as good and "functioning" citizens of the state. The struggle between different disability groups showed that they are fighting for more than a place for disabled people in society, but also sought to claim the image of the nation itself. Those disability groups which were oriented toward Lebanon's structure of sectarian governance were more successful than those based on alternative structures of plurality and self-asserted non-sectarianism. By placing these competing narratives of disability within a historical frame my research bridges ethnographic analyses of the body with the social and political discourses, which imbue these bodies with meaning. Further, by examining the ways in which Lebanon's different communities negotiate their relative positions within the current "disabled" state, my research adds to an understanding of how not only people, but communities re-imagine, re-create and re-enable the nation.
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9

Price, Neroli. "Politics and prosthesis : representing disability in South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20620.

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This dissertation aims to put two seemingly stable and unchanging categories, namely the 'nation' and the 'body', into conversation with each other in order to interrogate how the disabled body, in particular, became a site for nation building in South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy in the 1990s. More specifically, this dissertation aims to explore how, framed by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), different bodies took on disparate meanings that both affirmed and challenged the emergence of the euphemistically termed, 'New Nation'. Relying on insights from disability studies, postcolonial scholarship and critical race and gender studies, this dissertation endeavours to interrogate how the emergent post-apartheid state relied on the collective memory and identity generated through particular ideas of violence and politics evidenced by the injured bodies on display at the TRC. Drawing on the TRC transcripts, the TRC Final Report and the Truth Commission Special Report coverage of the proceedings, this dissertation seeks to ask new questions about the shifting and uneven sites of embodied meaning-making in post-apartheid South Africa.
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10

Gladwin, Maree. "Movements for equality : the nature of equality politics in Britain." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362811.

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11

Fodness, Kevin R. "Disability and Cyberspace| The Politics of Inclusion & Exclusion in Web Development Groups." Thesis, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10123925.

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This dissertation attempts to answer the question “how can the online experiences of disabled people in the United States be improved?” To that end, it explores why the web is such an inaccessible place, including the extent to which accessibility is taught in higher education, the extent to which accessibility is valued as a part of good development practice, and what—if any—overlaps exist between making websites accessible and other desirable outcomes. I draw on my own 20-year history as a professional and hobbyist full-stack web developer, as well as a survey of 330 web developers, and 20 semi-structured interviews of web developers, designers, strategists, project managers, entrepreneurs, and user experience researchers that are part of my professional network in order to examine this question from multiple angles and in depth. I examine my informants' responses through the lens of ableism and the social model of disability, but posit that the complexities of modern web development are not so easily captured in either of those theories, and require a more nuanced view. I extend and challenge Helen Kennedy's (2012) Net Work: Ethics and Values in Web Design by more deeply addressing the responsive design trends of recent years and demonstrating the differences between web development in the U.K. and web development in the U.S. Finally, I posit that synergistic enablement is an example of a utilitarian approach to making the web more accessible—rhetorically and technologically tying accessibility to outcomes that may be more financially or politically desirable within capitalist organizations, such as optimizing websites for search visibility.

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12

Smith, Sarah Anne. "Love, Sex, and Disability: The Ethics and Politics of Care in Intimate Relationships." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1246649418.

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Blühdorn, Ingolfur, and Michael Deflorian. "The Collaborative Management of Sustained Unsustainability: On the Performance of Participatory Forms of Environmental Governance." MDPI AG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11041189.

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n modern democratic consumer societies, decentralized, participative, and consensus-oriented forms of multi-stakeholder governance are supplementing, and often replacing, conventional forms of state-centered environmental government. The engagement in all phases of the policy process of diverse social actors has become a hallmark of environmental good governance. This does not mean to say, however, that these modes of policy-making have proved particularly successful in resolving the widely debated multiple sustainability crisis. In fact, they have been found wanting in terms of their ability to respond to democratic needs and their capacity to resolve environmental problems. So why have these participatory forms of environmental governance become so prominent? What exactly is their appeal? What do they deliver? Exploring these questions from the perspective of eco-political and sociological theory, this article suggests that these forms of environmental governance represent a performative kind of eco-politics that helps liberal consumer societies to manage their inability and unwillingness to achieve the socio-ecological transformation that scientists and environmental activists say is urgently required. This reading of the prevailing policy approaches as the collaborative management of sustained unsustainability adds an important dimension to the understanding of environmental governance and contemporary eco-politics more generally.
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Ostreim, Nicholas W. "Disability in America: A Minority Group for Everyone." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/52.

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July 26, 2010 marked the twentieth anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act; the greater implications of comprehensive disability policy are yet to be seen. Nearly twenty percent of Americans have a disability. With such a significant portion of Americans affected, is equal access to employment opportunities, transportation, and communication available? The history of disability in America tells a story of isolation and institutionalization. The civil rights movement of the 1950’s and 60’s opened up an opportunity for America’s most versatile minority group. A survey conducted by the International Center for the Disabled in 1986 showed sixty-six percent of non-institutionalized disabled individuals wished to be employed but did not have access to a job. The ADA attempts to knock down the societal barriers facing these individuals. Two decades later, the efficacy of the ADA is under fire. A series of legal battles during the 1990’s narrowed the scope of ADA regulations. The ADA Amendments Act of 2008 attempts to “restore the intent and protections” of the original bill but does it succeed? Disability rights experts and disabled citizens agree: there is much work to be done.
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Cheu, Johnson F. "Disabling cure in twentieth-century America: disability, identity, literature and culture." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054741043.

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16

Kaur, Herminder. "Journeys and politics in and around digital media : an ethnographic study of how teenagers with physical disabilities use the internet." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27178.

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This thesis is based on a two-year ethnography, conducted in a special school, on how young people with physical disabilities use the internet. The thesis focuses on four key areas identified during the research. Firstly, the thesis highlights the embodied rhythms or pace and journeys or wayfaring that characterise how young people move in and between digital media and that are not captured by studies focusing on typologies of internet use. Secondly, the thesis discusses how young people with physical disabilities struggle to overcome stigma and exclusion in their online relationships, as rather than facilitate disembodied communication(s), digital media is increasingly saturated with normative visuality. Thirdly, the thesis discusses how young people with physical disabilities use of digital media is regulated by their teachers and parents, often limiting their use of this medium. Finally, the thesis explores how the young people enact disability in different contexts including the special school, mainstream colleges and the home, and what this tells us about these institutional contexts. In addition to participant observation the fieldwork also involved in-depth interviews with a small cohort of young people with physical disabilities and video diaries produced by participants that showcased how they use the internet in the home. Interviews were also carried out with some school staff from the special school as well as parents of participants. Home visits enabled observation of how participants use the internet in domestic settings, and some participants were followed to their mainstream colleges as they progressed into further education, or attended placements during the two-year period. A concern addressed in the thesis is how inequalities are reproduced and embedded in young people with physical disabilities habitual use of the internet. At the same time, the study found that these young people used the internet much in the same way as their able-bodied peers, for example, to play games, socialise and post images to garner approval. Video diaries revealed significant differences in the rhythms and journeys underpinning the way in which the young people used digital media, articulating contextual and habitual factors and the level of their disability. Furthermore, these young people used the internet to find, build and maintain social relationships online, to explore their sexuality and to engage in self-promotion on social networking sites. However, when online they also encountered various obstacles and struggled to overcome bodily stigma and exclusion within the visual and narrowly normative presentation of the self-online. School teachers and parents were found to adhere to regulatory policies and advice on how to mediate young people s access and use to digital media. This study found the regulatory practices (monitoring, blocking, filtering content) restricted how young people with physical disabilities could access and use digital media in the home and at school. For some participants their gender and ethnicity was found to intersect with their disability making them subject to substantial regulatory practices in the home. Moreover, the students who were more able-bodied found ways to evade the regulatory practices encountered in the school and at home. Finally, the study also found that the special school created a protective environment that fosters an inclusive space, where students with different abilities can prosper. In contrast however, their transition to mainstream colleges reveal that when they are expected to practice and adjust their disability to the normative practices in place for able-bodied students, they become hindered in their ability to feel included and perform academically.
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Clifford, Stacy A. "The Politics of Autism: Expanding the Location of Care." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1154519838.

