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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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Matsa, Katerina-Eva. "Laughing at politics effects of television satire on political engagement in Greece /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/650075664/viewonline.
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Lawton, Carol L. "Attic document reliefs : art and politics in ancient Athens /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1995. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=1999.04.0005.
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Ifanti, Amalia A. "The politics of the secondary school curriculum in Greece." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018656/.
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This thesis describes the role of politics of the Greek secondary school curriculum and focuses on the system of control of education as well as the influence of some interest groups on the policy formation. The study of the educational system from the foundation of the modern Greek state in 1828 up to the present gives the historical context of the traditional and the new secondary school curriculum. It also points out the demands for curriculum reform, especially since 1950s, in the view of the broader social, political and economic changes and it underlines the difficulties of the system to be changed. The obstacles to educational modernization and democratization are sought in the traditional views of valued knowledge in Greece, such as humanism, and in the politics of the curriculum. The Greek educational system has still an academic and humanist orientation which is based on the Orthodox Christian ideas and the Ancient Greek values and it is characterized by a non progressive attitude to curriculum change. The politics of the curriculum control in Greece, on the other hand, is very much affected by the role of the state which is centralized, bureaucratic and authoritarian. Consequently, the influence of some important interest groups such as the political parties, the University of Athens Faculty of Philosophy and the Federation of Secondary School Teachers (O.L.M.E.) on the educational decison-making process is examined in detail.
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Karabakakis, Vassilis. "Social democracy in Greece : 1940-1981." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.277854.
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Vassiliou, Maria. "Politics, public health and development : malaria in 20th century Greece." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424677.
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Vlachantoni, Athina. "Gender and Politics of Pension Reform in Greece, 1975-2002." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498545.
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Kissoudi, Penelope. "Greece, Balkan games and Balkan politics in the interwar years." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4275.
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Ghikas, Anastasis. "The politics of working class communism in Greece, 1918-1936." Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10953/.
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Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.
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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill
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Liaras, Evangelos. "Politicized armies, militarized politics : civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46631.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-60).
Despite their common Ottoman heritage, Greece and Turkey have diverged widely in their modem history of civil-military relations. The armed forces have a long record of intervention in both countries, but there is a crucial difference: the military emerged as a roughly unitary, independent political actor in Turkey, whereas in Greece it remained divided into factions aligned with civilian political parties through patronage relationships. This empirical observation is then used as a basis for an attempt at theory building. Several countries exhibit a pattern of military interventions more similar to Turkey and others to those found in Greece. Societies which developed a strong parliamentary tradition early in the modernization process also acquired organized civilian political groups with clientelist networks extending into the armed forces. On the contrary, in countries with limited or weak parliamentary development and strong security pressures, political activism was often channeled through the military, which emerged as a hotbed of political thinking, predating and pre-empting any civilian party tradition. The former type of civil-military relations was more commonly found in Southern European and Latin American countries while the latter was predominant in non-Western societies that resisted Western colonization.
by Evangelos Liaras.
S.M.
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Rockwell, Nicholas Ryan. "The Boeotian army the convergence of warfare, politics, society, and culture in the classical age of Greece /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1680034161&sid=14&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Tsichlis, Vasileios. "The politics of modernisation and public law legislation in Greece, 1910-1911." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-politics-of-modernisation-and-public-law-legislation-in-greece-19101911(4717ad63-a334-4476-9907-8a55aa1f789d).html.
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Widely regarded as the first bourgeois Prime Minister of Greece, Eleutherios Venizelos, during his first tenure of office as Prime Minister in 1910-1912, is considered by many to have laid the foundations for the bourgeois modernisation of Greece. The parliamentary work conducted during this period has been highly praised, even by his adversaries and critics. This era is usually referred to as anorthosis (recovery) in the historiography of the period, and it is a common belief that because of anorthosis Greece experienced an unprecedented period of good governance and administration. However, except in the field of foreign policy, no substantial detailed research has been conducted into the political narrative of this crucial period in the transformation of Greece as a country. This thesis examines one critical part of Venizelos’ public policy programme, namely the public law legislation that provided the backbone of anorthosis. The aim of the thesis is to consider whether this wide-ranging legislative programme of reform provided the foundations for the country’s bourgeois modernisation. The research for the thesis analyses the intentions, content, and effects of the new laws dealing mainly with the amendment of the Constitution, the municipalities’ law reform and the so-called fiscal reform. A testimony to the quality and durable nature of this raft of reforming public legislation lies in the fact that many articles of the Constitution as then established are still standing and the municipality’s law introduced remained in force until 1997. The thesis also analyses the extent of Venizelos’ personal contribution to the formulation and passage of the public law legislation, particularly in the context of the inter-related political issues of day and his working relationships with the Opposition and with the Crown. Though anorthosis was not a one-man-show but the result of venizelism (Venizelos’ party ideology), the research undertaken for this thesis indicates that Venizelos was by far the most important and influential figure. The analysis reveals the nature and extent of his contribution to the reforming programme of public legislation, and includes a detailed study of his parliamentary speeches (as recorded in the Gazette of the Parliament’s Debates), and of contemporary press reports and the writings and speeches of other politicians of the day.
