Dissertations / Theses: 'Politics in America 1952-1985'

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Froman, Michael B. "The development of the idea of detente in American political discourse, 1952-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253803.

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Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.

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Bizzozero, Revelez Lincoln. "L'entrée de l'Uruguay dans le Mercosur: ajustements et changements dans la politique extérieure d'un petit pays de la région." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210949.

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Smith, Benjamin King. "Cross-Cutting Concerns: The Varying Effects of Partisan Cues in the Context of Social Networks." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1952.

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The theory of motivated reasoning predicts that partisan cues in the media will affect political attitudes, by encouraging individuals to align their views with those of their party's elites. The effect has primarily been tested by looking at issues which have pre-established partisan positions (e.g. immigration reform, gay rights, etc.). This study looks at the effects of partisan cues in the media on attitudes toward a non-partisan issue, the NSA's collection of American's meta-data. Additionally, the study extends research on partisan cues by exploring the moderating role of an individual's political communication network and, specifically, exposure to cross-cutting political communication. Findings are mixed: although there was no main effect of exposure to partisan cues in general, strong partisans were more affected by exposure to partisan cues than weak partisans. Additionally, although frequency of political discussion was not found to moderate the effect of partisan cues, individuals with high exposure to cross-cutting communication were significantly less affected by partisan cues than those with low exposure to cross-cutting communication. Limitations, implications, and future directions are discussed.

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Bell, J. W. "The Cold War and American politics, 1946-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596536.

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The thesis attempts to trace the role of the state prevalent in American political discourse in shaping politics and legislation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This has involved linking developments in American foreign policy with changes in political views of the state at home. The aim of my research has been to set political developments at the centre of American studies in this period by arguing that they had a profound effect upon broader American society and its views of the wider world. This helps to explain why the political ideology of social democracy, or the involvement of government as a provider of economic and social justice, declined in America after World War II in contrast in most other industrialised nations. I argue that while traditional American hostility to government generally weakened during the depression and war, the Cold War encouraged Americans generally to associate the state with totalitarianism. Politically-promoted conceptions of life in the USSR and Great Britain in particular were used both to reorient American political priorities away from social reform and to marginalise those who attempted to take further the more progressive aspects of the New Deal. The association of the state with inimical ideologies abroad, and the notion that America was a socially cohesive nation, in which all citizens were 'free' and 'equal', formed a political orthodoxy strengthened by developments in foreign affairs. The dissertation analyses key figures in both political parties, as well as key pressure groups, in the period 1946-1952. It also traces the development of public opinion over the same period, and attempts to show how the images of others nations at the heart of the Cold War lessened the prospects for European-style social democracy in the United States in the later twentieth century.

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Handtmann, Henry H. "The Evolution of Political Marketing: 1952 to Present." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/360.

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According to the American Marketing Association (AMA), marketing is defined as the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large.[1] To do this, marketing institutions have developed systematic processes for evaluating the wants and needs of the masses, and designed mechanisms to persuade large groups of people, as well as smaller targeted markets. If the "product" is a presidential candidate…. The marketing objective of a political party / candidate is to communicate, deliver, and exchange offerings (policies for votes). Hence, political campaigning and traditional marketing have similar objectives. For clarity, the term candidate and political party are synonymous when applied to marketing concepts. In the 1950s, marketing experts realized the potential of selling the value of their candidate, party, and specific initiatives, through a systematic process now known as "political marketing."[2] This study will review the evolution of political marketing, evaluate how several presidential candidates gained a competitive advantage over their opponents by both utilizing traditional marketing practices, and, with social marketing, gained leverage with the Internet. It concludes with the significance of the Internet, online campaigning, social media, and their collective effects on the current and future of the political system. [1] "Definition of Marketing," The American Marketing Association, http://www.marketingpower.com/AboutAMA/Pages/DefinitionofMarketing.aspx. [2] Dominic Wring, "The Marketing Colonization of Political Campaigning," in The Handbook of Political Marketing, ed. by Bruce I. Newman. (London: Sage Publications, Inc, 1999), 44-45.

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Jackson, Nicole M. "The Politics of Care: Black Community Activism in England and the United States, 1975-1985." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338404099.

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Rampinelli, Waldir José. "Analisis de la politica exterior brasilena hacia America Latina: periodo: 1964-1985." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1990. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/157663.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales
Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-08T16:55:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1990

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Bain, Mervyn J. "Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.

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In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.

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Jefferys, Matthew Thomas. "Florida : presidential elections and partisan change, 1952-2004." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001344.

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Lea, John. "An Anglo-American comparative analysis of the use of the term political correctness in post-16 education ( 1985-2005)." Thesis, University of Kent, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504655.

