Journal articles: 'Politics – Greece'

1

Gerodimos, Roman. "Greece: Politics at the Crossroads." Political Insight 4, no. 1 (March 13, 2013): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-9066.12006.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Greece." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 18, no. 2 (February 2012): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2012.18.2.102.

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Daremas, Georgios, and Georgios Terzis. "Televisualization of Politics in Greece." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 62, no. 2 (April 2000): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549200062002003.

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Georgopoulou, Xenia. "Shakespeare and modern Greek politics." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 96, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0184767818765242.

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This article provides an overview of the few modern Greek productions that connected Shakespeare with contemporary political issues. It subsequently explores a variety of references to Shakespeare’s plays in recent Greek political speeches, articles about late twentieth- and twenty-first-century politics in Greece, as well as Greek satirical programmes of the last decade, focusing on the current financial crisis in the country. It also argues that during the last decades Shakespeare’s identity in Greece has changed from a playwright for the elite to a commodity for the masses.

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Wyskok, Marlena, and Małgorzata Bronikowska. "Sport and Politics in Archaic Greece." International Journal of the History of Sport 35, no. 14 (September 22, 2018): 1476–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2019.1593149.

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Coufoudakis, Van. "Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece." Mediterranean Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 2015): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3145790.

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Moschos, Dimitrios. "Theology and Politics in Contemporary Greece." Ecumenical Review 70, no. 2 (July 2018): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12359.

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Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.

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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.

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Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.

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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Immigration Politics." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271100288x.

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“You are a Greek Jew? I thought all Greeks were Orthodox?” As a Jewish-American growing up in New York City, whose paternal grandparents were Jews who had emigrated from Greece in the 1920s, I was frequently asked this question by well-meaning—if confused—friends and acquaintances. Indeed, while “Greek Jew” has always been a central aspect of my multiply-hyphenated American identity, in fact my grandfather Morris Isaac, né Izaki, was from Salonika and, it turns out, he himself grew up as a Turkish Jew under the Ottoman Empire, only to discover after World War I that he was in fact (now) not a Turkish but a Greek Jew (which was not, in the parlance of his time, synonymous with being an authentic “Greek”). Greek (Orthodox) or Jewish? Greek or Turkish? Pogroms, wars, “ethnic cleansings,” and sometimes even genocides have been undertaken to resolve such questions, and indeed my ancestors experienced all of these things in the opening decades of the twentieth century. For my family, such traumas are part of the story of how my grandparents came to leave Greece and migrate to the US and become Americans and US citizens (alas, many of their relatives were not able to leave, and most ultimately perished at the hands of the Nazis).

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11

Kurke, Leslie. "The Politics of ἁβϱοσύνη in Archaic Greece." Classical Antiquity 11, no. 1-2 (April 1, 1992): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010964.

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12

Iosifidis, Petros, and Stylianos Papathanassopoulos. "Media, politics and state broadcasting in Greece." European Journal of Communication 34, no. 4 (April 19, 2019): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119844414.

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This article focuses on governmental control over state broadcasting media in Greece and analyses whether Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation can be considered as public or state broadcaster. The first part explores the interrelationship between media, politics and the state in Greece, and the ways the latter has affected the development of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation. By doing so, it makes references to similar Southern European broadcasting models that are also characterised by clientist manners, ministerial censorship, a powerful state and a weak civil society. Furthermore, it looks at the devastating impact of haphazard deregulation and market liberalisation on Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation since the early 1990s, when the Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation lost much of its formerly loyal audience and advertising income to a number of newly launched commercial television channels. Part 2 assesses the degree of political, editorial and financial independence of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation under the current SYRIZA-led administration. Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation was re-launched by the left-wing SYRIZA government after a temporary 2-year closure, but it is struggling to maintain a competitive advantage and a politically neutral output.

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13

Tsiligianni, Ioanna G. "Politics and cancer management: lessons from Greece." Lancet 381, no. 9864 (February 2013): e4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(13)60175-0.

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14

Kokosalakis, Nikos. "Politics and Sociology in Greece, 1950-98." International Sociology 13, no. 3 (September 1998): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026858098013003003.

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15

Tzelgov, Eitan. "Coalition oversight and blame avoidance in Greece." European Political Science Review 9, no. 1 (September 8, 2015): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000284.