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Gardikas, Katerina. "Parties and politics in Greece, 1875-1885 : towards a two-party system." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431203.
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Arampatzi, Athina. "Resisting austerity : the spatial politics of solidarity and struggle in Athens, Greece." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9145/.
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Recent protests occurring in cities around the world have articulated opposition to the ongoing crisis of neoliberal globalization and its outcomes in diverse geographical contexts. From the Spanish ‘Indignados’ to the occupation of Syntagma square in Athens, Greece and the US Occupy movement, emerging forms of contentious politics have reignited critical debates on cities and social movements. However, the underlying processes through which these emerge and develop, as well as their possibilities and limitations in articulating challenges to the latest phase of neoliberal restructuring and austerity, remain nascent. This thesis addresses these underdeveloped analytical foci on emergent contentious politics in austerity-driven contexts through the case of Athens, Greece. Situated within broad debates on cities and the geographies of social movements, it draws on qualitative data gathered during fieldwork and critical engagement in struggles in Athens to examine the processes that enable contentious practices to materialize and expand across space. In particular, I suggest that austerity politics and their outcomes on the city’s population have triggered grassroots responses that contest austerity and produce practical alternatives to address precipitating social reproduction needs. These are articulated through resistance and solidarity practices, which are grounded in local contexts, i.e. neighbourhoods across Athens, and become mutually constituted to broader alternatives and counter-austerity politics that unfold spatially across the city and beyond. In accounting for these, I develop the ideas of ‘struggle communities’ and ‘urban solidarity spaces’ that demonstrate: firstly, the process of the emergence and development of resistance and solidarity practices at the neighbourhood level and their relational links outwards; and, secondly, the process of the expansion of these across city space, nationally and through links to European anti-austerity movements, i.e. networking and cooperation tactics among local initiatives, the formation of a social/ solidarity economy and broader strategies of social empowerment and change.
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Mazower, M. "Towards autarchy : The recovery from crisis in Greece 1929-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234357.
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Koliastasis, Panagiotis. "The permanent campaign strategy of Greek Prime Ministers (1996–2011)." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8449.
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Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy. The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication strategy, used private polling to shape political strategy, policy and presentation, used campaign-like messages as mottos to promote their policy plans and made public appearances to woo public opinion. In addition, the thesis indicates that the permanent campaign in Greece was a result of the modernisation of political communication due to political and technological developments, such as the decline of political parties, the rise of television and the proliferation of new political technologies that have appeared in other countries as well. However, the results drawn from the data analysis suggest that the 6 prime ministerial permanent campaign hardly affected the prime ministerial approval, confirming the findings of empirical studies in the US and the UK.
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Nassis, Pantelis P. "Analysis of sports policy in Greece through a strategic relations perspective 1980-93." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1994. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34214.
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The aim of this study is to identify the changing nature of sports policy in Greece in the period 1980-93. Key themes addressed were the relationship between policy goals and the political values of the principal political actors; the impact of the changing nature of the economic and social structure on policy goals and implementation; and the significance of national, local and transnational influences and contexts for sports policy. This study reflects a concern to develop knowledge in this field, in the sense both that Greek sports policy as an object of study has received little research attention, and that the framework of strategic relations theory, which has informed this analysis, has not been employed to date in investigations of sports policy systems in the literature. Gathering of data in Greece, incorporated both secondary sources, which provided aspects of the structural picture of sport, and primary data derived from interviews, which principally focused on the relations between actual policy outcomes, the goals of individuals and groups, and the struggles occurring within the social and political structure. Interviews were undertaken at various levels within the hierarchies of sports organisation and of the state. The principal elements of the concluding analysis in this study were: first, a focus on political change, from the socialist to right wing government, which resulted in changes in economic and social policy, which were themselves reflected in the nature of sports policy; second, a focus on the position of groups and individuals, and the strategic relations within the structures which are subject to policy changes; and third, an analysis of how local, national, and transnational influences have mediated the context of sports policy in Greece from 1980 to 1993. Having concluded the analysis of empirical data, a number of key themes are developed. These include the significance of the political values of the principal parties on the nature of policy goals at national level; the evidence of clientelistic relations between central government and national governing bodies of sport; patterns of corporatism in the relations between local government and local sporting bodies; and the impact of political partisanship in the relations between central and local government and its implications for sports policy at local government level. The study concludes by reviewing these phenomena within the context of the conceptual framework implied by strategic relations theory.
