Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics – Greece

Academic literature on the topic 'Politics – Greece'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Gerodimos, Roman. "Greece: Politics at the Crossroads." Political Insight 4, no. 1 (March 13, 2013): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-9066.12006.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Greece." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 18, no. 2 (February 2012): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2012.18.2.102.

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Daremas, Georgios, and Georgios Terzis. "Televisualization of Politics in Greece." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 62, no. 2 (April 2000): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549200062002003.

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Georgopoulou, Xenia. "Shakespeare and modern Greek politics." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 96, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0184767818765242.

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This article provides an overview of the few modern Greek productions that connected Shakespeare with contemporary political issues. It subsequently explores a variety of references to Shakespeare’s plays in recent Greek political speeches, articles about late twentieth- and twenty-first-century politics in Greece, as well as Greek satirical programmes of the last decade, focusing on the current financial crisis in the country. It also argues that during the last decades Shakespeare’s identity in Greece has changed from a playwright for the elite to a commodity for the masses.
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Wyskok, Marlena, and Małgorzata Bronikowska. "Sport and Politics in Archaic Greece." International Journal of the History of Sport 35, no. 14 (September 22, 2018): 1476–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2019.1593149.

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Coufoudakis, Van. "Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece." Mediterranean Quarterly 26, no. 3 (September 2015): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3145790.

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Moschos, Dimitrios. "Theology and Politics in Contemporary Greece." Ecumenical Review 70, no. 2 (July 2018): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12359.

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Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.

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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.
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Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Immigration Politics." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271100288x.

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“You are a Greek Jew? I thought all Greeks were Orthodox?” As a Jewish-American growing up in New York City, whose paternal grandparents were Jews who had emigrated from Greece in the 1920s, I was frequently asked this question by well-meaning—if confused—friends and acquaintances. Indeed, while “Greek Jew” has always been a central aspect of my multiply-hyphenated American identity, in fact my grandfather Morris Isaac, né Izaki, was from Salonika and, it turns out, he himself grew up as a Turkish Jew under the Ottoman Empire, only to discover after World War I that he was in fact (now) not a Turkish but a Greek Jew (which was not, in the parlance of his time, synonymous with being an authentic “Greek”). Greek (Orthodox) or Jewish? Greek or Turkish? Pogroms, wars, “ethnic cleansings,” and sometimes even genocides have been undertaken to resolve such questions, and indeed my ancestors experienced all of these things in the opening decades of the twentieth century. For my family, such traumas are part of the story of how my grandparents came to leave Greece and migrate to the US and become Americans and US citizens (alas, many of their relatives were not able to leave, and most ultimately perished at the hands of the Nazis).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.

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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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Matsa, Katerina-Eva. "Laughing at politics effects of television satire on political engagement in Greece /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/650075664/viewonline.

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Lawton, Carol L. "Attic document reliefs : art and politics in ancient Athens /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1995. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=1999.04.0005.

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Ifanti, Amalia A. "The politics of the secondary school curriculum in Greece." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018656/.

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This thesis describes the role of politics of the Greek secondary school curriculum and focuses on the system of control of education as well as the influence of some interest groups on the policy formation. The study of the educational system from the foundation of the modern Greek state in 1828 up to the present gives the historical context of the traditional and the new secondary school curriculum. It also points out the demands for curriculum reform, especially since 1950s, in the view of the broader social, political and economic changes and it underlines the difficulties of the system to be changed. The obstacles to educational modernization and democratization are sought in the traditional views of valued knowledge in Greece, such as humanism, and in the politics of the curriculum. The Greek educational system has still an academic and humanist orientation which is based on the Orthodox Christian ideas and the Ancient Greek values and it is characterized by a non progressive attitude to curriculum change. The politics of the curriculum control in Greece, on the other hand, is very much affected by the role of the state which is centralized, bureaucratic and authoritarian. Consequently, the influence of some important interest groups such as the political parties, the University of Athens Faculty of Philosophy and the Federation of Secondary School Teachers (O.L.M.E.) on the educational decison-making process is examined in detail.
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Karabakakis, Vassilis. "Social democracy in Greece : 1940-1981." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.277854.