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This article examines the behavior of Greek political parties before, as well as during, the recent austerity period. Drawing on coalition oversight and blame avoidance literature, it argues that the unpopularity of austerity governments leads to extreme levels of dissent within the coalition. I operationalize this ‘intra-coalition opposition’ behavior using parliamentary questions, a legislative institution that has not been studied in the context of coalition politics. The analysis demonstrates that junior members in unpopular austerity governments increase their use of parliamentary questions to a degree that matches or even exceeds the formal opposition. However, intra-coalition dissent is conditional on the type of unpopular government policies, and on the ideology of coalition members. Specifically, using a new method of text analysis, I show that while the socialist Panhellenic Socialist Movement uses its parliamentary questions to avoid or minimize the blame associated with austerity policies, the conservative New Democracy does not, because left-leaning parties are electorally vulnerable to austerity measures. The results have implications for studying dissent in coalition politics in general, and the politics of austerity in particular.

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16

Carugati, Federica. "A Discussion of Josiah Ober’s The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003182.

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Ancient Greece has long exercised a powerful hold on the imagination of modern political science. But until fairly recently, this influence has largely been philosophical, related to the origins of many theoretical concepts—including the concept of politics itself—in the ancient world. In The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Josiah Ober offers a synoptic and ambitious social theoretical account of the ancient Greek world, the sources of its power, the causes of its decline, and the lessons that can be drawn from this story for contemporary social and political science. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on Ober’s account of classical Greece and its relevance to contemporary political inquiry.

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Monoson, S. Sara. "A Discussion of Josiah Ober’s The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003194.

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Ancient Greece has long exercised a powerful hold on the imagination of modern political science. But until fairly recently, this influence has largely been philosophical, related to the origins of many theoretical concepts—including the concept of politics itself—in the ancient world. In The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Josiah Ober offers a synoptic and ambitious social theoretical account of the ancient Greek world, the sources of its power, the causes of its decline, and the lessons that can be drawn from this story for contemporary social and political science. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on Ober’s account of classical Greece and its relevance to contemporary political inquiry.

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18

Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "A Discussion of Josiah Ober’s The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003200.

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Ancient Greece has long exercised a powerful hold on the imagination of modern political science. But until fairly recently, this influence has largely been philosophical, related to the origins of many theoretical concepts—including the concept of politics itself—in the ancient world. In The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Josiah Ober offers a synoptic and ambitious social theoretical account of the ancient Greek world, the sources of its power, the causes of its decline, and the lessons that can be drawn from this story for contemporary social and political science. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on Ober’s account of classical Greece and its relevance to contemporary political inquiry.

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19

Schwartzberg, Melissa. "A Discussion of Josiah Ober’s The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003212.

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Ancient Greece has long exercised a powerful hold on the imagination of modern political science. But until fairly recently, this influence has largely been philosophical, related to the origins of many theoretical concepts—including the concept of politics itself—in the ancient world. In The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Josiah Ober offers a synoptic and ambitious social theoretical account of the ancient Greek world, the sources of its power, the causes of its decline, and the lessons that can be drawn from this story for contemporary social and political science. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on Ober’s account of classical Greece and its relevance to contemporary political inquiry.

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20

Acemoglu, Daron, James A. Robinson, and Barry R. Weingast. "A Discussion of Josiah Ober’s The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003224.

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Ancient Greece has long exercised a powerful hold on the imagination of modern political science. But until fairly recently, this influence has largely been philosophical, related to the origins of many theoretical concepts—including the concept of politics itself—in the ancient world. In The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Josiah Ober offers a synoptic and ambitious social theoretical account of the ancient Greek world, the sources of its power, the causes of its decline, and the lessons that can be drawn from this story for contemporary social and political science. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on Ober’s account of classical Greece and its relevance to contemporary political inquiry.

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21

Rodríguez-Pose, Andrés, Yannis Psycharis, and Vassilis Tselios. "Liberals, Socialists, and pork-barrel politics in Greece." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 48, no. 8 (May 3, 2016): 1473–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16646372.

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22

Papathanassopoulos, Stylianos. "Broadcasting, politics and the state in Socialist Greece." Media, Culture & Society 12, no. 3 (July 1990): 387–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344390012003007.