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Polyzoudi, Archondia. "The display of archaeology in museums of Northern Greece : the socio-politics and poetics of museum narratives." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610491.
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Oliver, Graham John. "The Athenian state under threat : politics and food supply, 307 to 229 B.C." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319002.
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Pallas, Christos. "The politics of hospitality : racism, security and migration in contemporary Greece, 1990-2012." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654530.
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This thesis examines the dominant responses to and struggles around immigration in contemporary political discourse in Greece. While immigration in Greece has received considerable scholarly and public attention, the question of racism has either been ignored or framed in problematic ways. This thesis argues that the question of racism should play a central role in accounting for these problematizations of immigration. Drawing on Poststructuralist theory and Psychoanalysis it is argued that the potency of racism in Greek political discourse emerges from its disavowed character as well as from the ways it is specifically inflected in appeals to Greece's self-understanding as a hospitable nation. Following how racism as a signifier figures (or is absent) in discourses around immigration and security, this thesis discloses the political and ideological operations at work whose critical explanation is articulated around the development of social, political and fantasmatic logics that characterize, sustain or challenge these discourses. This thesis shows not only how racism has come to be signified as itself a threat to Greek hospitality, but also how and why the social myth that any racist traits are new or effects of immigration enjoys widespread popularity. After reviewing the literature on the relations between 'Greek' and 'other', the immigration 'problem' in the 1990s, and its emergence as a security issue, a theoretical framework gravitating around the concepts of rhetoric and fantasy is developed as a means of approaching the political and ideological dimensions of racism. This approach is deployed in the investigation of parliamentary discourse on immigration and the 'demographic problem' (1990-2001), administrative detention and its contestation in the case of Pagani, Lesvos (2004-2010), urban immigration-related security practices in the centre of Athens (2010), and the Law School occupation by 300 immigrants on collective hunger strike (2011). These chapters trace the complicated and mobile relationships between racism, filoxenia, migration and security, suggesting that political discourse on immigration draws energies from the way the political and ideological dimensions of racism are fore grounded, amplified or made to resonate.
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Psellas, Jimmie. "Greece and the European Economic Community: Relations During the Panhellenic Socialist Movement's First Term of Office, October 1981--June 1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500743/.
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A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.
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Stefatos, Katherine. "Engendering the nation : women, state oppression and political violence in post-war Greece (1946-1974)." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2011. http://research.gold.ac.uk/8057/.
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The PhD thesis: Engendering the Nation: Women, state oppression and political violence in post-war Greece (1946-1974), addresses the gendered characteristics of political violence during the 1946-1974 period in Greece. The phenomenon of political violence and state oppression against politically active women is analysed through the prism of nationalist ideology, both as a legitimising mechanism for the continuation of abuse and terrorisation, but also as a vehicle for re-appropriating gender roles, power hierarchies, sexual stereotypes and social norms. Research focuses on (1) the gender-specific ways women were persecuted, incarcerated and abused and the causes of this gender-based violence; (2) the ways in which the nationalist, official discourse made use of gender characteristics in order to enact this type of abuse and oppression. Accordingly, the phenomenon of political violence against women dissidents is examined through the main analytical categories of gender and nationalism. This thesis provides a history and analysis of political violence against women in the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), the period of weak democracy (1950-1967) and the military dictatorship (1967-1974), respectively. The overall aim of the research is to bring forward the downplayed gendered characteristics of state-perpetuated violence and repression, and analyse them within the nationalist ideology and the ascribed traditional gender roles through which the oppressive mechanisms were institutionalised and authorised. In this respect, the experience of women as political detainees is reconstructed through an analysis of the sites and practices of political violence, terror and torture as operated and implemented by the state and its agents. PhD research draws on gender studies and discourse analysis and seeks to situate the Greek case within a feminist critique that emphasises the politics of gender and the dominant discourse of nationalism.
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Samaras, Athanassios N. "Broadcasting deregulation and political communication in Greece : from party to media logic." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324154.
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Papadopoulou, Aspasia. "Asylum, transit migration and the politics of reception : the case of Kurds in Greece." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404357.
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Tsilaga, Flora. "The UNRRA mission to Greece : the politics of International Relief, October 1944 - June 1947." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.618329.