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Vassiliou, Maria. "Politics, public health and development : malaria in 20th century Greece." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424677.

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Vlachantoni, Athina. "Gender and Politics of Pension Reform in Greece, 1975-2002." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498545.

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Kissoudi, Penelope. "Greece, Balkan games and Balkan politics in the interwar years." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4275.

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Ghikas, Anastasis. "The politics of working class communism in Greece, 1918-1936." Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10953/.

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Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.
Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill
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Books on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Woodhouse, C. M. Modern Greece. 4th ed. Boston: Faber and Faber, 1986.

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Pappas, Takis S. Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137410580.

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Rhoda, Sherwood, ed. Greece. Milwaukee: G. Stevens, 1988.

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Pappas, Takis Spyros. Making party democracy in Greece. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Pappas, Takis S. Making party democracy in Greece. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.

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Roumelis, Stefanos. Sport and politics in Greece: 1974-1989. (s.l.): typescript, 1991.

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Close, David H. Greece since 1945: Politics, economy and society. London: Longman, 2002.

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David, Close. Greece since 1945: Politics, economy, and society. New York: Longman, 2002.

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Zaharopoulos, Thimios. Mass media in Greece: Power, politics, and privatization. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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The evolution of government and politics in Greece. Hockessin, Delaware: Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Legg, Keith R., and John M. Roberts. "Society and Politics." In Modern Greece, 72–92. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429034787-6.

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Kalaitzidis, Akis. "Beyond Political Parties: The Politics of a European Identity." In Europe's Greece, 43–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102002_3.

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Beaton, Roderick. "Byron and Greece." In Byron: The Poetry of Politics and the Politics of Poetry, 249–61. Burlington, VT : Ashgate, [2016] | Series: Publications of the: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315570686-21.

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Veremis, Thanos. "Greece." In Politics and Security in the Southern Region of the Atlantic Alliance, 137–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08493-7_8.

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Kalaitzidis, Akis. "Beyond Politics: Society and the State." In Europe's Greece, 59–80. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102002_4.

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Kapsali, Maria, and Joseph Butler. "Politics." In Business and Management Practices in Greece, 3–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306530_1.

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Koutsoukis, Kleomenis S. "Political Corruption in Greece." In Corruption in Contemporary Politics, 24–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919991_3.

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Kalaitzidis, Akis. "The Paradox of Public Policy and Politics." In Europe's Greece, 101–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102002_6.

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Pappas, Takis S. "Patronage Politics." In Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece, 44–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137410580_6.

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Kassimeris, Christos. "Greece and Cyprus." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 85–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Bagão, Margarida, Rui Dias, Paula Heliodoro, and Paulo Alexandre. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON EUROPEAN FINANCIAL MARKETS: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.1.

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The fast spread of coronavirus (COVID-19) had negative impacts on financial markets worldwide. It created uncertainty and a lack of confidence, causing unprecedented levels of risk, causing sharp losses to investors in a very short period. In view of these events, this essay aims to investigate the relationship between Covid-19 (confirmed cases and deaths), and the stock market indexes of Greece (ATG), France (CAC40), Germany (DAX 30), United Kingdom (FTSE 100), Italy (FTSE MID), Spain (IBEX 35), Ireland (ISEQ), and Portugal (PSI 20), from December 31st, 2019 to July 23rd, 2020. In order to achieve such an analysis, we want to validate if: the increase in cases and deaths resulting from Covid-19 have any connection with the financial markets under analysis? If so, do these connections cause shocks in European financial markets? The results suggest structure breaks, mostly, in March 2020. Covid-19 data (confirmed cases) integrate with the Covid-19 data series (deaths), with the Spanish market (IBEX 35), Greece (ATG), and Italy (FTSE MID). However, the Covid-19 data series (deaths), is synchronized with the Covid-19 data (confirmed cases), with the markets of Germany (DAX 30), France (CAC 40), Ireland (ISEQ), Italy ( FTSE MID), United Kingdom (FTSE 100) and Portugal (PSI 20), just does not synchronize with the Greek market (ATG). We can easily see that the Covid-19 data series (deaths) has a major impact on Europe's financial markets. The results of the VAR Granger Causality / Block Exogeneity Wald Tests model suggest 2 bidirectional causal relationships between confirmed cases and deaths from the Covid-19 virus. However, there were no shocks between Covid-19 data (confirmed cases and deaths) and the financial markets under analysis. As a final discussion, we consider that investors should avoid investments in the stock exchange, at least while this pandemic lasts, and rebalance their portfolios in hedging and/or sovereign debt assets, to mitigate risk and improve the efficiency of their portfolios.
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Acar, Tuğçe, and Ebru Çağlayan Akay. "The Relationship Democracy with Health and Governance Indicators: Panel Probit Approach." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02503.