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23

Ifanti, Amalia A. "Education Politics and the Teachers’ Unions in Greece." European Journal of Teacher Education 17, no. 3 (January 1994): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0261976940170307.

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24

Arapostathis, Stathis. "Academic Entrepreneurship, Innovation Policies and Politics in Greece." Industry and Higher Education 24, no. 3 (June 2010): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000010791657455.

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25

Hionidou, Violetta. "Relief and Politics in Occupied Greece, 1941–4." Journal of Contemporary History 48, no. 4 (October 2013): 761–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009413493947.

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26

Papanikos, Gregory T. "Greece in the Eurozone: An Evaluation of the First Two Decades." Athens Journal of Business & Economics 8, no. 2 (January 5, 2022): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajbe.8-2-5.

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On the 31st of December 2021, the euro celebrated its two decades in circulation. Initially, twelve countries adopted the euro as their new national currency, Greece being one of them. Starting in 2020, euro is the official currency of nineteen European Union countries. This paper aims to examine three issues. Firstly, the paper investigates Greek people’s perception about the euro, using data from the recent issue of the Eurobarometer (December 2021). Secondly, the economic performance of Greece is briefly examined by comparing the Greek Gross Domestic Product (GDP) two decades before and two decades after the introduction of euro. Finally, the Greek participation to the eurozone has been a controversial, political issue. The political developments in Greece during the first two decades of the euro are also studied, emphasizing the dramatic political events after the double elections of 2012. The period of the two decades ends with the detrimental impact of COVID-19. This issue is also mentioned by reviewing some recent publications. Keywords: Eurozone, Greece, GDP, per capita GDP, Eurobarometer, euro, elections, politics

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27

Mullins, Paul R. "The politics of an archaeology of global captivity." Archaeological Dialogues 15, no. 2 (December 2008): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203808002602.

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In 1922 Carter Woodson lay a brief but nevertheless sweeping foundation for a history of captivity that reached into the earliest recesses of the classical world. Invoking the classical paragons of democracy, Woodson argued (1922, 15) that slavery was once the normal condition of the majority of the inhabitants of the world. In many countries slaves outnumbered freemen three to one. Greece and Rome, the most civilized of the ancient nations in which the so-called democracy of that day had its best opportunity, were not exceptions to this rule. Woodson rhetorically turned to Greece and Rome to illuminate the contradictions of American democracy and underscore the profound inequality that has existed within democratic states from their very creation, painting captivity as a nearly timeless institution.

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Mylonas, Yiannis. "Media and the Economic Crisis of the EU: The ‘Culturalization’ of a Systemic Crisis and Bild-Zeitung’s Framing of Greece." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2012): 646–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.380.

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This article critically studies the hegemonic discursive construction of the EU’s current (2012) economic crisis, as it is articulated by political and economic elites and by mass media. The study focuses on the political economy of the particular crisis and through the critical concept of reification, the study emphasizes the hegemonic naturalization of the economic crisis by the “free market” economistic ideology. The article problematizes the positioning of Greece as the “crisis epicentre” in Europe, understanding Greece as a scapegoat and as a laboratory where political strategies of capitalist restructuring of the EU are performed. Through the frame analysis of Bild-zeitung’s headlines on the coverage of crisis-struck Greece, the article discusses a) the “culturalization” of the crisis and the diversion from a structural public debate on the global economic crisis b) the disciplinary function of crisis’ publicity, related to social control and the production of new, neoliberal social subjectivities c) the alienating effect of the culturalist crisis discourses to transnational publics, resulting to the misrecognition of the ideological and structural reasons of the given crisis, the misrecognition of the effects of the crisis and crisis-politics in people’s lives, the misrecognition of popular socio-political struggles in countries worse struck by crisis politics, and the eclipse of transnational solidarity and identification to the common issues that European people in particular are facing.

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29

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000190.

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This is a particularly rich crop of books on Greek history. I commence with two important volumes on citizenship in archaic and classical Greece. Traditional narratives of Greek citizenship are based on three assumptions: that citizenship is a legal status primarily linked to political rights; that there was a trajectory from the primitive forms of archaic citizenship to the developed and institutionalized classical citizenship; and that the history of citizenship is closely linked to a wider Whig narrative of movement from the aristocratic politics of archaic Greece to classical Athenian democracy.