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The thesis examines the operations of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) in Greece in the' immediate post-war era, 1944-47; By relying on UNRRA's rich and mostly unexplored archive, it constitutes the first attempt at examining a genuinely under-researched topic. The main argument is that the triangular nexus of a disintegrated national administration, a malfunctioning international organization and civil-war conditions (both latent and overt) contrived to aid being deliberately used by the state as political leverage, with the UNRRA mission partaking in the violation of its mandate and principles, The establishment, financial configuration and administrative structure of the Administration are considered in Chapter I. Chapter II assesses the impact of the Axis occupation on the Greek economy and society. The first 'two rounds' of external relief assistance, provided by the International Red Cross during the occupation, and the British-headed Military Liaison (ML) in its immediate aftermath, are also discussed. UNRRA's working relationship with the ML and its stance during the civil war in Athens in December 1944 are considered as a precedent for the 'third round' of relief. Chapter III offers an overall account of UNRRA's relief and rehabilitation activities. Chapter IV provides a locus for scrutinizing UNRRA's operations by focusing on the Cyclades islands. It examines the establishment and operation of the welfare system, the provision of food supplies, and the interplay between relief policies and the development of the local economy. Chapters V and VI contextualize the politics of international relief and rehabilitation in the light of the convoluted political, social and economic conditions in Greece of the mid-1940s, and the emerging Cold War.
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Stivachtis, Ioannis A. "On systems, societies and entries : a question concerning the ontological, onomatological, and methodological status of the international society tradition; the distinction between an international system & an international society and the entry of Greece." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337359.
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Hooper, Thomas Peter. "Athenian political leadership in the classical democracy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610119.
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King, Natasha. "Mobility control and resistance in the European borderland : practicing a no borders politics in Greece." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709833.
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Cloke, Christian F. "The Landscape of the Lion: Economies of Religion and Politics in the Nemean Countryside (800 B.C. to A.D. 700)." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1455208969.
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Michalopoulos, Georgios. "Political parties, irredentism and the Foreign Ministry : Greece and Macedonia, 1878-1910." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cdc024cb-2d15-4c67-8687-881267934f39.
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The Macedonian Question has attracted much attention since the 1990s due to the emergence of the dispute over the name of Macedonia between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. In Greece there is a prolific literature on this subject, but some basic questions remain unanswered. In particular, the role of the government, and of government institutions – especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – have attracted little or no attention: on the contrary, historians have focused on the „heroes‟ of the conflict, the fighters themselves, the result being that the Macedonian Question is understood as a military fight of good versus evil. In this D.Phil. thesis, we examine how the government got involved with the Macedonian Question and second, in what ways it was involved, especially given that an official acknowledgement of the government‟s involvement with the paramilitary operations was diplomatically impossible. We approached these questions by examining the personal archives of Greek politicians and diplomats (most notably of the Dragoumis family) and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, especially the Archives of the Greek Embassies in London, Paris and Constantinople, which have only recently become available. The key finding is that the Greek government, despite its declarations to the opposite effect, was involved heavily with the paramilitary fighting in Macedonia, but also that the official involvement with Macedonia was constrained and influenced by electoral concerns and by the powerful Macedonian lobbies in Athens. Decisions were rarely made in a rational, bureaucratic way, but were more often reached after consultations with journalists, military officers and intellectuals and always bearing domestic political realities in mind. These findings suggest that future research should move away from understanding the „Macedonian Struggle‟ solely as a military issue, and put it into the wider context of early twentieth-century Greek political and diplomatic history.
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Manos, Ioannis. "Visualising culture - demonstrating identity dance performance and identity politics in a border region in Northern Greece /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=965755215.
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Sotiropoulos, Michail. "European jurisprudence and the intellectual origins of the Greek state : the Greek jurists and liberal reforms (ca 1830‐1880)." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2015. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9111.
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This thesis builds on, and contributes to recent scholarship on the history of nineteenth‐century liberalism by exploring Greek legal thought and its political implications during the first decades after independence from the Ottomans (ca.1830‐1880). Protagonists of this work of intellectual history are the Greek jurists—a small group of very influential legal scholars—most of whom flocked to the Greek kingdom right after its establishment. By focusing on their theoretical contributions and public action, the thesis has two major contentions. First, it shows that the legal, political and economic thought of the jurists was not only conversant with Continental liberal currents of the Restoration, but, due to the particular local context, made original contributions to liberalism. Indeed, Greek liberals shared a lot with their counterparts in France, Italy and Germany, not least the belief that liberty originated in law and the state and not against them. Another shared feature was the distinction between the elitist liberal variant of the ‘Romanist’ civil lawyers such as Pavlos Kalligas, and the more ‘radical moderate’ version of Ioannis Soutsos and Nikolaos Saripolos. At the same time, the Greek liberals, seeking not to terminate but to institutionalize the Greek revolution, tuned to the radical language of natural rights (of persons and states) and national sovereignty. This language, which sought to control the rulers, put more contestation in power and expand political participation gained wide currency during the crisis of the 1850s, which exposed also the precarious place of Greece in the geography of European civilization. The second contention of the thesis is that this ‘transformation of thought’, informed the ‘long revolution’ of the 1860s and the new system of power this latter established. By so doing, it shows that liberal jurisprudence provided the intellectual foundations upon which the modern Greek state was build.