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Pelle, Susan Lynne. "(Dis)Articulating Bodies and Genders: Pussy Politics and Performing Vaginas." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1217263933.

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Soldatic, Karen Maree. "Disability and the Australian neoliberal workfare state (1996-2005)." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0190.

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Australia, like other Western liberal democracies, has undergone extensive social policy restructuring as a result of neoliberalism. While neoliberalism had its genesis with Australian Labor governments during the 1980s, it secured the status of orthodoxy under the radical conservatism of the Liberal Coalition government (1996 - 2007). Under the leadership of Prime Minister John Howard a widespread campaign was instigated to advance neoliberal social policy measures across all spheres of social life, leading to the dismantling of rights for a diverse range of social groups including women, refugees, people with disabilities and Indigenous Australians. The restructuring of social provisioning with the intensification of neoliberalism was largely driven by workfare – a key domestic social project of neoliberal global restructuring. The thesis examines the Australian experience of workfare and the primary areas of contestation and struggle that emerged in this environment for the Australian Disability Movement during the peak period of workfare restructuring for 'disability' (1996 – 2005). The thesis draws on the work of critical disability theory to discuss the bivalent social collective identity of disability as it cuts through the politics of recognition and the politics of distribution. From here, the thesis engages with sociological work on emotions, bringing together theories of disgust and disability. The thesis demonstrates that there is a synergy between disability and disgust that informs the moral economy of disability; framing, shaping and articulating able-bodied – disabled relations. Drawing on the policy process method the research involved extensive qualitative interviews with members of the Australian Disability Movement, disabled people involved in workfare programs, service providers and their peak organisations, families, as well as the policy elite charged with the responsibility of disability workfare restructuring. Additionally, the study incorporated a range of documents including parliamentary Hansards, key policy texts, government media releases, and publicly available information from disability specialist services and the disability movement. The analytical centrality of policy processes highlighted the strategic interrelationship between macro-structural policy discourses and practices and the role of policy actors as agents, including those collective agents engaged in mediating disability social relations. Three dominant themes emerged from the analysis of the data: movement politics, representation and participation; emotions and processes of moralisation; and finally, the role of temporality in inscribing (disabled) bodies with value. Each of the findings chapters is dedicated to explicating these mechanisms and the effects of these discourses and practices on disabled people involved in workfare programs and the disability movement's struggles for respect, recognition and social justice.
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Hedwig, Travis H. "THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF FETAL ALCOHOL SPECTRUM DISORDERS AND THE DIAGNOSIS OF DIFFERENCE." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/anthro_etds/7.

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This dissertation is based on an ethnographic study of Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders (FASD) and the racial, cultural and political considerations that shape the meaning of diagnosis for Alaska Native individuals and families in Anchorage, Alaska. During the period from August 6, 2010 to through August 5, 2011, I worked with foster families and extended natural families living with and supporting individuals diagnosed with FASD. Documenting the experiences of families in their interactions with clinical, state, tribal and non-profit institutions, I sought to understand how a diagnosis of FASD structures opportunities, outcomes and everyday life experiences across several critical life domains, including health, education, employment, kinship and identity. Family narratives and experiences are highlighted to illustrate the ways in which difference is reproduced in everyday public understanding and clinical practice.
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Paterson, Kevin. "An examination of the social model of disability and the politics of everyday life : the case for a sociology of impairment." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443156.

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Simpson, Graeme. "Policy and politics matter : the shaping of contemporary social work in times of neoliberalism." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/621278.

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The commentary draws on a range of work to demonstrate the argument that policy and politics are of central importance in shaping social work in England. I outline the development of my practice wisdom and then examine the contested nature of social work knowledge. Drawing on my practice with people who were poor and marginalised, I came to believe that social work must have a commitment to equality and social justice and that to achieve this social work must engage with policy and politics. My outputs begin by examining the connection between my practice wisdom and the dialectical nature of social work’s enduring tensions, located in a work that underlines the importance of sociology. A further four outputs focus upon aspects of social policy, notably key elements in the rise of neo-liberalism in contemporary social work in a text that argues explicitly that social workers need to develop a politically engaged practice. My other outputs illustrate the impact of politics, neoliberalism and its attendant policies in the early 21st century, gathering evidence from three broad areas. First, the nature of globalisation is examined focusing upon the movement of social workers and ‘cross-national’ social work. Second, there is an explicit exploration of social work under neoliberalism, drawing on the case of Children’s services and learning disability. Third, I examine ‘policy practice’ and the concept of ‘choice’. I argue that social work has always had a concern with politics and policy but that in more recent years this has declined and has been overtaken by a focus upon individualism. My core theoretical themes are the dialectic and an examination of hegemonic structures which impact on social work. I explore the continuing importance of my work in relation to contemporary social work, showing that policies and politics matter more than ever. I conclude by arguing that, as social work is under political attack from the current Government, the ‘radical tradition’ needs to be kept alive.
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Höglund, Åsa, and Janet Anek Kagwa. "Normer som socialt förtryck : En kvalitativ studie om hur personal som arbetar nära unga vuxna med Aspergers syndrom upplever gruppens delaktighet i samhället." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Socialt arbete, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-34395.

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Syftet med denna studie har varit att belysa hur personal som arbetar nära unga vuxna med en diagnos av Aspergers syndrom upplever att gruppens delaktighet i samhället ser ut. Vidare har vi undersökt vilka eventuella möjligheter och hinder som personalen anser att personer i denna grupp möter när de deltar i samhället samt hur personalen ser på framtiden för unga vuxna med en diagnos av Aspergers syndrom i relation till delaktighet i samhället. Studien har en kvalitativ ansats och är fenomenologisk. Empirin består av sex intervjuer med personal inom socialtjänsten och i olika verksamheter inom LSS på uppdrag av socialtjänsten. De transkriberade intervjuerna har analyserat med hjälp av innehållsanalys. Våra resultat visar att unga vuxna med en diagnos av Aspergers syndrom inte har full delaktighet i samhället, vilket har resulterat i utanförskap för denna grupp. Det framkommer även att det är samhällets 'normalbild' som skapar diskriminering och förtryck för människor med olika funktionsvariationer och att det sker till den grad att deras styrkor delvis förbises. Våra resultat visar också att även då unga vuxna med en diagnos av Aspergers syndrom är stigmatiserade så pågår ett synliggörande som kan ge en positiv effekt på gruppens delaktighet i samhället.
The purpose of this study has been to illustrate how staff working closely with young adults with a diagnosis of Asperger's syndrome experience the group's participation in society. Furthermore, we have investigated what potential opportunities and obstacles that the staff consider that people in this group meet when they participate in society and how the staff view the future of young adults with Asperger's syndrome in relation to participation in society. We have had a qualitative phenomenological approach to our study. Field data consists of six interviews with staff working closely with the group, within the social service and in various LSS functions on behalf of social services. The transcribed interviews have been analyzed using a content analysis. Our results show that young adults with Asperger's syndrome experience insufficient participation in society, which has resulted in exclusion. It also appears that society's 'normal image' creates discrimination and oppression for people with different functional variations to the extent that their strengths are partially overlooked. Our results also show that even though young adults with a diagnosis of Asperger's syndrome are stigmatized there is an ongoing visualization that can have a positive effect on the groups participation in society.
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Leung, Chi Mei Christine. "Diversity, news source and the politics of production in the Chinese media : 5 Ps stakeplayers' influences on disability news content in Beijing and Hong Kong's press between 1982-2005." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/930.

