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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics in America 1952-1985

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Academic literature on the topic 'Politics in America 1952-1985'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics in America 1952-1985"

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Salvaterra, David L., and Patrick Allitt. "Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081837.

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Ribuffo, Leo P., and Patrick Allitt. "Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985." American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (April 1995): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169195.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 60, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1986): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002063.

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-Robert L. Paquette, David Barry Gaspar, Bondmen and rebels: a study of master-slave relations in Antigua with implications for colonial British America. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Johns Hopkins Series in Atlantic History, Culture and Society, 1985. xx + 338 pp.-John Johnson, Latin American Politics: A historical bibliography, Clio Bibliography Series No. 16 (ABC Clio Information Services, Santa Barbara, 1984).-John Johnson, Columbus Memorial Library, Travel accounts and descriptions of Latin American and the Caribbean, 1800-1920: A selected bibliography (Organization of American States, Washington D.C. 1982).-Susan Willis, Aart G. Broek, Something rich like chocolate. Aart G. Broek, (Editorial Kooperativo Antiyano 'Kolibri', Curacao) 1985.-Robert A. Myers, C.J.M.R. Gullick, Myths of a minority: the changing traditions of the Vincentian Caribs. Assen: Van Gorcum, Series: Studies of developing countries, no. 30, 1985. vi + 211 pp.-Jay. R. Mandle, Paget Henry, Peripheral capitalism and underdevelopment in Antigua. New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books, 1985. 274 pp.-Hilary McD. Beckles, Gary Puckrein, Little England: Plantation society and Anglo-Barbadian politics, 1627-1700. New York and London: New York University Press, 1984. xxiv + 235 pp.

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Meagher, Michael E. "Allitt, Patrick. Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/211.

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Kauffman, Christopher J. "Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985. Patrick Allitt." Journal of Religion 75, no. 3 (July 1995): 472. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489676.

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Meagher, Michael E. "Allitt, Patrick. Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/211.

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McCoy, Jennifer L. "The Politics of Adjustment: Labor and the Venezuelan Debt Crisis." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 103–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165748.

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In mid-1985, the US Embassy in Caracas stated that “Venezuela appears to have successfully coped with its financial crisis” (US Embassy, 1985). In January 1986, the Wall Street Journal announced thatVenezuela will become the first country in Latin America to sign a debt-refinancing agreement without mediation by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Its success stands in stark contrast to the situation in another oil-rich nation, Mexico, where the ruling political party has seemed more interested in using the oil wealth to perpetuate the party's power than to secure the country's independence from the IMF (WSJ, 1986).

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Hennesey, James. "Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985 by Patrick Allitt." Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 1 (1995): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1995.0066.

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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.

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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).

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Lovett, A. W. "The United States and the Schuman Plan. a study in French diplomacy 1950–1952." Historical Journal 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 425–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020318.

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ABSTRACTOn 9 May 1950, Robert Schuman, the French foreign minister, offered to pool the coal and steel resources of France with those of its European neighbours. The proposal was directed principally at Western Germany. After a year of negotiations six western European states agreed to form the European Coal and Steel Community, an organization rightly seen as the beginning of the European Union. However significant at the time and subsequently, this creation resulted from a series of political bargains familiar to any practitioner of traditional politics. France was determined to limit the competitive advantages of German heavy industry to prevent future dominance by the Ruhr industrialists whose unsavoury past was also remembered. Jean Monnet, the head of the French delegation at the talks held in Paris, insisted on the ‘deconcentration’ of the steel and coal industries. Steel companies would be compelled to dispose of the colleries which they owned. To do this, however, Monnet had to invoke the help of the American high commissioner in Germany, John J. McCloy and his expert advisers. In terms of its origins the Coal and Steel Community can be considered the product of a bargain struck between the Federal Republic and America, not France and Western Germany. That the safeguards against vertical combinations and a single sales agency for coal proved unnecessary (and unenforceable) may partly explain the success of the first venture in European integration.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics in America 1952-1985"

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Froman, Michael B. "The development of the idea of detente in American political discourse, 1952-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253803.

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Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.

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Bizzozero, Revelez Lincoln. "L'entrée de l'Uruguay dans le Mercosur: ajustements et changements dans la politique extérieure d'un petit pays de la région." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210949.

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Smith, Benjamin King. "Cross-Cutting Concerns: The Varying Effects of Partisan Cues in the Context of Social Networks." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1952.