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Pasga, Anna. "The Greek military state, 1967-1974 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66101.
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Tsagkarakis, Ioannis. "The politics of culture : historical moments in Greek musical modernism." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/275daedd-e867-48d5-8981-ff49b1da4d5c/1/.
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This thesis spotlights eleven formative moments or ‘events' in the history of twentieth-century art music in Greece. They date from 1908 to 1979 and are ordered by two master narratives, the ‘Great Idea' and the ‘European Idea', concepts with multifarious implications for the making of contemporary Greece. The nature of the musical works presented during these events, the particular kind of reception they received, the debates they generated, and the role their composers hoped they would play in the construction of a contemporary Greek musical identity are some of the indicative issues that will be discussed, and always in relation to the prevailing political and social context. More specifically, I will try to show by way of these events how politics and culture were inextricably tied together. In some cases the events directly mirrored the political divisions and social tensions of their time, while in others they formed an easy (‘innocent') prey to political agendas – indigenous and foreign – that were at some remove from matters aesthetic. The discussion of these historical moments in the concert life of Greece is partly based on secondary sources, but it is also supported by extensive archival research. It is hoped that both the general approach and the new findings will enrich and update the existing literature in English, and that they may even serve to stimulate further research in the music history of other countries located in the so-called margins of Europe.
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Fragkou, Effrossyni. "Retranslating Philosophy: The Role of Plato's Republic in Shaping and Understanding Politics and Philosophy in Modern Greece." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20720.
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This thesis seeks to advance a new hypothesis for addressing retranslations, namely that the traditional explanation according to which translations become outdated and must be renewed can no longer account for all the aspects of the retranslation phenomenon.
I propose to view retranslation as a means of transforming documents into monuments, of unearthing the mass of elements they contain and of making them relevant to the present and to the future. Retranslations become a source of inspiration for original philosophical texts, hence new philosophical trends or schools of thought, and for commentaries on the translation and its agents, all of which reflect the place and time where they emerge, thus shaping symbols of self-representation, collective consciousness, memory, and identity.
I test this hypothesis through the exploration of 20th century Modern Greek retranslations of Plato’s Republic and through the examination of the diachronic and synchronic values of key political and philosophical elements of Plato’s system within the retranslations. These retranslations reflect not only how Plato’s philosophy is perceived by the modern Greek philosophical and political environment, but also whether they represent and prolong the canonical discourse on classical philosophy or introduce a more critical turn. I explore a case of a philosophical text whereby key elements of the Republic become a source of inspiration to answer basic questions of justice and polity from a modern point of view.
I conclude that retranslations project the aspirations, fears, and values of the time and space in which they emerge while using the openness of the text to add extra layers of interpretation and meaning. Almost all retranslations and their corresponding paratext maintain a consistent referential relationship with one another and with other political and philosophical texts produced during the same period. The link that ties these texts together is not necessarily chronological. It also depends on the discursive approach adopted; the translator’s political or philosophical affiliation; the degree of canonicity of each translation and translator, and the prevailing ideologies of the society in which retranslations emerge. A classical work can become either a vibrant document used to promote, sustain, and revive dominant discourses on politics, national identity or philosophy or, alternately, a reactionary document that voices concerns over the relevance of the canonical or traditional discourse with which the original is equated.
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Pavlou, Ioannis Nikos. "The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429211845.
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Vassilikou, Maria. "Politics of the Jewish community of Salonika in the inter-war years : party ideologies and party competition." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318012/.
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Throughout four centuries of Ottoman domination, Salonika Jews had managed to preserve their particular ethnic identity and to occupy an important position in the economic life of the city. In 1912 Salonika was annexed to the Greek nation-state, and only decades later various sources of the early 1930s were emphasising the economic and social degradation of the Jewish community. Existing bibliography has tended to underline almost exclusively the role of Greek politics and Greek society as the major explanatory factor of the community's decline. This thesis challenges this approach and argues that intra-communal politics within the inter-war years had a significant share of responsibility for the crisis which threatened Salonika Jews in the late 1920s and early 1930s. Indeed, Jewish political elites were deeply split over issues of fundamental importance for the community, resulting in political deadlock. Consequently, the community was caught up in fierce ideological debates and was deprived of a solid communal leadership able to steer them through unsettled waters. In order to account for this explanation, the thesis reassesses as a first step Greek majority policies and argues that notwithstanding the numerous constraints which they imposed on the status of the Jews, the latter were left significant room in which to influence their own affairs. Secondly, this thesis explores the ways in which communal political leaders responded to and made use of their 'power'. By analysing the four major Jewish political parties in the inter-war years - the Zionists, the Assimilationists- Moderates, the Radicals (Mizrahi-Revisionists) and the Communists - on the basis of party competition and party ideologies which set 'Jewishness' at the centre of political discourse, it is shown that their constant ideological struggles over this issue rendered them unable to build up constructive political coalitions and find answers to the pressing economic and social needs faced by the community.