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Garel, Stefan Jack. "Queer bodies and settlements : the pertinence of queer theory in the fields of queer history and trans politics, disability and 'curative education', quantum physics and experimental art : an interdisciplinary and transnational account of three socio-cultural and filmic research projects." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/55613.

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What is queer? What is queer? What is queer theory? Where can it go from here? This thesis sets out to explore the origins and influences of queer theory before investigating the present and the future spaces (ie, bodies and settlements) it can potentially move into. Three distinct experiments of fieldwork and ethnographic filmmaking test the truths and potentialities of queer theory when relating to queer bodies and settlements. That is to say that each chapter balances a film and its supporting text by embracing the value and urgency of practice led research. The first chapter questions queer history and details the importance of emerging trans politics in the post-gender, leftist, avant-garde, queer activist and militant space of Bologna. Queer bodies, case one: transgender and transsexual perspectives. Settlements, case one: Bologna and Lido di Classe (Italy). The second chapter considers the interface between disability theory and queer theory with particular attention paid to the practical theory of ‘curative education’. Defined by Rudolf Steiner in 1922 and further developed by Karl König with the foundation of the Camphill movement in 1944, curative education privileges the social model over the medical model in the field of disability so that disability is in fact ability. Queer bodies, case two: learning differences and disabilities perspectives. Settlements, case two: Berlin (Germany), Chatou and La Rochelle (France), Barry and Glasallt Fawr (Wales, United Kingdom). The third chapter uses queer perspectives to promote the relevance of quantum physics to the human body, thus involving contemporary dance, physical theatre and the arts more generally to address and redress the chiasm between science and technology on the one hand, and arts, humanities and socio-cultural sciences on the other. Queer bodies, case three: the inescapably queer reality of the physical world. Settlements, case three: multiple locations in Tuscany (Italy), and Thamesmead, London (England, United Kingdom). This thesis brings notions of queer and otherness deceptively close to notions of the self. Otherness and queerness become mirrors in which our own queerness comes into view.
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Fine, Zoe DuPree. "Valanced Voices: Student Experiences with Learning Disabilities & Differences." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4038.

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This feminist oral history project located at the intersections of disability, feminist, body politics, and educational theory presents an analysis of three individual student narratives about their experiences with learning disabilities and learning differences (LD/Ds) at the high school and university levels. This thesis introduces students' accounts of their daily lives, pasts, personal views, experiences, and memories about having learning disabilities and learning differences into the existing scholarship on LDs and reveals how students' narrated experiences might shed light on the ways in which education might be reformed to better meet the needs of students like them. In response to these oral histories, I recommend a more distinctively holistic approach to intervention for students with learning disabilities and differences and introduce regime theory as a potential approach to educational reform to improve circumstances for marginalized individuals in the U.S. educational system. Adopting a broader, more universal model would result in more comprehensive and effective training for professionals to prepare them to more quickly and accurately recognize patterns and trends (such as the growing number of LD/D diagnoses over the past decade), and disability in education being reframed, reimagined, and handled as a social issue, a repairable condition in need of attention and resources.
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Agné, Gabriella, and Helena Larsson. "Funktionshinderpolitiskt program : fallstudie om kommuns implementering av en FN-konvention." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete (SA), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-30185.

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Author: Gabriella Agné and Helena Larsson Title: Disability policy program – a case study of a municipals implementation of UNs Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Supervisor: Marianne Westring-Nordh Assessor: Ulf Drugge This study aims to examine how a small municipal in southern Sweden works with the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and examine the assistant officers knowledge about this work and user organizations inclusion and user involvement. The study operates from a qualitative approach based on the results of nine semi-structured interviews with local politicians, assistance officers and representatives from three different user organizations. The results show that the municipal has chosen to work with the implementation of the convention by creating policy programs for their departments through dialogue with user organizations, and by mapping the accessibility to public places. The results also show that the assistant officers have been given no information regarding the convention or the policy programs from their employers and instead operate from national legislations and prepositions. The user organizations feel that they were initially included in the process, but that their impact has later been removed due to structural reorganization.
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Pierce, Tracy. "Improving Texas Disability Determination Services." Thesis, American Military University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10724222.

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The goal of this research was to identify and correct flaws in the Disability Determination Services at the initial claims stage of review. The research included examining previous literature, comparing the Texas Disability Determination Services mission statement the agencies performance measures, examining the Supreme Court case Mathews v. Eldridge and applying the Mathews v. Eldridge three-part balance test to a recent rejected claim from Texas Disability Determination Services.

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Loonam, Thomas Austin. "The challenge of cognitive disability in bioethics and political philosophy." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707819.

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This thesis explores the topic of serious human cognitive disability in the context of bioethics and political philosophy. The argument in this thesis works on two levels; first as an argument about normative moral and political theory and, second, as an applied enquiry into the ethics of severe cognitive disability. This thesis employs some intuitions and considered judgements about those with serious disabilities, to question the assumptions and implications in some of the dominant Western moral and political theories. This thesis also puts forward some subsequent claims about how we need to address issues related to disability in two particular contexts: abortion and education.
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Bacic, William Christopher. "The American Disability Insurance Program." Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/561.

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Thesis advisor: R. Shep Melnick
This paper's main focus is on the American Disability Insurance law. It begins with an outline of the debate that led up to the passing of the original legislation. The paper then examines the law more closely and depicts the changes the law has undergone in the last 50+ years. Next, the current disability benefits process is depicted and questions are posed about inherent difficulties in the disability insurance program. The paper then examines the challenges mental disability causes for the disability insurance program, using a case study of bipolar disorder. Disability insurance programs abroad are next explored with a focus on how other countries have dealt with the problems the United States is facing in its own program. The paper concludes with an examination of the future prospects of the American Disability Insurance program; suggestions are made regarding useful changes to the law
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Duhamel, Virginie. "Les représentations du handicap. Approche anthropologique des systèmes politiques et de santé du Sud-Ouest de la France." Thesis, Pau, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PAUU1061/document.