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30

Antonis Kotsonas. "Politics of Periodization and the Archaeology of Early Greece." American Journal of Archaeology 120, no. 2 (2016): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.120.2.0239.

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31

Papanikolaou, Dimitris, and Vassiliki Kolocotroni. "New queer Greece: Performance, politics and identity in crisis." Journal of Greek Media & Culture 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc.4.2.143_2.

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32

Baser, Bahar. "The politics of culture in Turkey, Greece and Cyprus." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1400282.

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33

Charalambis, Dimitris, and Nicolas Demertzis. "Politics and Citizenship in Greece: Cultural and Structural Facets." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 11, no. 2 (1993): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2010.0241.

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34

Mavrikos-Adamou, Tina. "Immigration Law and the Politics of Migration in Greece." Mediterranean Quarterly 28, no. 2 (June 2017): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4164259.

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35

Ifanti, Amalia A. "Policy Making, Politics and Administration in Education in Greece." Educational Management & Administration 23, no. 4 (October 1995): 271–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263211x9502300407.

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36

Karamagioli, Evika, Eleni-Revekka Staiou, and Dimitris Gouscos. "Government Spending Transparency on the Internet." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 1, no. 1 (January 2014): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2014010103.

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The objective of this article is to present four civil society initiatives that attempt to scrutinize government spending using open data from the Greek government OpenGov initiative Diavgeia project (“diavgeia”, in Greek, standing for lucidity). In a period of strong economic recession, Greece is facing one of the most intense social and political crisis of its history, with citizens characterized by substantial disenchantment with politics and a cynical stance about their government and representatives. The Diavgeia project was launched in 2010 by the Greek government with the objective to bring back transparency and trust in the political process, enabling online insights into government spending. By reviewing current bottom-up initiatives in Greece that are using data from Diavgeia in an effort to serve the principles of transparency, openness, and offering public data in a manner easy to understand, evaluate and re-use, we discuss the role of open government mechanisms in introducing a new relation between citizens and policy-makers, tackling contemporary political challenges of democratic societies and reconnecting ordinary people with politics and policy-making.

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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.

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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.

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Kusche, Isabel. "Functions of Clientelism in Modern Politics." Soziale Systeme 23, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2018): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2018-0003.

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Abstract Clientelism as a structure of political expectations is relevant for understanding both the development of states and present-day politics in many segments of the world-political system. It is a solution to three general problems that modern political systems face: the affirmation of central authority over a territory, the mobilization of voters in democratic elections, and the need to provide political careers for individuals. The article illustrates these problems and their clientelistic solution by drawing on the examples of Russia, Greece and Japan. In these cases, patron-client ties function as equivalents to solutions on which systems theory has mostly focused when describing modern political systems: autonomous bureaucratic administration, electoral campaigns based on political programs, and party organizations based on formal membership and ideology.

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Wood, Luke. "The Bureaucratic Politics of Germany’s First Greek Bailout Package." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340102.

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The bureaucratic politics of the German decision to bailout Greece reveal that policy proposals from the Office of the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance to cope with the crisis in Greece stood to benefit those specific ministries. Centered on a national/supranational cleavage, policy debates in the second Angela Merkel government revolved around whether the European Union should be delegated more power in terms of broader Eurozone macroeconomic governance. Angela Merkel rejected broader treaty revisions insisting on strict adherence to the Stability and Growth Pact and the large-scale participation of the IMF. Conversely, Federal Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble opposed IMF involvement and advocated for increased EU competency including support for the French proposal to institutionalize the Eurogroup. The policy positions of these two organizational actors remained deeply conditioned by organizational interests, rather than partisan or ideological divides over conceptions of “European Unity.”

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Seraïdari, Katerina. "Introduction." Conflict and Society 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2016.020114.

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Since the creation of independent nation-states in Southeast Europe, several programs of mass population displacement and politics of dislocation have been implemented. Th e 1923 compulsory population exchange between Greece and Turkey, which fixed the destiny and the legal status of two million people, was considered at the time as a successful solution to interstate crisis regarding minorities. Th e geographical and political separation of Greek and Turkish Cypriots in 1976 and, more recently, the partitioning of Bosnia, define different ways of treating the same “problem.” What is interesting, however, is that different political regimes—royal (in the case of Greece), postcolonial “democratic” (in the case of Cyprus), postsocialist “democratic” (in the case of Bosnia)— resorted to similar “solutions.”