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Kouta, Georgia. "The London Greek diaspora and national politics : the Anglo-Hellenic League and the idea of Greece, 1913-1919." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2018. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-london-greek-diaspora-and-national-politics(0fba745c-fcdc-4f35-909f-4b878c358fd9).html.
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This dissertation attempts to understand the complex interactions between British and Greek political and business figures in London and Athens during the early twentieth century. It is a portrait, in particular, of the importance of the Greek diaspora in the politics of modern Greece. The role of diasporas is one of the most important current interpretative emphases of transnational historians, and I seek to map how diasporic Greeks, Anglo-Greeks and Philhellenes produced an extended programme of propaganda for the cause of the Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos. The focus of the dissertation is the Anglo-Hellenic League, which was founded in 1913 in London to ‘defend the just claims of Greece’. Since this is the first time the League has been the focus of a work of scholarship, it is one of the priorities of this dissertation to examine its identity, activity and discourse, which are contained in its public interventions. The dissertation, at its core, is a study of the origins and ideology of the League, based on manuscript and pamphlet sources and applying theoretical approaches drawn from both discourse analysis and the study of diasporas and nationalism. Following the history of the London Greek community from the late nineteenth century, I study how the economic interests of this commercial bourgeoisie shaped their political interventions in early twentieth-century Greece, and in particular their activity as an influential transnational interest group in favour of Venizelist politics. Through a meticulous study of the League’s forms of political speech in its pamphlets and other writings and its relations with eminent British and Greek figures, this thesis intends to map Anglo-Hellenic interactions during the First World War through the scope of this particular political organ of the Greek London diaspora. It seeks to provide a diasporic dimension to the internal Greek political crisis of that period, in which the League played an active role in debates about the future of Greek politics, the National Schism (1915–1917) and the aims of Greek foreign policy during the Balkan and First World War, as well as towards the Greek populations under Ottoman rule. In this context, I aim to show how the Greek diaspora of London constituted an idea of Greece for both British and Greek consumption which connected the aims of British imperial grand strategy with those of the Greek bourgeoisie.
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Colfer, Barry. "Trade union influence under austerity in Europe (2018-2016) : a study of Greece, Ireland and Belgium." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/287577.
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My PhD thesis concerns trade union responses to austerity in Belgium, Greece and Ireland (2008-2016). It explores the power resources trade unions in Europe have drawn on during these crisis years, and seeks to establish if unions are cultivating new sources of power and influence, as traditional sources wane. My research points to unions being under sustained pressure, but it also presents evidence of effective union revitalisation, including through the formation of new coalitions with civil society actors, through the use of innovative legal approaches to problem-solving, and with unions reaching out to new, often atypically-employed, groups of workers. Notably however, the national level remains the primary concern for unions, and the European Union (EU) level of action remains adjunct to what unions do.
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Murray, G. N. "Sparta en Athene: ’n studie in altérité." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1799.
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Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.The main purpose of this study is to investigate and describe the differences between the fifth-century city states of Athens and Sparta. The approach I use is that of altérité (“otherness”). I look in particular at four of the most important social phenomena: women, slaves, the army and the political structures. In these respects there are extensive differences between the two city states: Athens acquired its slaves through buying them or as spoils of war over time and on an individual basis; Sparta conquered and enslaved a whole nation, the Messenians, early on to serve permanently as their slaves. Athenian women enjoyed no social or legal freedom or rights; Spartan women enjoyed all these rights and could own and inherit property and goods. In Athens, since the time of Themistocles the fleet was regarded as much more important than the infantry; Sparta had very early on developed a professional infantry which was regarded as the best right through the Greek-speaking world. Athens started changing its constitution at a relatively late stage, but once started, continued to work on it until they attained an early form of democracy; Sparta never developed beyond the monarchical stage, but did adapt it to suit their needs. The second purpose of this study is to discover and attempt to explain why the above-mentioned differences are so great. The point here is not so much that Athens was the model city state which everybody tried to emulate, but rather that Sparta was the city state which was significantly different from any of the others.
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Niarchos, Georgios. "Between ethnicity, religion and politics : foreign policy and the treatment of minorities in Greece and Turkey, 1923-1974." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418178.