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The relationship of politics with health has been documented in Greece and Rome in ancient times and has been the center of attention from past to present. The difficulty of interpreting the causal relationships between politics and democracy and outcome measures as the macro-social determinants of population health has limited the studies in the field. On the other hand, in the state-society relationship, governance and indicators representing the traditions and institutions in which authority is applied in a country are used as a tool to evaluate the tendencies of countries in the field of democracy over time. Accordingly, the study aims to address the issue in the relationship between democracy and health, together with governance indicators, within the framework of broader structural factors. For this aim, panel probit analysis was carried out for 144 countries between 2010 and 2018, examining the effect of explanatory variables on the probability of occurrence of the dependent variable. The limited number of studies dealing with the impact of democracy studies on the international level and over time makes the method used advantageous. According to the findings, the variables of freedom of expression and accountability, political stability and regulatory quality, which are among the indicators of governance, were found to be statistically significant on the democracy index, along with the variables of domestic general government health expenditures, infant mortality rate, GDP per capita, and the reasons for the results obtained were discussed.
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LAMBRINOS, NIKOS, and Efthimios-Spyridon Georgiou. "YEDI KULE - MONUMENT ROAD RACE: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE 3D MAPPING ANIMATION OF THE OLD CITY OF THESSALONIKI, GREECE." In ARQUEOLÓGICA 2.0 - 9th International Congress & 3rd GEORES - GEOmatics and pREServation. Editorial Universitat Politécnica de Valéncia: Editorial Universitat Politécnica de Valéncia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/arqueologica9.2021.12046.

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This project refers to the construction of a 3D map of Thessaloniki’s historical route. The Yedi Kule Conquest – Monument Road Race took place in the old city of Thessaloniki, which was built during the Byzantine and Ottoman period. The purpose of this project is the digital recording of the castles, the monuments, the old churches, the traditional buildings, and the squares which are prime examples of the architectural beauty of the place. The methodology of the project is based on the online software Google Earth Studio and Adobe Premiere Pro. These are the tools of digitization, rendering, and building process of the animation. With this methodology, the authors achieved the documentation of land use and the architectural landscape. The animation is a credible graphic index of the historical background of Thessaloniki. The Yedi Kule area constitutes of a cultural mosaic made from different historic periods. The buildings and the neighbourhoods give the sense of transition of the narrow roads, the old Christian churches, the house of the first Turkish governor, and the byzantine castle to the modern city. In Thessaloniki, three historic periods coexist the Ancient Greek/Roman, the Byzantine, and Ottoman Empire. The responsibility of the governmental politics and of every citizen of Thessaloniki is to promote and preserve the historic background of the city. The final product offers a good opportunity for the digital storage of Thessaloniki’s old city. The animation creates an interactive environment that portrays the current image of the transition from the old to a modern city.
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Tsafoulia, Loukia, and Severino Alfonso. "Transient Spaces: Building Community in Crisis Contexts." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.1.