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Cette thèse explore les représentations sociales du handicap dans la société française en interrogeant la question fondamentale de l’altérité, notre regard de la différence, aux croisées des domaines de la politique et de la santé. L’observation participante menée dans le Sud-Ouest a mis en exergue l’héritage culturel dont sont issues les représentations actuelles du handicap : fantasmes, peurs, idée de contagion du handicap … La représentation sociale aurait donc peu évolué malgré la mondialisation de la culture (J.P. Warnier, 2008). Réduit à l’image du fauteuil roulant, la question du handicap repose davantage sur un enjeu politique et de santé puisqu’il est au cœur de l’évolution sociétale. En effet, la loi du 11 février 2005 impose aux collectivités leur accessibilité afin de permettre l’égalité des chances des personnes en situation de handicap. Par cette mise en conformité de l’environnement, l’image du handicap se réduit à la mobilité. Ainsi, il semblerait qu’il persiste une volonté inconsciente à ramener les personnes handicapées à la marge de la société. Par conséquent, nous pouvons confirmer que les représentations sociales détiennent toujours et encore une place importante dans le comportement collectif. Les faire évoluer passe alors par l’acquisition d’un savoir expérientiel. C’est pourquoi, nous avons souhaité vérifier cette hypothèse grâce à une enquête qualitative menée auprès des étudiants en soins infirmiers
This thesis deals with the social representations of handicap in French society, by questionning the fundamental subject of otherness, our conception of difference, in both political and sanitary fields. The observation held in South West region highlighted the cultural and heritage of where the current representations of handicap come from : fantasies, fears, idea of a contagion of handicap... the social representation would therefore have barely progressed in spite of the globalization of culture (J.P. Warnier, 2008). Limited to the picture of a wheelchair, the subject of handicap consists more in a political and sanitary stake, since it is in the heart of the evolution of society. As a matter of fact, the law of February 11th 2005 impose on communities to assure their accessibility, in order to allow equal opportunities for handicapped people. Through this compliance of the environment, the conception of handicap is limited to mobility. Therefore, it seems that there is still an unconscious will to keep handicapped people at the margin of society. Therefore, we can claim that social representations still hold an important role in collective behavior. Their evolution requires to purchase an experiential knowledge. That's why we wanted to corroborate this statement thanks to a qualitative investigation organized with students in nursing school
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Widlund, Benjamin. "Trigger warnings: likabehandling eller ett hot mot utbildningsväsendet? : en argumentationsanalys av den svenska offentliga debatten." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48981.

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Trigger warnings as a concept is mainly a tool to make students aware of potentially triggering content in literature and has its origin in internet adaptions of psychological theories of posttraumatic stress disorder. The aim of this essay was to describe and analyse the argumentation in the public debate over trigger warnings in Sweden and to illustrate the fundamental questions relating to education that is highlighted by it. This was done through argumentation analysis and with theories of liberalism and identity politics as poles of a dimension of justice, illustrated by two different perspectives on disability pedagogy. The material chosen consisted of nine articles, radio programs and televised debates. The results show a clear tendency for advocates of trigger warnings to lean towards identity politics and a critical perspective on disability pedagogy in their argumentation, while the critics firmly represented a liberal, universalist perspective along with a compensatory perspective on disability pedagogy in theirs. Three fundamental questions arose in the debate: first, safety in the realm of education, meant as void of feelings of being offended, was viewed as essential by the authors who were pro trigger warnings and as a threat to the sole purpose of education by those who were against it. Second, the importance of a diagnosis for disability pedagogy, where those against stressed the importance of a diagnosis, the lack of which in combination with a request for a trigger warning was viewed as being easily offended. Advocates on the other hand were uninterested in diagnoses. Finally, the relation between free speech and democratic values in the educational system and in the society as a whole, where those authors favouring trigger warnings tended to view free speech as less fundamental than those opposed, who instead saw trigger warnings as a threat.
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OLIVEIRA, LILIA CANDELLA DE. "VISIBILITY AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: A STUDY IN CITY COUNCIL FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=37140@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A presente dissertação Visibilidade e Participação Política: Um estudo no Conselho Municipal da Pessoa com Deficiência em Niterói constitui-se num esforço de refletir sobre o tema participação política das pessoas com deficiência nos espaços públicos. Desse modo, a escolha deste Conselho teve a finalidade de compreender a trajetória de participação política desses sujeitos na construção desse espaço público, na busca pela sua visibilidade. Procurou-se analisar se esse Conselho tem se constituído enquanto um espaço estimulador da capacidade das pessoas com deficiência agirem em conjunto, como sujeitos políticos, encorajando-os a serem gerentes da sua própria vida e protagonistas da sua própria história. Para tanto, o entendimento de participação política que se pretende revelar nesse estudo trata-se da capacidade do agir pluralmente e em conjunto, nos espaços públicos, discutindo e deliberando sobre as coisas da vida política da sua cidade. Visando atender o trabalho proposto, a metodologia adotada para a pesquisa fundamentou-se numa abordagem de caráter qualitativo e para a coleta de dados foram utilizadas: entrevistas semi-estruturadas com conselheiros e ex-conselheiros que estiveram presentes no percurso de formação do Conselho Municipal da Pessoa com Deficiência - COMPEDE; observação participante e análise de documentos. Como resultado desse trabalho, a pesquisa revelou que a participação política das pessoas com deficiência, bem como a construção dos espaços públicos no Brasil, ainda que venham sendo constituídas dentro de um terreno adverso, mostram possibilidades de apropriação do sentido público e coletivo, dando um novo sentido à política.
The present dissertation Visibility and Political Participation: A study in City Council for People with Disability is an effort to reflect on the theme political participation of people with disability in the public space. This way, the City Council for People with Disability was chosen in order to understand the trajectory of the political participation in the construction of the public space by those in search for visibility. We tried to analyze if this council has been a space of encouragement for people with disability to act as a group, as political subjects, encouraging them to be protagonists of their own history. For such, the idea of political participation that we tried to reveal in this study should be understood as the capacity to act as a group in the public spaces, discussing and deliberating on issues of the public life of the city. The methodology used is a qualitative type of research and for the data we used semi-structured interviews with counselors and former counselors that were present in the organization of the City Council for People with Disability - COMPEDE, participative observation, and analyzes of documents. As a result of this study, the research showed that, with regards to the participation of people with disability, as well as the construction of public spaces in Brazil, even though they were conceived in adverse fields, there are possibilities of appropriation of the public and collective sense, giving new meanings to politics.
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34

Trevisan, Filippo. "Connected citizens or digital isolation? : online disability activism in times of crisis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4561/.

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This thesis asks whether the internet can at all re-configure political participation into a more inclusive experience for disabled users, enhancing their stakes in citizenship. This issue assumes particular relevance at a time in which, amidst the worst economic crisis in decades, the rights of those traditionally excluded from civic life are at risk of being compromised even further. In an effort to transcend the restrictive access/accessibility framework applied so far in disability and new media research, this project focused on the “digitalisation” of disability activism in the wake of the radical welfare reform introduced by the UK government between 2010 and 2012. A combination of emerging digital methods and established social science techniques were employed to map and analyse the groups involved in opposing proposed changes to disability welfare online. These included: hyperlink network analysis; an “inventory” of online media; content analysis of Facebook conversations; and semi-structured interviews with key figures from a variety of campaigning groups. Overall, this work exposed an evolution in the ecology of British disability activism involving both changes in the way in which existing organisations operate as well as the emergence of new, online-based players. In particular, three main group types were identified. These included: formal disability organisations (both “professionalised” charities and member-led groups); experienced disabled activists who experimented with e-campaigning for the first time; and a network of young disabled bloggers-turned-activists who operated exclusively online and rapidly gained visibility on both the internet and traditional mass media (i.e. print and broadcast). Each of these phenomena was explored in detail through the analysis of three emblematic case studies (The Hardest Hit; Disabled People Against Cuts; The Broken of Britain). Several findings emerged that invited reflections on both the changing nature of disability activism in the digital age and the significance of the internet as a civic resource for disadvantaged groups more broadly. To assess the influence of contextual factors on these trends, the online experience of British formal disability organisations was compared to that of their American counterparts, which in the same period were opposing proposals for drastic cuts to federal Medicaid funding. In Britain, established players were found to be blending traditional repertoires with participatory online tools in a bid to “survive” the pressure of changing user-expectations and the fast pace of contemporary politics. Meanwhile, a new generation of self-appointed disabled “leaders” used online media to construct a radically different form of disability activism. This was focused more on issues than ideology, aspiring to redesigning protest in a less contentious and arguably more effective fashion. Nevertheless, the high centralisation and rigid leadership style adopted by these very same campaigners also cast doubts on their ability to promote a more inclusive campaigning experience for online supporters, whose involvement ultimately constituted a form of “peer-mediated” citizenship rather than direct empowerment. At the same time, the comparative part of this study captured a counter-intuitive picture for which British formal disability organisations were ahead of their American counterparts in terms of online innovation. This generated some important reflections on the very nature of “context” in online politics with particular reference to the relationship between systemic and circumstantial factors, as well as the importance of acute crisis moments as triggers of progress in e-activism.
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Gibilisco, Peter. "The political economy of disablement : a sociological analysis /." Connect to thesis, 2005. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00001483.