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Pipini, Magdalini. "Public attitudes towards crime and punishment in Greece and the factors underlying their construction." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1581.
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Public opinion regarding crime-related issues is a challenging matter for researchers and politicians alike. An ill-informed public with regards to crime, punishment and other aspects of the criminal justice system leads to discontent and demands for harsher policies to strengthen public safety. Politicians harness public opinion to secure votes, and this can result in punitive policies that are founded on erroneous beliefs. The objective of this study is to look more deeply into people’s attitudes towards crime and punishment, and to consider why Greek people hold the views that they do and how these views are constructed. A multi-method approach was adopted for the implementation of this study. Quantitative methods were used to map the scope of attitudes towards crime and punishment in Greece. Qualitative methods were then appropriate to analyse and explore how attitudes are constructed and investigate specific factors in more depth. Greek culture was found to be one of the core issues, and in this context the Greek Orthodox faith and the traditional tight Greek family unit indicate that the stronger are the Greek people’s adherence to their traditional religious and family values, the less punitive are their attitudes towards crime and punishment. However, factors such as the media, attitudes towards immigrants and the contemporary political scene were found to cause distorted perceptions, leading to lack of confidence in the Greek criminal justice system.
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Velli, A. P. "Qualification or exclusion? : contradictions in the division of labour of accountants and the politics of accountancy training in Greece." Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310048.
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Delaporta, Eleftheria. "The role of Britain in Greek politics and military operations 1947-1952." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1138/.
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This thesis examines Anglo-Greek relations during 1947-1952; the era of the Greek civil war from the British announcement to withdraw aid from Greece until the end of the civil war and Greece's entry into NATO. A comprehensive treatment of the crisis of the civil of the civil war focuses on British imperial defence, the politics and society of Greece and bilateral relations as formulated by Cold War needs. During the rift between the Right and the Left in Greece, the main issue addressed by this work is the continuation of British influence in Greek affairs and the extension of British interest in bolstering the anti-Communist fight of the Greek government. In 1947 Britain, being itself on the verge of economic collapse, opted to discontinue financial support to the Greek right-wing government, which boosted the enunciation of the Truman Doctrine in March 1947. In the wake of American interference in Greece, Anglo-Greek relations remained close and intense, as the Greek governments maintained their trust in the British. For the British, Greece remained a destitute country, in need for assistance to defeat the communists. This study emphasises the diplomatic and military co-operation between the British, the American and the Greek governments in trying to defeat the communist forces, while attention is given to the policy and aims of the Greek Communist Party. The communist attempts to take over power along with the policies of the Greek governments and their allies are examined, with particular emphasis on the counterinsurgency operations of the Greek government developed from 1947 until the final defeat of the communist forces in 1949. The British role in these operations is considered to be important and influential in training and equipping the Greek armed forces. In the first post-civil war period of 1950-1953, the main issues examined are the attempts made by the Greek governments and the allies to establish a strong democratic cabinet and to strengthen the security of Greece within the context of international Cold War policies. Due to anti-Communist perceptions, precipitated by the Korean War, Greece became a quasi NATO member in 1950 and full member in 1952, which brought the withdrawal of the British Military Mission from Greece.
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Pranzatelli, Bridget. "The New Greek Tragedy: Discordance between Greece and the European Union in the Mediterranean Refugee Crisis." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1150.
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After the onset of the Syrian civil conflict, over one million refugees and asylum seekers landed on Greece’s shores, and were met with chaotic asylum processing, uncoordinated non-governmental organizations, and generally debilitating discordance among all actors responsible for service provisions. (UNHCR, n.d.) Despite a long history of an obligation to burden sharing, the European Union failed to implement cross-regional policies to support Greece. And despite building policies to expedite immigration processing, the SYRIZA-led government in Greece failed to implement substantive improvement to the migratory pathway. Finally, this mismanagement is fatal, and has resulted in migrant isolation, entrapment, and in the worse cases, death.
This research seeks to identify the causes of the persistence of this painful mismanagement of the humanitarian crisis, especially within camps, in Greece. To answer this question, this research will look at two common explanations for the mismanagement of camps: those that blame the Greek federal government and those that blame the European Union. Ultimately, however, this research will argue that it is the relationship between both the Greek state and the EU, marked by tension and discordance, which makes the problem of mismanagement of the crisis so persistent.
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Hill, Maria Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Australian's in Greece and Crete : a study of an intimate wartime relationship." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40076.