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Transiency no longer appears as a condition of exception, but rather as the predominant mode of existence in many parts of the world. The increased tension across and beyond national borders and territorial divisions has drawn the attention of designers across the globe and densified our reflections on questions of identity, equality, politics and economic exchange, expanding the reach of design from the realm of physical forms, into modes of interaction in social spaces. Planners and architects are being challenged to create infrastructural systems and new spatial structures of unparalleled resilience and elasticity. The paper presents part our research on the refugee crisis in the context of Greece, intertwined with the process and the experience gained as part of an advanced design studio Loukia Tsafoulia developed and taught during spring 2017 at the City College of New York. After its conclusion, the studio triggered an international call for contributions and it is currently under development for a book publication titled Transient Spaces, that explores conditions of impermanence and aims to stimulate conversations on issues of belonging and displacement.
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Lenord Melvix, J. S. M. "Greedy Politics Optimization: Metaheuristic inspired by political strategies adopted during state assembly elections." In 2014 IEEE International Advance Computing Conference (IACC). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iadcc.2014.6779490.

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Stathatos, Ilias, Dimitris Papaevagelou, Ioanna Louloudi, Elvira Krithari, Nikos Morfonios, Kostas Zafeiropoulos, and Maria Sidiropoulou. "Bots, reality shows and Greek political parties: Tracking bots and their political propaganda in Greece." In Conference for Truth and Trust Online 2019. TTO Conference Ltd., 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36370/tto.2019.21.

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Sanjaya, Fitri Juliana, Robby Darwis Nasution, Nabillah Audia Putri Utami, and Ninda Mirantama. "Green Politics Theory: Industrialization and Environment." In 2nd International Indonesia Conference on Interdisciplinary Studies (IICIS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211206.046.

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"The Green Management in The Context of Regional Development." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p7.

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Stölzle, Simon C., and Dominika P. Gałkiewicz. "GREEN BONDS REPRESENTING GREEN FINANCE IN EUROPE – BASIC CHARACTERISTICS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2020.27.

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This study examines whether there is a negative green bond premium for investors in the secondary European market. To answer this question, the matched pairs method is applied, where the daily i-spreads of green bonds and the interpolated daily i-spreads of similar non-green bonds are compared. The bond sample contains 37 bond couples issued by corporations, financial institutions and governments between November 2019 and April 2020. The findings suggest that there is an average statistically significant negative very small green bond premium. The negative premium could be explained by investors’ preferences for green financial instruments leading to excess demand. The negative green bond premium may also be a compensation for the issuer’s external costs or reflect the internalization of environmental externalities. Further evidence shows that the negative green bond premium varies across industries and is not higher for lower rated investment grade bonds.
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Reports on the topic "Politics – Greece"

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Wolf, Maximilian, and Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism: The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.

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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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Rusina, Tamara. Political administrative map of the Greece. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov and Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, May 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-08-30-3.

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Lunsgaarde, Erik, Kevin Adams, Kendra Dupuy, Adis Dzebo, Mikkel Funder, Adam Fejerskov, Zoha Shawoo, and Jakob Skovgaard. The politics of climate finance coordination. Stockholm Environment Institute, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2021.022.

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As COP26 approaches, governments are facing calls to increase the ambition of their climate commitments under the Paris Agreement. The mobilization of climate finance will be key to meeting these goals, prompting the need for renewed attention on how to enhance the coordination of existing funds and thus increase their effectiveness, efficiency and equity. The climate finance landscape is fragmented due to the variety of actors involved at different levels. Coordination difficulties emerge in multiple arenas and reflect the diversity of funding sources, implementation channels, and sectors relevant for climate action (Lundsgaarde, Dupuy and Persson, 2018). The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has identified over 90 climate-specific funds. Most of them are multilateral. While bilateral climate finance remains significant, growth in multilateral funding has been the main driver of recent funding increases and remains a focus of international negotiations. Practitioners often highlight organizational resource constraints – such as staffing levels, the continuity of personnel, or the availability of adequate information management systems – as factors limiting coordination. In this brief, we argue that improving climate finance coordination requires considering coordination challenges in a political context where both fund secretariats and external stakeholders play an important role in shaping collaboration prospects. To illustrate this point, we highlight the political nature of global-level coordination challenges between the multilateral Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and Green Climate Fund (GCF), as well as national-level challenges in Kenya and Zambia. Key challenges influencing coordination relate to the governance of climate funds, domestic bureaucratic politics in recipient countries, and the existence of multiple coordination frameworks at the country level.
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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.
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O'Donnell, Emily. Delivering multiple co-benefits in Blue-Green Cities. Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55203/pclw1513.