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The theory of motivated reasoning predicts that partisan cues in the media will affect political attitudes, by encouraging individuals to align their views with those of their party's elites. The effect has primarily been tested by looking at issues which have pre-established partisan positions (e.g. immigration reform, gay rights, etc.). This study looks at the effects of partisan cues in the media on attitudes toward a non-partisan issue, the NSA's collection of American's meta-data. Additionally, the study extends research on partisan cues by exploring the moderating role of an individual's political communication network and, specifically, exposure to cross-cutting political communication. Findings are mixed: although there was no main effect of exposure to partisan cues in general, strong partisans were more affected by exposure to partisan cues than weak partisans. Additionally, although frequency of political discussion was not found to moderate the effect of partisan cues, individuals with high exposure to cross-cutting communication were significantly less affected by partisan cues than those with low exposure to cross-cutting communication. Limitations, implications, and future directions are discussed.

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Bell, J. W. "The Cold War and American politics, 1946-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596536.

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The thesis attempts to trace the role of the state prevalent in American political discourse in shaping politics and legislation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This has involved linking developments in American foreign policy with changes in political views of the state at home. The aim of my research has been to set political developments at the centre of American studies in this period by arguing that they had a profound effect upon broader American society and its views of the wider world. This helps to explain why the political ideology of social democracy, or the involvement of government as a provider of economic and social justice, declined in America after World War II in contrast in most other industrialised nations. I argue that while traditional American hostility to government generally weakened during the depression and war, the Cold War encouraged Americans generally to associate the state with totalitarianism. Politically-promoted conceptions of life in the USSR and Great Britain in particular were used both to reorient American political priorities away from social reform and to marginalise those who attempted to take further the more progressive aspects of the New Deal. The association of the state with inimical ideologies abroad, and the notion that America was a socially cohesive nation, in which all citizens were 'free' and 'equal', formed a political orthodoxy strengthened by developments in foreign affairs. The dissertation analyses key figures in both political parties, as well as key pressure groups, in the period 1946-1952. It also traces the development of public opinion over the same period, and attempts to show how the images of others nations at the heart of the Cold War lessened the prospects for European-style social democracy in the United States in the later twentieth century.

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Handtmann, Henry H. "The Evolution of Political Marketing: 1952 to Present." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/360.

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According to the American Marketing Association (AMA), marketing is defined as the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large.[1] To do this, marketing institutions have developed systematic processes for evaluating the wants and needs of the masses, and designed mechanisms to persuade large groups of people, as well as smaller targeted markets. If the "product" is a presidential candidate…. The marketing objective of a political party / candidate is to communicate, deliver, and exchange offerings (policies for votes). Hence, political campaigning and traditional marketing have similar objectives. For clarity, the term candidate and political party are synonymous when applied to marketing concepts. In the 1950s, marketing experts realized the potential of selling the value of their candidate, party, and specific initiatives, through a systematic process now known as "political marketing."[2] This study will review the evolution of political marketing, evaluate how several presidential candidates gained a competitive advantage over their opponents by both utilizing traditional marketing practices, and, with social marketing, gained leverage with the Internet. It concludes with the significance of the Internet, online campaigning, social media, and their collective effects on the current and future of the political system. [1] "Definition of Marketing," The American Marketing Association, http://www.marketingpower.com/AboutAMA/Pages/DefinitionofMarketing.aspx. [2] Dominic Wring, "The Marketing Colonization of Political Campaigning," in The Handbook of Political Marketing, ed. by Bruce I. Newman. (London: Sage Publications, Inc, 1999), 44-45.

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Jackson, Nicole M. "The Politics of Care: Black Community Activism in England and the United States, 1975-1985." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338404099.

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Rampinelli, Waldir José. "Analisis de la politica exterior brasilena hacia America Latina: periodo: 1964-1985." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1990. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/157663.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales
Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-08T16:55:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1990

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Bain, Mervyn J. "Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.

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In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.

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Jefferys, Matthew Thomas. "Florida : presidential elections and partisan change, 1952-2004." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001344.

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Books on the topic "Politics in America 1952-1985"

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Catholic intellectuals and conservative politics in America, 1950-1985. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1993.

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Shultz, George Pratt. America and the struggle for freedom: February 22, 1985. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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From a native son: Selected essays in indigenism, 1985-1995. Boston, Mass: South End Press, 1996.

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Frieden, Jeffry A. Debt, development, and democracy: Modern political economy and Latin America, 1965-1985. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1991.

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W, Dempster Murray, ed. Salt and light: Evangelical political thought in modern America. Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Book House, 1989.

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The politics of the possible: The Brazilian rural workers' trade union movement, 1964-1985. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.

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David, Green. The language of politics in America: Shaping political consciousness from McKinley to Reagan. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992.

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Third World Symposium (1985 Grambling State University). Third World Symposium: Theme, Central America : epitomizing the Third World countries syndrome : March 12, 1985, Grambling State University, Grambling, Louisiana. Grambling, La: The Department, 1985.

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Wattenberg, Martin P. The decline of American political parties, 1952-1988. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1990.