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36

Van, Rooy Paul. "The Challenge of Public Reason: Justified Property Rights and Disability." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107978.

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Thesis advisor: David Rasmussen
When is political power legitimate? Public reasons liberals argue that political power is legitimate only when it is supported by reasons drawn from principles of justice that each citizen could endorse. The most well known model for identifying whether a principle satisfies this requirement is John Rawls’ idea of an overlapping consensus. Typical interpretations of the idea of overlapping consensus hold that it expresses a necessary conceptual condition of any reasonable conception of justice. Against this ahistorical view, my analysis shows that Rawls’ mature account of overlapping consensus rests on a particular historicist thesis that liberal institutions are necessary for social cooperation given the presumption of moral and religious pluralism. The authority of public reasoning ultimately rests on a widespread consensus about the necessity of liberal institutions, rather than on a consensus on any particular conception of justice. The limits of public reason, on my analysis, are fixed first and foremost by liberal institutions. Given the prominent historical role of classical liberalism in specifying and defending liberal institutions, one might suppose that classical liberal conceptions of justice would have a central place in any consensus that defines the boundaries of public reasoning. I argue that this appearance is misleading. The work of scholars in disability studies show that conceptions of justice must be sufficiently sensitive to the unique needs and interests of citizens with disabilities. I argue that applying these insights to the idea of public reason shows that classical liberalism can satisfy the requirements of public reason only by unjustly ignoring the perspective of disabled citizens I show that Rawls’ model of public reason rests on a nuanced and historically grounded view of the consensus circumscribing public reason. Further, it shows that a historically conditioned concept of public reason and political legitimacy need not imply a drastic retreat from central egalitarian commitments, despite initial appearances to the contrary
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
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37

Galis, Vasilis. "From Shrieks to Technical Reports : technology, disability and political processes in building Athens metro." Doctoral thesis, Linköping : Department of Technology and Social Change, Linköpings universitet, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7851.

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38

Hodgkins, Stephen L. "Discoursing disability : the personal and political positioning of disabled people in talk and textwork." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2008. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/2836/.

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This thesis presents a critical disability discourse analysis. It examines the discursive construction of disability and the personal and political positioning of disabled people. Focusing on disclosure, identity, activism, theory and policy issues relating to disabled people, the naturalisation and invalidation of the disabled body is explored and critiqued. Organised in three parts, the thesis begins by considering some significant historical moments, the sociolegal context and the recent politicisation of both disabled people and disability research. Disability is argued as embedded in, and institutionalised by, political regulatory structures and research that risks de-politicisation of it is critiqued. Part two considers theories, methods and the text data collected for the research. This defines the theoretical orientation to discursive psychology, discourse analysis and critical disability studies. Disability is articulated as an object in, and for interaction and its construction linked to historical, social and political structures that regulate and sustain the human subject. The text data used in the thesis is then presented in terms of the collection process and the organisation of extracts within the current thesis. The forms of text data collected include transcriptions of discussion groups with disabled people, front line workers and senior managers, policy documents, publicity imagery and Hansard records of parliamentary debates. Part three then presents a critical disability discourse analysis using this text data. Drawing on the framework of discourse analysis as articulated by Potter and Wetherell (1987) the discursive function, construction and variation of disability talk and textwork is critically considered. This reveals dilemmas of positioning and ideology during moments of disability disclosure. Analytical commentary argues that disability identity is constructed by an interpretative repertoire embedded in the antithesis of desired and valued life. The construction of ‘barriers’ in social model texts are also explored in discussion groups and local policy documents. This shows the recent distortion and colonisation of the social model, and suggests that the metaphor of ‘barriers’ used to signify the structures that disable people has lost its once radical and resistive power. Hansard records are then used to explore implications and dilemmas which arise regarding agency, autonomy and the disabled body in relation to dominant discourses of individualism and the challenges this poses for an ‘independent living’ reform strategy. The thesis concludes by asserting a discursive mode of disablism. This is suggested as a useful driver for research and initiatives to expose and challenge everyday discourses and practises that perpetuate the invalidation of the disabled body.
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FUSCALDO, MARCO. "ESSAYS ON AGEING, HEALTH AND DISABILITY IN ITALY." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1494.

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La tesi è una raccolta di tre saggi sul processo di invecchiamento, salute e disabilità in Italia. Il primo capitolo esplora la relazione tra gli indicatori di salute. Il secondo guarda all'associazione tra condizioni di cattiva salute e la qualità del lavoro in un'ottica multidimensionale e di genere. Infine il terzo studia la disabilità in Italia con l'ausilio del capability approach.
The thesis is a collection of three essays on ageing, health and disability for Italy. The first chapter explores the complex structure of un-health among older people in Italy. The second investigates the connection of un-health and quality of work by adopting a multidimensional view and a gender perspective. The third explores disability by adopting the capability approach.
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Behrisch, Birgit. "Vaterschaft aus der Sicht von Vätern mit Behinderung." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-219381.

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Vaterschaft mit Behinderung ist ein wenig untersuchtes Phänomen, obwohl Väter mit einer Behinderung vor ähnlichen Aufgaben und Problemen wie Väter ohne Behinderung stehen. Der persönliche Blick auf die eigene Behinderung ist bestimmend für die Haltung und das Handeln als Vater. Väter mit positivem Selbstkonzept vermuten kaum Probleme oder negative Auswirkungen der Behinderung auf das Kind. Als schwerwiegende Barrieren im Alltag erweisen sich einschränkende Rahmenbedingungen und fehlende Unterstützungsmöglichkeiten; [J1] nur ein geringer Teil von Problemen hängt ursächlich mit der Behinderung zusammen.
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Duygun, Tolga. "The influence of international organisations on the realisation of disability mainstreaming in Turkey." Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/54344/.