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Global cities face a range of water challenges, driven by increasingly frequent and extreme storm events, drier summers, accelerating urbanisation and reductions in public green space. Blue-Green Infrastructure (BGI) and Nature-Based Solutions (NBS) are increasingly being used to address challenges across the full water spectrum while tackling social, economic and environmental issues. In April 2021, the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) hosted an online knowledge exchange event to explore the multiple co-benefits of Blue-Green Cities, and how these can overcome the biophysical, socio-political and societal barriers to innovation in urban flood and water management. This briefing paper draws together discussion from that event, framed by geographical research in the Blue-Green Cities (www.bluegreencities.ac.uk) and Urban Flood Resilience (www.urbanfloodresilience.ac.uk) projects, to give recommendations to enable greater implementation of BGI in policy and practice.
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Price, Roz. Climate Adaptation: Lessons and Insights for Governance, Budgeting, and Accountability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.008.

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This rapid review draws on literature from academic, policy and non-governmental organisation sources. There is a huge literature on climate governance issues in general, but less is known about effective support and the political-economy of adaptation. A large literature base and case studies on climate finance accountability and budgeting in governments is nascent and growing. Section 2 of this report briefly discusses governance of climate change issues, with a focus on the complexity and cross-cutting nature of climate change compared to the often static organisational landscape of government structured along sectoral lines. Section 3 explores green public financial management (PFM). Section 4 then brings together several principles and lessons learned on green PFM highlighted in the guidance notes. Transparency and accountability lessons are then highlighted in Section 5. The Key findings are: 1) Engaging with the governance context and the political economy of climate governance and financing is crucial to climate objectives being realised. 2) More attention is needed on whether and how governments are prioritising adaptation and resilience in their own operations. 3) Countries in Africa further along in the green PFM agenda give accounts of reform approaches that are gradual, iterative and context-specific, building on existing PFM systems and their functionality. 4) A well-functioning “accountability ecosystem” is needed in which state and non-state accountability actors engage with one another. 5) Climate change finance accountability systems and ecosystems in countries are at best emerging. 6) Although case studies from Nepal, the Philippines and Bangladesh are commonly cited in the literature and are seen as some of the most advanced developing country examples of green PFM, none of the countries have had significant examples of collaboration and engagement between actors. 7) Lessons and guiding principles for green PFM reform include: use the existing budget cycle and legal frameworks; ensure that the basic elements of a functional PFM system are in place; strong leadership of the Ministry of Finance (MoF) and clear linkages with the overall PFM reform agenda are needed; smart sequencing of reforms; real political ownership and clearly defined roles and responsibilities; and good communication to stakeholders).
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Fan, Li, and Veronica Mendizabal Joffre. The Gender Dimension of Sustainable Consumption and Production: A Microsurvey-Based Analysis of Gender Differences in Awareness, Attitudes, and Behaviors in the People’s Republic of China. Asian Development Bank, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps200401-2.

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Using microsurveys conducted in the People’s Republic of China over the past 2 decades, this paper explores the individual preferences among men and women toward sustainable consumption and production—the concept of doing more with less and decoupling economic growth from environmental degradation. The study finds that women exhibit greener living and working habits than men. However, women—regardless of education, rural–urban setting, or age—are impacted by time poverty, low political participation, limited awareness, gender norms, and, for younger and older women, financial limitations. To encourage and increase women’s capacity in shaping environmental solutions, economic and political gender gaps must be addressed and awareness on the impact of consumption needs to be strengthened.
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, and Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.
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