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Negotiating aboriginal self-government: Developments surrounding the 1985 First Ministers' Conference. Kingston, Ont: Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics in America 1952-1985"

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Allitt, Patrick. "Preface." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, ix—xii. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-001.

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Bidegain, Germán, and Víctor Tricot. "Political Opportunity Structure, Social Movements, and Malaise in Representation in Uruguay, 1985–2014." In Malaise in Representation in Latin American Countries, 139–60. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59955-1_6.

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Bethell, Leslie, and Jairo Nicolau. "Politics in Brazil, 1985–2002." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 231–80. Cambridge University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521395243.005.

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Marsteintredet, Leiv. "Presidential Term Limits in Latin America: c.1820–1985." In The Politics of Presidential Term Limits, 103–22. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837404.003.0006.

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Latin America holds a 200-year-long history of presidential constitutions. The region’s constitutional and democratic experimentation throughout history makes it an interesting laboratory to study the origins, development, and effects of presidential term limits. Based primarily on data from constitutions, this chapter provides an overview of presidential term limits in Latin America from independence until 1985. The chapter shows how term limits have varied across countries and time, and that the implementation of strict term limits often came as a reaction to prior dictatorial rules. Whereas both proponents and critics of consecutive reelection invoked arguments of democracy in their favour, the Latin American experience up until the Third Wave of Democracy shows that stable, republican, and democratic rule has only been possible under a ban on immediate presidential re-election.

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Bethell, Leslie, and Celso Castro. "Politics in Brazil Under Military Rule, 1964–1985." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 165–230. Cambridge University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521395243.004.

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"1. American Catholicism in the 1950s." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, 16–48. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-004.

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"Abbreviations Used in the Notes." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, xiii—xvi. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-002.

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"Introduction." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, 1–15. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-003.

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"2. Catholic Conservatives and the 1950s." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, 49–82. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-005.

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"3. Transformations of the Early 1960s." In Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1985, 83–120. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733154-006.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics in America 1952-1985"

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BARLAS, Dilek. "TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ DIŞ POLİTİKASINA GENEL BAKIŞ 1923-1960." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.13.

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1923-1938 Atatürk dönemi dış politikasını bağlantısız bir dış politika diye nitelendirebiliriz. Bu dönemde Türkiye hiçbir büyük güce kendisini bağımlı hissetmemiştir. Zaten dünya ekonomik krizi nedeniyle tüm ülkeler içlerine kapanmak zorunda kalmıştır. Öte yandan kriz nedeniyle güçlenen Faşist İtalya ve Nazi Almanya’sı çevrelerine tehdit oluşturmaya başlamışlar ve bu durum Türkiye’yi komşuları ile daha yakın bir ilişkiye girmesini sağlamıştır. Atatürk özellikle Balkan ülkeleri ile iş birliğine önem vermiş hatta bu iş birliğini Akdeniz’e de yaymak istemiştir. 1939 yılında savaşın başlamasıyla Türkiye, İngiltere ve Fransa ile ittifak antlaşması imzalamak zorunda kalmıştır. Buna rağmen Türkiye bu ülkeler safında savaşa girmeyerek tarafsız bir politika izlemiştir. Savaşın sonuna doğru Birleşmiş Milletlerin bir parçası olabilmek için Mihver devletlerine savaş ilan etmiştir. 1946 yılında Missouri’nin Türkiye’yi ziyareti Ankara’nın Washington ile yakınlaşmasına doğru atılan ilk adımdır. Bundan sonraki adım Truman doktrinini Türkiye’nin kabul etmesidir. 1947’den sonra Pax Britannica döneminden Pax Americana dönemine geçilmiş, Türkiye de kaçınılmaz olarak yeni dünya düzeninin içerisinde yerini almaya başlamıştır. Türkiye’nin ABD ile ilişkisi Avrupa devletleri ile olan ilişkilerinden farklıdır. Osmanlı mirasından dolayı Avrupa’nın büyük güçlerine karşı temkinli davranan Türkiye, ABD ile ilişkileri geliştirmekte daha istekli davranmıştır. Oysa İngiltere bölgeden hemen çekilmemiştir. 1957 Eisenhower Doktrinine kadar özellikle Ortadoğu bölgesinde ABD ve İngiltere birlikte hareket etmişlerdir. Ankara Washington ile daha yakın ilişkiye girmek istese de ABD bölgeye temkinli yaklaşmaktadır. 1952 yılında Türkiye’nin NATO’ya girişi iki ülkeyi birbirine daha yakınlaştırmıştır. 1955 yılında ABD, İngiltere’nin üye olduğu Bağdat Paktını desteklese de ancak 1957 yılında Eisenhower Doktrini ile Ortadoğu’da daha etkili hale gelmiştir. Ankara’nın İngiltere ve ABD’ye karşı ikilemli tutumu da bu tarihten sonra daha netleşmiştir.

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