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This thesis examines the role of international organisations in disability mainstreaming policies in Turkey. Turkey is a particularly interesting case study, as it combines traditional values coupled with ambitions to be an internationally respected European state. International organisations include the European Union, the World Bank, the International Labour Organization, the World Health Organization, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Children’s Fund and Organization of Islamic Cooperation. A multidisciplinary approach was taken which involved social policy, history, disability studies, international relations, and politics. The research used a case study based on analysis of 275 policy documents, 47 semi-structured and two focus group interviews. The participants have all been directly involved in decision-making processes at international and/or local level. The thesis argues that disability mainstreaming is partial and selective as a result of the interaction between the traditional values and structures in Turkey and the aims and practices of international organisations.
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Tire, Thabo Dennis. "Lobbying disability in South Africa, 1994-2001 : a description of the activities of the disabled people South Africa (DPSA) in the policy-making process." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53487.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment is a detailed descriptive investigation of the lobbying role played by the Disabled People South Africa (DPSA) in the post-apartheid era in South Africa. The period under investigation is 1994-2001. The focus is on the DPSA as a lobbyist attempting to influence policy in favour of the disabled people in South Africa. In doing this, the study gives an overview of the three important concepts in this study, namely policy-making, disability and lobbying. The three concepts are analysed and looked at particularly from a South Africa perspective. The study utilises different methods of data collection. Disabled people have a history of being exposed to discrimination. After 1994 South Africa had a Constitution that outlawed such a practice against disabled people. South Africa in its democracy has new policies that are different from the ones that were governing the country during the apartheid era. The DPSA, as an umbrella body representing the disabled, now has to play a more effective role regarding the advocating for its members. Hence this study is conducted during the 1994-2001 period. The study mainly focuses on what and how the DPSA has tried to influence lobbying policy-making in favour of the disabled. The conclusion of the study is that the DPSA has achieved success directly and indirectly. The DPSA has managed to playa significant role in the improvement of the lives of disabled people in South Africa. However, it is recommended that the DPSA should make more efforts in addition to what has been done up to this far.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsopdrag is 'n gedetailleerde beskrywende studie van die rol wat die werwing van steun deur die Gestremde Mense van Suid Afrika (DPSA) in die postapartheid era 1994-2001 in Suid-Afrika speel. Die fokus is op die DPSA as 'n steunwerwer om die beleid te beïnvloed ten gunste van gestremde mense in Suid-Afrika. Deur dit te doen gee hierdie studie 'n oorsig van drie belangrike konsepte, naamlik beleidvorming, gestremdheid en steunwerwing. Hierdie drie konsepte is spesifiek vanuit 'n Suid-Afrikaanse perspektief ontleed. Die studie gebruik verskillende metodes om data te versamel. Gestremde mense het 'n geskiedenis van blootstelling aan diskriminasie. Na 1994 het Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet wat diskriminasie teen gestremde mense onwettig verklaar het. 'n Demokratiese Suid-Afrika het nuwe beleide wat verskillend is van dié wat die land tydens die apartheid era gehad het. Die DPSA, as 'n sambreelorganisasie, verteenwoordigend van gestremdes, moes nou 'n meer effektiewe rol speel in die verdediging van sy lede. Die studie fokus hoofsaaklik op die voordele wat die DPSA gekry het ten gunste van die gestremdes. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die DPSA direkte en indirekte suksesse behaal het. Die DPSA het dit reggekry om 'n belangrike rol te speel in die verbetering van die lewe van gestremdes in Suid-Afrika. Daar is nietemin voorgestel dat die DPSA meer pogings moet aanwend, addisioneel tot dit wat reeds gedoen is.
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43

Elliott, Sheryl DeJoy. "The Historical, Political, Social, and Individual Factors That Have Influenced the Development of Aging and Disability Resource Centers and Options Counseling." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1072.

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This thesis reports on the perspectives and experiences of policymakers, advocates, agency supervisors, and experts in the field of gerontology, about the development of Aging and Disability Resource Centers (ADRC) programs and Options Counseling (OC). By examining the foundations upon which ADRCs and OC are built, this study sought to inform future research about the effectiveness of existing practice, increase understanding of best practices, and clarify whether these emerging services are accomplishing original goals. ADRCs and OC intend to address long-term care issues and healthcare needs by providing a single entry point to the social service system. ADRCs offer information, assistance, and OC to people of all ages, incomes, and disabilities, and promote long-term care options that honor independence and respect for the needs and preferences of individuals, their families, and caregivers. They are the latest iteration of policymakers' efforts to provide affordable home-and community-based care for older persons and their caregivers. A total of fifteen qualitative interviews were conducted and analyzed using grounded theory methods. Key persons interviewed included experts in the area of aging, aging policy, and aging. Participants were recruited through referrals suggested by Portland State University's (PSU) Institute on Aging (IOA) staff. In addition, several key experts known to the researcher through affiliation with PSU's IOA agreed to be interviewed. Snowball sampling was then used to locate additional key experts. Interview participants were classified as advocates, state decision makers, policy makers, or academicians. Advocates included national and state directors of agencies that promote the development and management of effective services to aging adults. State decision makers included state directors, ADRC directors and supervisors, and program analysts. Policy makers interviewed were national program directors responsible for shaping the future of developing programs to assist older adults. Academicians who participated in the study have been instrumental in developing and researching practices that promote well-being for the aging and the aged. These key experts were selected based on their knowledge and ability to inform the strengths, weakness, and development of ADRCs and Options Counseling. Many have been instrumental in health and aging policy and service development and research, and possess insider knowledge not available to the general public regarding attitudes and interests motivating the actors. Findings indicate that ADRCs and OC are designed to manage within existing social service systems. They can benefit some individuals by providing more options and support in accessing public and private services. It remains to be seen whether they have the capacity to ameliorate some existing system-level problems. Findings highlight program strengths and weaknesses, sustainability issues, and policymakers, state decision makers', and providers' commitment to sustaining ADRCs and OC.
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44

Mongy, Aymeric. "L'autisme, un handicap contre la protection sociale : les usages réformateurs d'un problème-outil." Thesis, Université de Lille (2018-2021), 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021LILUD020.