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Fouche, Brian David. "The Cracks in the Golden Door: An Analysis of the Immigration Policy of the United States of America, 1882-1952." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2124.

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Since its founding, the economic opportunities and quality of life present in the United States of America have drawn millions of people across the oceans to seek out a better existence for themselves. America's Founding Fathers believed that the country needed as large a population as possible to become a strong nation. The capitalistic economy of the new nation caused immigration to become critically important in the expansion of its manufacturing infrastructure. Once the growth of the nation's population began to exceed that of the economy's needs, the federal government attempted to limit further immigration. The government focused on restricting how many people of certain ethnicities could enter the country each year, ignoring the problems facing those immigrants who were already in the United States. Even worse, the policy, through various quota restrictions and fees, encouraged people from Canada and Mexico to enter the country illegally. This paper is intended to analyze the flaws of the major immigration acts passed between 1882 and 1952.

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Lewis, Ted Adam. "The Effect of American Political Party on Electoral Behavior: an Application of the Voter Decision Rule to the 1952-1988 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503830/.

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The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?

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Harbour, Tiffany Kwader. "Creating a New Guatemala: The 1952 Agrarian Reform Law." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1217963651.

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Romero, Sigifredo. "The Progressive Catholic Church in Brazil, 1964-1972: The Official American View." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1210.

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This thesis explores the American view of the Brazilian Catholic Church through the critical examination of cables produced by the U.S. diplomatic mission in Brazil during the period 1964-1972. This thesis maintains that the United States regarded the progressive catholic movement, and eventually the Church as a whole, as a threat to its security interests. Nonetheless, by the end of 1960s, the American approach changed from suspicion to collaboration as the historical circumstances required so. This thesis sheds light on the significance of the U.S. as a major player in the political conflict that affected Brazil in the 1964-1972 years in which the Brazilian Catholic Church, and particularly its progressive segments, played a fundamental role.

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Doughty, James. "Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr : An Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30026/document.

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Ce travail visera à analyser la pensée politique du théologien et politologue américain Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971), et plus particulièrement la façon dont le Pragmatisme a pu influencer son oeuvre. Critique à l’égard de l’idéalisme libéral de John Dewey (1859-1952), et plus spécifiquement à l’encontre de l’optimisme dont faisait preuve le pragmatisme politique vis-à-vis de la nature de l’homme, Niebuhr n’arriva pourtant pas à échapper à l’influence du pragmatisme, d’où le sujet de ce travail de recherche : les influences du Pragmatisme politique, celui de John Dewey plus particulièrement, sur l’oeuvre de Reinhold Niebuhr et sur son réalisme chrétien. Cette thèse rassemblera les grandes oeuvres des deux penseurs pour comparer la pensée politique de chacun. Selon Niebuhr, la pensée de Dewey n’était qu’une continuation de l’idéalisme des Lumières ; Dewey restait figé dans un optimisme injustifié à propos de la vision globalement bonne de la nature humaine. Néanmoins, malgré cette critique, Niebuhr fut influencé par ce dernier. L’objectif de cette thèse est de souligner ces influences sur le travail de Niebuhr afin de montrer que la pensée niebuhrienne est un prolongement de la pensée pragmatiste de Dewey, démontré par le Pragmatisme chrétien, et que Niebuhr fait partie du courant de pensée libérale malgré lui. Au mépris des différences fondamentales entre les deux hommes, nous allons donc tenter de démontrer que Niebuhr s’inscrit dans une tradition intellectuelle typiquement américaine, le Pragmatisme étant considéré comme le seul mouvement philosophique authentiquement américain, afin de parvenir à une plus grande connaissance de ces deux penseurs majeurs, mais, aussi, du paysage politique américain
This work aims to analyze the political thought of the American theologian and political scientist Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971). More specifically, it will analyze the way in which Pragmatism was able to influence Niebuhr’s writings. Critical towards the liberal idealism of John Dewey (1859-1952), Niebuhr’s Christian realism was a counter against the optimism that political Pragmatism demonstrated in regards to the nature of man. Despite these criticisms, Niebuhr was unable to escape Pragmatism’s influence. This influence is the reason for this research: how political Pragmatism, specifically that of John Dewey was able to have an impact on Reinhold Niebuhr’s works and his Christian realism. This thesis will study the major works of these two thinkers in order to compare the political thought of each thinker. Younger than Dewey, Niebuhr had for a long time considered Dewey’s thought as nothing more than an idealized and outdated continuation of Enlightenment optimism which was incapable of accurately analyzing the contemporary world. Nevertheless, Niebuhr was influenced by Dewey. This thesis’s goal is to highlight the influences of Pragmatism in Niebuhr’s works in order to show that Niebuhrian thought is a continuation of Dewey’s pragmatic thought, specifically through the notions of Christian Pragmatism and therefore, fits within an overall framework of American Liberalism. In spite of the fundamental differences in thought, we are going to attempt to show that Niebuhr was a part of the typically American intellectual tradition, that is to say, Pragmatism; considered to be a uniquely American philosophical movement. It will be analyzed in order to achieve a greater understanding of these important thinkers, but also, of America’s political landscape