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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Democracy and Politics: An Introduction to the Special Issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 2 (January 2, 2022): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-0.

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This paper is an introduction to the special issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences on Politics. It includes six papers, which relate to various aspects of politics in today’s democracies. The first paper examines populism in selecting political parties of the European Union (EU); the second explains a political experiment performed in USA; the third discusses the prospects of the 2022 elections in Brazil; the fourth states that democracies need leaders as this is the case with Israel; the fifth looks at a real threat to democracy which is radicalism and violence using the case of the Slovakian youth; and the last paper examines a case of primary elections of a Greek political party (PASOK). Keywords: politics, democracy, elections, Brazil, Greece, Israel, Slovakia, USA, European Union, Latin America

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Arapostathis, Stathis. "Fertilising Farms and Institutional Authorities:." HoST - Journal of History of Science and Technology 11, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 10–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/host-2017-0002.

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Abstract The article studies the politics of expertise and the co-production of sociotechnical imaginaries, expertise identities and public policies in agriculture and the use of fertilisers in Greece between the years 1945 and 2000. By applying the concept of the co-productionist idiom, the processes of appropriation will be studied and dynamic processes in postwar Greece are demonstrated. The study argues that experts functioned not only as mediators but as promoters and shapers of sociotechnical imaginaries in Greece, and that they directed specific policies in promoting or controlling the use of fertilisers: particularly nitrogen (N) fertilisers. Until 1990, experts had the power and the authority to politically and socially legitimise the use of intense fertilisation. In the years since 1990, the experts’ role was configured by transnational political pressures from the European Union that shaped the experts’ consensus on the harmful effects of agriculture malpractice and the overuse of nitrogen fertilisers. Yet still while an environmentally friendly agriculture paradigm was sought the dominant public discourse promoted by experts in Greece still prioritised accuracy and rational use.

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Jovanovski, Dalibor, and Nikola Minov. "Ioannis Kolettis. The Vlach from the ruling elite of Greece." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (March 2, 2018): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.13.

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The purpose of this article is to show how Ioannis Kolettis, the first Vlach to become Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Greece, governed Greece, and why he is remembered, even today, as one of the Prime Ministers who left a lasting impression on Greek internal politics, and, especially, on Greek foreign affairs.

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Auernheimer, Gustav. "Politik und Orthodoxie in Griechenland / Politics and Orthodoxy in Greece." Comparative Southeast European Studies 59, no. 4 (April 1, 2011): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2011-590408.

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45

Piperoglou, Andonis. "Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12657.

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Yeon, Hee-Won. "The Politics of Body and Make-up in Ancient Greece." Korean Feminist Philosophy 33 (May 31, 2020): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17316/kfp.2020.05.33.31.

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Papastefanaki, Leda. "Mining engineers, industrial modernisation and politics in Greece, 1870-1940." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 13 (February 24, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.11557.

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Abstract:

The engineers who studied in Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and who returned to Greece to work have been seen as bearers of scientific knowledge and the modernising effort. Actually, they were active historical agents contributing with their multiple scientific activities to the process of appropriation of science and technology and industrial modernisation in the specific historical environment. This article aims, through the study of a particular professional group of engineers, the mining engineers, to demonstrate the interaction between scientific and technical professional activities and participation in political and social affairs. For these mining engineers, the technical efficiency and economic growth that industrialisation would bring could not be dissociated from social order and a hierarchical form of social organisation. At the same time, the formation of their professional group, as well as the social organisation that they envisioned, were rooted in gendered and class relations of power.

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Alifragkis, Stavros, and Emilia Athanassiou. "Educating Greece in modernity: post-war tourism and western politics." Journal of Architecture 18, no. 5 (October 2013): 699–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2013.838285.

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Alifragkis, Stavros, and Emilia Athanassiou. "Educating Greece in modernity: post-war tourism and western politics." Journal of Architecture 23, no. 4 (May 19, 2018): 595–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2018.1479229.

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Shaw, Brian J. "Ancient Israel and Ancient Greece: Religion, Politics, and Culture (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 23, no. 4 (2005): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2005.0166.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics – Greece'

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