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Depuis plus de quarante ans, la littérature en science politique s’intéresse aux processus de bureaucratisation conduisant à mobiliser dans la fabrique de l’action publique des savoirs et techniques issus du New Public Management (NPM) (Bezes et al., 2011), jusqu’à parfois dresser le constat englobant d’une « bureaucratisation néolibérale » du monde (Hibou, 2013). Ces conceptions mécanistes du transfert de techniques de gouvernement entre secteur public et privé renseignent finalement peu les conditions de leur encastrement social, c’est-à-dire les opérations politiques, symboliques et techniques par lesquelles des groupes sociaux légitiment le recours au NPM ; l’action de sa base sociale en somme. A partir d’une analyse du cas de la construction du problème de l’autisme en France, la présente thèse entend porter sur ce point un éclairage en mettant au jour la manière dont les mobilisations des mouvements associatifs parentaux de l’autisme ont contribué à motiver l’emploi par l’État de techniques et de formats organisationnels issus du management de la santé, renforçant par-là les capacités administratives de contrôle sur l’organisation et les contenus de l’offre de soins psychiatrique et médicosociale. En effet, à partir des années 2010 les « stratégies scandaleuses » (Offerlé, 1998) des organisations parentales conduisent à publiquement mettre à l’index l’archaïsme de modèles de prise en charge ségrégués car trop peu tournés vers l’école, inefficace car trop peu informés des avancées des neurosciences. Mêlant droit à l’inclusion sociale des personnes et accès aux soins dans le secteur libéral, les revendications de ces groupes d’intérêts font se croiser la « trajectoire de réformes » (Bezes, Palier, 2018) de l’autisme et celle d’un autre problème : celui du mode de gouvernement des secteurs du handicap et de la santé mentale. Ce deuxième enjeu est marqué par un retour en force de l’État qui, depuis le début des années 1990, recourt de plus en plus à différentes technologies – agences, appels d’offre, contrats, plateformes, recommandations de bonnes pratiques, forfaits, etc. – en vue de construire un « système » intégré de santé. Leur emploi est tendu vers l’accroissement du rendement des structures de soins sanitaires et des établissements médicosociaux, invités à se spécialiser dans des prises en charge « lourdes » et « complexes » pour renvoyer une partie de leurs publics vers le droit commun. Qu’on l’appelle « virage ambulatoire » ou « tournant inclusif », ce transfert des activités de prise en charge vers le « milieu ordinaire » – rarement sinon jamais interrogé en tant que foyer d’oppression ou facteur d’inégalités – compte pour beaucoup dans la sollicitation de la médecine libérale, censée absorber les demandes de prestations dont sont ainsi déchargées les milieux spécialisés. Sur la base de matériaux divers – sources écrites, entretiens observations et enquête ethnographique conduite en particulier dans le département du Pas-de-Calais – notre recherche montre comment, en cherchant à conformer le processus de production des soins à leurs conceptions des « bonnes pratiques », ces associations ont nourri ce programme. Elle rend également compte de comment la rationalisation logistique des soins induit un délitement des « propriétés sociales » (Castel, 1999) distribuées par les secteurs qu’elle travaille, ce au détriment de leurs publics socialement les plus précaires
For more than forty years, the political science literature has been interested in the processes of bureaucratization leading to the mobilization of knowledge and techniques from New Public Management (NPM) in the production of public action (Bezes et al., 2011), sometimes to the point of drawing up an all-encompassing observation of a "neoliberal bureaucratization" of the world (Hibou, 2013). Mechanistic conceptions of the transfer of government techniques between the public and private sectors ultimately provide little information about the conditions of their social embedding, i.e. the political, symbolic and technical operations through which social groups legitimize the use of the NPM; the action of its social base in short. From an analysis of the case of the construction of the autism problem in France, the present thesis intends to shed light on this point by bringing to light the way in which the mobilizations of the parent associations of autism contributed to motivate the use by the State of techniques and organizational formats stemming from health management, thereby reinforcing the administrative capacities of control over the organization and the contents of the psychiatric and medicosocial care offer. In fact, from the 2010s onwards, the "scandalous strategies" (Offerlé, 1998) of parent organizations have led to the archaic nature of segregated care models being publicly criticized because they are not sufficiently oriented towards school, and ineffective because they are not sufficiently informed about advances in neuroscience. Mixing the right to social inclusion of individuals and access to care in the liberal sector, the claims of these interest groups make the "trajectory of reforms" (Bezes, Palier, 2018) of autism intersect with that of another issue: that of the mode of government of the disability and mental health sectors. This second issue is marked by a return in force of the State which, since the beginning of the 1990s, has increasingly resorted to different technologies - agencies, calls for tender, contracts, platforms, recommendations of good practices, packages, etc. The use of these technologies is geared towards the development of an integrated health care "system". Their use is geared towards increasing the efficiency of health care structures and medico-social establishments, which are invited to specialize in "heavy" and "complex" care in order to send some of their patients back to the mainstream. Whether it is called the "ambulatory shift" or the "inclusive shift", this transfer of care activities to the "ordinary environment" - rarely, if ever, questioned as a source of oppression or a factor of inequality - accounts for a large part of the demand on private medicine, which is supposed to absorb the requests for services that are thus discharged from the specialized environments. On the basis of various materials - written sources, interviews, observations and an ethnographic survey conducted in particular in the Pas-de-Calais department - our research shows how, by seeking to conform the process of producing care to their conception of "good practice", these associations have fed this program. It also shows how the logistical rationalization of care leads to a disintegration of the "social properties" (Castel, 1999) distributed by the sectors it works in, to the detriment of their most socially precarious publics
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45

Öman, Béatrice. "Implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Sweden : Interpretation and application of disability inclusive goals at the local level." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-181859.

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This thesis studies the transfer of disability targets in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to the local level in Sweden and how this implementation contributes to the Agenda’s result on a global scale. In the summary of its final official report to the Swedish Government (SOU 2019:13), the Swedish Delegation for the 2030 Agenda states that the expression ‘sustainable development’ is applied in Sweden in two ways: while it is used witha focus on its environmental dimension, there is another, broader definition that also encompasses its social and economic dimensions. In its own terms, the Delegation consistently adheres to the broader definition, in accordance with the meaning of the 2030 Agenda (SOU 2019:13, p. 27). Rather than concentrating on the more amply researched and documented environmental dimension, this thesis highlights a social and economic dimension of the Agenda’s local implementation, bearing in mind the Agenda’s pledge that no one willbe left behind. It examines how those among the 169 targets dealing with the interests of people with disabilities are transposed down to the local level and implemented. The conclusion points at the fact that, although all goals seem understood as indivisible at each level, results may uncover a big difference in how they are implemented and/or measured inpractice, at each of the political-administrative levels involved, which makes it difficult to produce data on quantifiable progress on a specific target.
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46

Behrisch, Birgit. "Vaterschaft aus der Sicht von Vätern mit Behinderung." Institut Mensch, Ethik und Wissenschaft, 2013. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A14329.

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Vaterschaft mit Behinderung ist ein wenig untersuchtes Phänomen, obwohl Väter mit einer Behinderung vor ähnlichen Aufgaben und Problemen wie Väter ohne Behinderung stehen. Der persönliche Blick auf die eigene Behinderung ist bestimmend für die Haltung und das Handeln als Vater. Väter mit positivem Selbstkonzept vermuten kaum Probleme oder negative Auswirkungen der Behinderung auf das Kind. Als schwerwiegende Barrieren im Alltag erweisen sich einschränkende Rahmenbedingungen und fehlende Unterstützungsmöglichkeiten; [J1] nur ein geringer Teil von Problemen hängt ursächlich mit der Behinderung zusammen.
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47

Westman, Johanna, and Clara Wasell. "Diskriminerande diskurser i lokala medier : En kvalitativ studie om hur människor som omfattas av diskrimineringsgrunderna etnisk tillhörighet och funktionsnedsättning framställs i Östergötlands lokalmedia." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-160221.

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Statistics show that “ethnic affiliation” and “disability”, under the discrimination law, with a margin constitute most of the discrimination reports made in 2015, 2016 and 2017. The purpose of this thesis is to describe how Östergötland's local media construct and maintain the image of people who are protected by law of discrimination. Our goal is to explain of how the media can have the power to influence society's general perception of these two groups. Through the social constructionism theory and the critical discourse analysis, we explain how general perceptions of these groups can lead to negative attitudes and discrimination. Through a critical discourse analysis and a qualitative text analysis of articles from Östgöta Correspondenten and Norrköpings Tidningar regarding these groups showed that people with disabilities were often presented as a "burden" of some kind and rarely described as "just” individuals but instead defined or biasedly nuanced based on their disability. People with foreign background were generalized and forced to represent a larger group. The topic of the articles were often negative, and it was common with dehumanization and objectification. The media, which is easily accessible as newspaper articles can generate in common "truths" that might collectively lead to social action. Our study result shows that media reflects a society, in which people with disability and foreign background are marginalized and placed outside the norm. That kind of categorization may likely lead to negative attitudes and exclusion for the affected groups.
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48

Martelius, Luisa. "Administrera eller agera? : En fallstudie om flera institutionella logiker i kommunal LSS-verksamhet." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45203.