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Goddard, Chester Roe. "The politics of market maintenance foreign economic policy and the Latin American market debt issue, 1982-1985 /." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23857931.html.

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Bon, Tempo Carl J. "Americans at the gate : the politics of American refugee policy, 1952-1980 /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3118366.

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Merrett, Andrea Jeanne. "The Professional is Political: The Women’s Movement in American Architecture, 1971–1985." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-2nq7-pe14.

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This dissertation examines the history of the women’s movement in architecture in the United States. In response to the feminist movement of the 1960s and ’70s, and especially the women’s liberation movement, which began in the late 1960s, women in architecture began to organize and fight for greater status in a profession that had systematically excluded them. Their activism took many different forms—from the establishment of women’s professional groups and the organization of conferences or exhibitions to research on female architects of the past. At the same time, more radical projects such as the Open Design Office, Women’s School of Planning and Architecture (WSPA), and the Women’s Development Corporation tried to re-imagine how architecture could be taught and practiced, which client groups should be served, and the relationship between architects and clients. Beginning in the early 1970s, women architects formed the Alliance of Women in Architecture (New York City, 1972) and Women Architects, Landscape Architects, and Planners (Boston, 1972), and the Organization of Women Architects (Bay Area, 1973). Through these organizations, feminist architects pressured the American Institute of Architects (AIA) to create a Task Force on Women. Several conferences in 1974 and 1975—most notably “Women in Architecture: A Symposium,” at Washington University in St. Louis in March 1974 and the “West Coast Women’s Design Conference” at the University of Oregon, Eugene, in April 1974—facilitated the development of a national network of feminist architects. The AIA’s Task Force used this network to help conduct a survey, which it finalized as a report to the Institute in 1975. These organizations and conferences also brought together the founders of WSPA, which held its first session in 1975. While women were forming professional organizations and hosting conferences, a few architects began conducting historical research on women and architecture. In 1973, Doris Cole published From Tipi to Skyscraper, the first history of women architects in the US. Four years later, an exhibition entitled Women in American Architecture and accompanying book were launched at the Brooklyn Museum. Both publications challenged architectural historiography by including non-professional women like the domestic reformer Catharine Beecher. Architectural scholars Dolores Hayden and Gwendolyn Wright pushed the boundaries of the discipline even further—Hayden through her work on utopian communities and the “material feminists” of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, and Wright through her social history of housing, which placed equal weight on the contributions of women writers and reformers as those of professional architects. This dissertation demonstrates the successes and shortcomings of the women’s movement in architecture. These include an increase in the number of women studying and practicing architecture, pressure on institutions such as architecture schools and the AIA to take seriously the plight of women in the profession, a reduction in the discrimination and harassment faced by women at schools and work, and the production of a significant body of scholarship on the contributions of women to the built environment. These achievements can be credited to two principal factors. The first is the concerted effort made by feminist architects to work together and bring about these changes. By participating in women’s organizations and at conferences, female architects across the US created a collective identity based on their shared grievances and desire for change. It was their ability to work collectively that forced institutions to respond to their demands. The second factor was the larger social transformation of American society at the time. The successes within architecture were possible only in a period of broader feminist activism that placed external pressure on the profession and reinforced the demands of feminist architects. Less successful were the more radical efforts, few of which survived architecture’s retreat from social projects towards the formalist and pop culture concerns of postmodernism by the late 1970s, the resurgence of conservative politics, and a backlash against feminism in the 1980s. By the mid-1980s, the energy of the women’s movement in architecture had diminished, but not without leaving behind a rich legacy for future generations of feminist architects.

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Wilson, Timothy. "Rocking the regime : the role of Argentine rock music in a changing socio-political context (1970--1985) /." 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3223751.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2599. Adviser: Dara Goldman. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-147) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

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"An Alternative Politics: Texas Baptist Leaders and the Rise of the Christian Right, 1960-1985." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/70237.