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Historians have largely ignored the importance of relationships in war, particularly at a grass roots level. Examining the past from a relational point of view provides a new perspective on war not accessible through other forms of analysis. A relational approach to a study of the campaigns in Greece and Crete helps to explain, amongst other issues, why so many Australian lives were saved. Australians entered Greece with little background knowledge of the country and the people they were required to defend. There was no serious consultation with the Australian government apart from the cursory briefing of its Prime Minister. Although Britain had numerous intelligence officers operating on the ground in Greece prior and during the campaign, little information about the true political situation in the country had filtered through to the Australian high command. This placed the troops in a very vulnerable position on the Greek frontier and, later, on Crete. Military interaction with the Greeks proved difficult, as key officers from the Greek General Staff and senior government ministers did not intend to fight the Germans. As a result, little coordination took place between the Australian and Greek forces hindering the development of a successful working relationship. Conversely, relations with the Greek people were very amicable with many Greeks risking their lives to help Australian troops. The altruism of the Greeks was one of the most striking features of the Greek and Crete campaigns. Unlike Egypt, where the Australians felt alienated by the values and customs of the Egyptian people, in Greece they warmed to the behaviour of the Greeks. Although they did not speak the same language nor share a similar culture, they had many characteristics in common with the Greeks whose strong sense of loyalty to their allies really impressed the Australians. On their part, the Australians displayed respect for the values and customs of the Greek people. Through their interaction during the war, the Greeks came to regard the Australians, not only as friends, but also as brothers, forging an intimate relationship that has been incorporated in the social memory of both countries.
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Lennox, Peter Gordon. "Isokrates as an observer and commentator upon his times." Phd thesis, Canberra, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124851.
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This thesis sets out to provide the first major study in English of the
historical significance of the six political discourses of Isokrates
(Panegyrikos. Plataikos. Archidamos. On the Peace, Areopagitikos and
Philippos). Each discourse is discussed individually, and each is closely
examined with respect to its content and its historical context. For each,
Isokrates' perspectives, ideas and judgements, whether idiosyncratic or
compatible with other contemporary viewpoints, are assessed against
available historical data, for both their historical plausibility and validity.
Throughout the six chapters, which examine each of the political
discourses in turn, it is argued that, despite the fact that these works are
neither deliberate historical works nor genuine orations, designed for
public delivery in the political contexts which constitute the settings, these
discourses provide important historical evidence for the history of the
times in which each was composed. Each work addresses at least one
significant contemporary political issue; other related social, economic and
military issues are also drawn into the discussion.
Isokrates' own statements about the serious nature of his advice are
shown to afford a more persuasive interpretation of these works than do
attempts by some scholars to detach the composition of individual works
from their proclaimed historical contexts or to show the works as
principally rhetorical display-pieces.
Isokrates eschewed a personal involvement in political life, either as
rhetor or strategos. but his discourses reveal him as astute to contemporary
issues of state and of inter-state relations. His commentary and advice
upon current affairs was sometimes subtle, sometimes personal, but it
cannot reasonably be portrayed as absurd, or even inept. Issues are not
approached ideologically, but with a pragmatism not incompatible with a
conservative and patriotic Athenian spirit. Isokrates cannot be
characterized as a panhellenic visionary, pursuing persistently a singleminded
policy: each discourse addresses its own peculiar situation, and,
where apposite, policies are adapted to contemporary circumstances. Comparison with other evidence indicates that it is unlikely that
Isokrates acted through these works as the mouthpiece of an active
politician or of a political faction. Furthermore, his views and his advice,
whether seen to be shared by others or whether perceived to be more
idiosyncratic, can be perceived as a reasonable interpretation of the
individual situations. Moreover, the advice appears to have been not
entirely without influence, although two quite specific historical events
have been mistakenly attributed to the direct influence of Isokrates'
advice.
In short, historians of Greek history of the Fourth century B. C.
neglect these discourses at their peril.
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Cano, Cuenca Jorge. "Politics, diet and health in the Seventh Letter’s medical análogon”." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113019.
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This article pretends to provide a reading of the Seventh Letter focused on the role that medical terminology plays in it. Leaving aside the unsolvable enigma of Plato’s authorship, the letter shows evident connections with fundamental topics from the last” Plato, particularly in its political aspects. In many passages of the Seventh Letter, the figure of the philosopher as an educator appears covered with medical aspects, and the political situation is defined as a pathology that we must treat according to a therapeutic methodology.En este artículo se pretende aportar una lectura de la Carta VII desde la función que desempeña en ella el léxico médico. Dejando al margen la irresoluble cuestión sobre la autoría platónica, la carta muestra conexiones evidentes con temas fundamentales en el llamado último” Platón, principalmente en sus aspectos políticos. En varios pasajes de la Carta VII, la figura del filósofo en tanto educador aparece revestida de aspectos médicos, y la propia situación política es definida como una patología sobre la que hay que actuar de acuerdo con una metodología terapéutica.