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The purpose of the thesis is to identify if and how specific institutional logics are expressed in municipal disability care, and if so, answer if the multiple logics create tension or coherence. The research is motivated by the critique aimed towards market influences in Swedish public services, and also by the fact that disability care is understudied. With inspiration from grounded theory the institutional logics perspective, consisting of a market logic (NPM) and aclient logic focused on the individuals receiving care, has developed over time. More correctly, the thesis has an abductive approach since the analysis has progressed from switching between theory and empirical data. The results from the case study show that both a NPM-logic and a client logic is present in Malmö’s municipal disability care, both in managing documents and in practical work. The NPM-logic conveys through goal management, quality work and administrative tasks. The client logic is expressed by a will to include disabled individuals, civic participation in decision making, dialogue and client-focused approach. Lastly, both tension and coherence is identified between present logics. For reasons of space, somewhat simplified; goal management creates tensions through centralized goals, but coherence through decentralized goals. Quality work creates tension since it focuses on measurement which excludes other perspectives. At the same time coherence is identified as clients impact decision making. Lastly, tension is identified through the administrative burden - first-line-managers get no time for clients. Coherence is identified through operative coworkers perspective since the administrative tasks do not affect the time spent with clients. Future studies can aim towards certain aspects in-depth, such as the consequences of identified tensions.
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49

Nunes, Fernanda Cristina Ferreira. "Atuação política de grupos de pais de autistas no Rio de Janeiro: perspectivas para o campo da saúde." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7552.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O período entre 2009 e 2012 foi considerado um marco na história das pessoas com autismo no Brasil, devido à sanção da Lei Federal n 12.764, no dia 27 de dezembro de 2012, que reconheceu os autistas, para todos os efeitos legais, como pessoas com deficiência. A tomada da deficiência como instrumento político-identitário caracterizou, assim, novos rumos da luta por direitos. A partir da análise de diferentes estratégias de atuação política desenvolvidas por três grupos de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), este trabalho discorrerá acerca de suas principais demandas e alegações. A escolha destes três dispositivos associativos é justificada por suas respectivas coordenações, exclusivamente, atribuídas a pais e familiares de autistas, além do reconhecimento nacional de suas participações na formulação de projetos, leis e eventos relacionados ao espectro. Portanto, esta dissertação pretende responder às seguintes questões: a) quais processos e motivações permitem que uma questão privada (ter um filho autista) se transforme em uma questão pública? b) como se agrupam, quais são e a quem se dirigem suas reivindicações? c) quais expectativas, estratégias e tensões estão envolvidas no movimento dos movimentos sociais do autismo? Além de entrevistas com informantes qualificados, a metodologia de pesquisa envolveu observação participante em passeatas, audiências públicas, palestras e celebrações de datas comemorativas, como o Dia Mundial da Conscientização do Autismo. No entanto, a maior parte do trabalho etnográfico se concentrou no município de Volta Redonda, onde, há quinze anos, foi fundada a APADEM, caso paradigmático de atuação política de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Por meio da parceria entre sociedade civil e poder público, atualmente, Volta Redonda detém três legislações municipais direcionadas ao autismo e uma gama de serviços especializados. Por fim, ao apresentar como os três grupos de pais de autistas configuram a politização da experiência da deficiência, esta dissertação pretende contribuir academicamente com os campos dos novos movimentos sociais e dos estudos sobre deficiência, ambos de grande potencial heurístico, mas ainda pouco explorados no Brasil.
The period between 2009 and 2012 was considered a landmark in the history of autistic people in Brazil, due to the enactment of the Federal Law 12.764, on December 27, 2012, which recognized autistics, for all legal purposes, such as people with disabilities. The use of disability as a political and identity tools has defined new directions of "struggle for rights". From the analysis of different strategies of political action undertaken by three groups of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), this work will discuss about their main demands and claims. The choice of these three associative devices is justified by their respective coordinators exclusively attributed to parents and families of autistic, and also the national recognition of their participation in the formulation of projects, laws and events related to the spectrum. Therefore, this master thesis aims to answer the following questions: a) what processes and motivations allow a private matter (having an autistic child) become a public issue? b) how they group together, what are their claims and whom they are addressed? c) what expectations, strategies and tensions are involved in the "movement " of autism social movements? In addition to interviews with qualified informants, the research methodology involved participant observation in demonstrations, public hearings, lectures and commemorative dates, such as the World Autism Awareness Day. However, most of the ethnographic work was focused on the city of Volta Redonda, where fifteen years ago, was founded APADEM, paradigmatic case of political action of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro. Through the partnership between civil society and government, Volta Redonda currently holds three municipal laws directed to autism and a range of specialized services. Finally, when presenting how the three groups of parents of autistic configure the politicization of the experience of disability, this dissertation aims to contribute to the academic field of new social movements and disability studies, both of great heuristic potential, but still little explored in Brazil.
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50

Noord, Linda. "Några grundsärskoleelevers uppfattningar om sitt inflytande i skolan : En kvalitativ studie baserad på fokusgruppintervjuer." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-55466.

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Syftet med studien var att undersöka vilka uppfattningar några elever inskrivna i grundsärskolans senare del har om sitt inflytande i skolan. Det empiriska materialet samlades in genom två fokusgruppintervjuer där sammanlagt fyra elever deltog. Eleverna tillhör formellt en grundsärskoleklass men har alla även viss undervisning i åldersadekvata grundskoleklasser. Studien har en kvalitativ metodansats med inspiration av barndomssociologisk teori, med Lundys (Welty & Lundy, 2013) inflytandemodell som teoretiskt analysverktyg. Resultatet visar att den sociala miljön har betydelse för elevernas möjlighet till inflytande. Elevernas grundsärskoleklass uppfattas som trygg och inkluderande vilket fungerar som en grund för elevernas mod och vilja att använda sitt aktörskap. Elevernas grundskoleklasser uppfattas däremot som otrygga vilket hämmar deras inflytande. De områden som eleverna uppfattar att de har inflytande i är uteslutande kopplat till deras grundsärskoleklass. Eleverna uppfattar att de involveras det vill säga att vuxna söker elevernas åsikter, lyssnar och agerar när det gäller deras individuella veckodagbok, raster, utvecklingssamtal, klassråd samt schema. Vilket tyder på att de har reellt inflytande inom dessa områden. Vad gäller undervisning framgår av resultatet att det är ett område där elevernas inflytande skulle kunna beskrivas som begränsat. Det handlar dock inte om inte all undervisning. I en del ämnen uppfattar de att de har mer inflytande och i andra mindre. Det går därför inte att dra den enkla slutsatsen att eleverna saknar inflytande utan att det beror på ämnets natur och vilken relation de har till undervisande lärare. Ett annat viktigt resultat var att mer inflytande skulle potentiellt kunna öka elevernas engagemang. Eleverna gav under fokusgruppintervjuerna flera olika exempel på hur de skulle vilja att undervisningen såg ut i olika ämnen. Uppgifter där eleverna får använda mer av sin kreativitet uppfattas som roligare av eleverna. Det handlar därför om att själva formen för undervisningen begränsar deras engagemang.
The purpose of the study was to investigate what perceptions some special school students enrolled in the latter part of primary school have about their political participation in school. The empirical material was collected through two focus group interviews where a total of four students participated. The students formally belong to a special school class, but they all also participate in some age-appropriate primary school classes. The study has a qualitative method approach inspired by childhood sociological theory, with the ”Voice” model (Welty & Lundy, 2013) as theoretical analysis tool. The result shows that the social environment is important for students' ability to express their views and participate in decision-making. The students special school class is perceived as safe and inclusive, which serves as a basis for the students' courage and willingness to use their agency. The pupils' primary school classes are perceived as insecure, which inhibits their courage to speak their mind and therefor also their involvement in decision-making. The areas that the students perceive to have influence over are exclusively linked to their special school class. The students perceive that they are involved (that is, adults seek students' views, listen and act upon them) regarding their individual weekly diary, breaks, development talks, class councils, and schedule. Which indicates that they have real political participation in these areas. As regards to teaching, the results indicates that that is an area where students' influence could be described as limited. However, this does not concern all teaching. In some subjects the students perceive that they have more involvement in decision-making and in others less. It is therefore not possible to make the simple conclusion that the students lack influence, rather it is depending on the nature of the subject and what relation they have with the teachers. Another important outcome was that more influence could potentially increase the students' involvement. During the focus group interviews, the students gave several different examples of how they would like the teaching to appear like in different subjects. Tasks where students may use more of their creativity where perceived as more fun by the students. Thus, the form of teaching limits their commitment.
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