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This dissertation examines one of the most counter-intuitive southern responses to the rise of the Christian Right. Texas Baptists made up the largest state association of Southern Baptists in the country. They were theologically conservative, uniformly uncomfortable with abortion, and strident in their condemnation of homosexuality. Yet they not only rejected an alliance with the Christian Right and the Republican Party, but they did so emphatically. They ultimately offered a more robust critique of the Christian Right than even many of their secular counterparts. While their activities might seem surprising to contemporary readers, they were part of a long and proud Baptist tradition of supporting the separation of church and state. On issues like organized school prayer, government regulation of abortion, and private school vouchers, they were disturbed by the blurring of lines between church and state that characterized the Christian Right as it emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. Texas Baptists were also uncomfortable with the backlash against integration and sought to promote racial justice in any way they could. While many southerners adopted a politics of cultural resentment, Texas Baptists often worked for racial justice and promoted interracial cooperation. They also fought the move towards economic conservatism in the South. From their campaigns to raise the welfare cap in Texas to their promotion of Lyndon Johnson's Community Action Programs, Texas Baptists defended government activism to alleviate poverty. They embodied a very different economic ideology than that of the ultraconservative southerners who have dominated the scholarship of southern politics after 1960. On all of these issues, the experience of Texas Baptists challenges prevailing ideas about southern political change. Their story is one that undermines the notion of a unified evangelical reaction to the racial, economic, and political changes that swept the South (and the nation) after 1960. It should give pause to those who have assumed that the alliance between Southern Baptists and the Christian Right was inevitable or unavoidable and force us to reconsider the complexity of southern evangelicalism.

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Pitts, Bryan. "The Inadvertent Opposition: The São Paulo Political Class and the Demise of Brazil's Military Regime, 1968-1985." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/7235.

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This dissertation argues that the civilian "political class" played an understudied yet decisive role in toppling Brazil's 1964-1985 military dictatorship. In contrast with existing explanations for the regime's fall, which emphasize either the isolated initiative of the generals or the independent resistance of civil society, this dissertation highlights the inadvertent opposition of civilian politicians, connected by familial and social ties to both the military and social movements. Between 1968 and 1985, the relationship between all three shifted significantly, as politicians first resisted the military's challenge to their presumed right to rule on behalf of the masses and later came to defend a role for those masses in ruling the nation. It offers a deeper understanding of the dispositions, worldview, and behavioral codes that united politicians regardless of ideology or party and turned them against the regime that many of them had helped bring to power.

In contrast to the Southern Cone, where the military sought to abolish political activity, Brazilian officers cast themselves as democracy's saviors. Yet even as they maintained elections, they also imposed authoritarian reforms on politicians. The first four chapters offer the most detailed study to date of this project and politicians' indignant reaction. In 1968, as the regime repressed leftist student activists, politicians, tied to students by blood and social class, took to the streets to defend their children in a nearly forgotten act of defiance. Then, when the military demanded the prosecution of a congressman for insulting them, Congress refused to lift his immunity. In response, the military placed Congress in recess, arrested several politicians, removed many others from office, and decided to turn their reforms into tutelage. Amidst the repression, a few politicians opted for courageous denunciation, but most chose to wait out the storm until the generals believed them sufficiently cowed. Still others adopted the strategy proved most successful - working within the rules to build their careers despite constraints.

The final three chapters show how the military's project collapsed amidst bolder challenges from politicians, especially in the vitally important state of São Paulo. In 1974, after five years of breathtaking economic growth, the powerless opposition party decisively won legislative elections. This study offers fresh insights into the opposition's success by examinging its novel appeal to working class voters. By 1978, restiveness in São Paulo spread to the military's own allied party, as in São Paulo they nominated a dissident gubernatorial candidate against the generals' wishes. As the regime turned toward political opening, in 1979-1980, opposition politicians took to the streets to protect striking workers from repression, demonstrating a greater acceptance of popular mobilization. Politicians changed under military rule, but rather than collaborating with a demobilizing regime, many allied with an emerging civil society to oppose it.

This study draws on transcripts and audio recordings of legislative speeches, electoral court records, public opinion surveys, police records, classified Brazilian intelligence reports, newspapers, and correspondence from the foreign embassies. It cites the personal archives of key politicians, as well as oral histories, biographies, and memoirs. The sources enable a dynamic and culturally informed analysis of the "political class" to explain how, through resistance to tutelage and the acceptance of popular participation, civilian politicians helped topple the military regime and lay the groundwork for an unprecedented expansion of citizenship in the following decades.

Dissertation

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"The effects of political violence on the development of popular movements: Guatemalan campesino organizations, 1954-1985." Tulane University, 1993.

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This dissertation examines the effects of politically-motivated violence on popular movements with particular reference to the following three dependent variables: (1) internal organizational structures (2) mobilization strategies, and (3) ideologies and tactics. Guatemalan political violence and campesino organizations between 1954 and 1985 are employed as a case study for this investigation. The dissertation includes an in-depth study of the literature of political violence and revolution, and a discussion of the literature surrounding popular movements. A cyclical model of political violence is developed and applied to contemporary Guatemala (1954-1985). An original history which traces the evolution of rural popular movements during each modern cycle of violence is then provided. This narrative history includes discussions of guerrilla organizations, labor organizations, cooperatives, and broad-front organizations in contemporary rural Guatemala. The changes in the three dependent variables are discussed within the context of this history. The concluding chapter is an analysis of these variables and their relationship to the cycle of violence model
acase@tulane.edu

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Cheong, Sung-hwa. "Japanese-South Korean relations under American occupation, 1945-1952 the politics of anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea and the failure of diplomacy /." 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22466205.html.

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Franqui, Harry. "Fighting For the Nation: Military Service, Popular Political Mobilization and the Creation of Modern Puerto Rican National Identities: 1868-1952." 2010. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3412048.

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This project explores the military and political mobilization of rural and urban working sectors of Puerto Rican society as the Island transitioned from Spanish to U.S. imperial rule. In particular, my research is interested in examining how this shift occurs via patterns of inclusion-exclusion within the military and the various forms of citizenship that are subsequently transformed into socio-economic and political enfranchisement. Analyzing the armed forces as a culture-homogenizing agent helps to explain the formation and evolution of Puerto Rican national identities from 1868 to 1952, and how these evolving identities affected the political choices of the Island. This phenomenon, I argue, led to the creation of the Estado Libre Asociado in 1952. The role played by the tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans in the metropolitan military in the final creation of a populist project taking place under colonial rule in the Island was threefold. Firstly, these soldiers served as political leverage during WWII to speed up the decolonization process. Secondly, they incarnated the commonwealth ideology by fighting and dying in the Korean War. Finally, the Puerto Rican soldiers filled the ranks of the army of technicians and technocrats attempting to fulfill the promises of a modern industrial Puerto Rico after the returned from the wars. ^ In contrast to Puerto Rican popular national mythology and mainstream academic discourse that has marginalized the agency of subaltern groups; I argue that the Puerto Rican soldier was neither cannon fodder for the metropolis nor the pawn of the Creole political elites. Regaining their masculinity, upward mobility, and political enfranchisement were among some of the incentives enticing the Puerto Rican peasant into military service. The enfranchisement of subaltern sectors via military service ultimately created a very liberal, popular, and broad definition of Puerto Rico’s national identity. When the Puerto Rican peasant/soldier became the embodiment of the Commonwealth formula, the political leaders involved in its design were in fact responding to these soldiers’ complex identities, which among other things compelled them to defend the “American Nation” to show their Puertorriqueñidad . ^

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Eow, Gregory Teddy. "Fighting a New Deal: Intellectual origins of the Reagan Revolution, 1932--1952." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/75005.

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This dissertation locates the origins of the modern conservative movement in the intellectual history of the 1930s and 1940s. I argue that it was during the years of the Great Depression, when laissez-faire capitalism was most discredited, that a group of conservative academics and intellectuals began to lay the foundations for its postwar resurgence. Angered by the New Deal, those intellectual activists honed their free market ideology and began to develop a network through which to distribute it. As a result, they began to lay the intellectual and institutional foundation for the conservative movement. This dissertation recovers a number of narratives that reveal the rudimentary makings of a movement. It was during the 1930s and 1940s that economist Henry Simons worked to turn the University of Chicago's economics department into a bastion of free market sentiment; Leonard Read, after a decade of free market advocacy, created the first libertarian think tank, the Foundation for Economic Education, in 1946; legal scholar Roscoe Pound, worried by the spread of legal realism in the academy and growth of government in Washington, dramatically moved to the political right to make common cause with conservatives; Albert Jay Nock, his protégé Frank Chodorov and Felix Morley created a network of conservative writers and publications that paved the way for William F. Buckley's National Review ; and writers such as Rose Wilder Lane and Isabel Paterson made the case for laissez-faire in the pages of popular publications such as the Saturday Evening Post and the New York Herald Tribune . Historians have generally attributed the rise of the modern right to the conservative political mobilization in response to the civil rights movement, campus agitation of the 1960s, and the campaign for women's rights. As a result, historians tend to view the modern conservative movement as a distinctly postwar social and political phenomenon. This dissertation enriches that account by revealing the ties the modern conservative movement has to the years of the Great Depression and the debate over the government's role in the economy.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics in America 1952-1985'

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