Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politics – Germany – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Politics – Germany – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

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KWAN, JONATHAN. "TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (April 15, 2018): 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.

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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.
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Ku, Yangmo. "The Politics of Historical Memory in Germany." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2010): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2010.020206.

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Prior to the late 1960s, German history textbooks lacked coverage of Poland and depicted Germany's eastern neighbor with negative images. The 1970s and 1980s, however, witnessed positive changes to the contents of German school textbooks—particularly with respect to their descriptions of Poland and German-Polish relations. How and why did Germany promote a more reflective view of history and correct negative descriptions of the Poles in German history textbooks between the 1970s and 1980s? This article addresses this question by focusing on the influence of Brandt's Ostpolitik and on the activities of the German-Polish History Textbook Commission. The article also shows how contemporary conservative reaction was not powerful enough to reverse these positive changes to German history textbooks.
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Adaire, Esther. "“This Other Germany, the Dark One”." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370405.

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This paper examines antiforeigner violence in the former East German towns of Hoyerswerda (1991) and Rostock-Lichtenhagen (1992) as a case study for both the heightened presence of neo-Nazi/skinhead groups in Germany following 1989/in the Wende period, and the memory politics employed by German politicians in the Bundestag, as well as in media discourse, with regards to the problems entailed in uniting two Germanys which had experienced entirely difference processes of Vergangenheitsbewältigung. My analysis of the riots focuses mainly on the mnemonic discourses surrounding them, in particular the work that the image of “the East German skinhead” does within the broader context of German memory politics. This paper is also situated within the context of present-day German politics with regards to shifting cultures of memory and the electoral success of Alternative for Germany.
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Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.

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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.
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Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.

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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.
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Canning, Kathleen. "The Politics of Symbols, Semantics, and Sentiments in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 43, no. 4 (December 2010): 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000701.

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Contests over the term politics, over the boundaries that distinguished politics from non-politics, were one of the distinguishing features of the Weimar Republic. Not only did the disciplines of history, philosophy, law, sociology, and pedagogy each define this boundary in different terms, but participants in the debate also distinguished between ideal and real politics, politics at the level of state, and the dissemination of politics through society and citizenry. The fact that Weimar began with a revolution, the abdication of the Kaiser, and military defeat meant an eruption of politicization in 1918–19, whereby political organs of state and civil society sought in unprecedented fashion to draw Germans into parties and parliaments, associations, and activist societies. “The German people would still consist of ninety percent unpolitical people, if Social Democracy had not become a political school for the people,” Otto Braun claimed in Vorwärts in 1925. Politics and politicization generated not only political acts—votes, strikes, and vocal demonstrations—but also cultural milieus of Socialists and Communists, Catholics and liberal Democrats, nationalists, and eventually Nazis. In Weimar Germany there was little room for the “unpolitical” citizen of the prewar era, held up as a model in a famous tract of 1918 by Thomas Mann.
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Mustafa, Sam A. "The Politics of Memory: Rededicating Two Historical Monuments in Postwar Germany." Central European History 41, no. 2 (May 2, 2008): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000332.

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For much of the past two centuries German governments encouraged or even sponsored the construction of war monuments. By the turn of the twentieth century Germany was covered in more than a thousand such shrines, most of which had local or regional significance as places of annual celebration or commemoration. Government, media, and business all contributed to an elaborate hagiography of Germany's battles, war heroes, and martyrs, with monuments usually serving as the centerpieces. Millions of middle-class Germans attended or participated in commemoration ceremonies at war monuments all over the country, and/or filled their homes with souvenir trinkets, tableware, wall decorations, coffee-table books, and other quotidian items that reproduced images of the monuments or scenes from the events they memorialized.
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John, Michael F. "The Politics of Legal Unity in Germany, 1870–1896." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003149.

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Over the last two decades, noticeable progress has been made towards a more complete understanding of the political dynamics of Wilhelmine Germany. The older emphasis on the ‘high politics’ of Bismarck and his successors has given way to a much more differentiated picture of a political system in constant flux as it attempted to cope with the complexities of a rapidly industrializing society. Old orthodoxies concerning the weakness of German liberalism have been subjected to new examination and scholars have become increasingly aware of the potential of powerful interest groups to challenge as well as to buttress the Establishment. The overall effect of this general advance in the historiography of the Second Empire has been to direct attention away from the motives of individual decision-makers, at least at the ‘high-political’ level, and to investigate the structural constraints on the formulation of policy. Despite certain recent attempts to reinstate a more personalistic approach, it seems clear that no future history of late nineteenth-century German politics can afford to neglect these developments.
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Stehle, Maria. "Youth Politics in the Postwar Germanies." German Politics and Society 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260105.

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Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)
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GOESCHEL, CHRISTIAN. "STAGING FRIENDSHIP: MUSSOLINI AND HITLER IN GERMANY IN 1937." Historical Journal 60, no. 1 (July 15, 2016): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000540.

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ABSTRACTIn September 1937, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler met in Germany. Millions of ostensibly enthusiastic Germans welcomed the Duce. Here were the world's first two fascist dictators, purportedly united in solidarity, representing the ‘115 million’ Germans and Italians against the Western powers and Bolshevism. Most historians have dismissed the 1937 dictators’ encounter as insignificant because no concrete political decisions were made. In contrast, I explore this meeting in terms of the confluence of culture and politics and argue that the meeting was highly significant. Its choreography combined rituals of traditional state visits with a new emphasis on the personality of both leaders and their alleged ‘friendship’, emblematic of the ‘friendship’ between the Italian and German peoples. Seen through this lens, the meeting pioneered a new style of face-to-face diplomacy, which challenged the culture of liberal internationalism and represented the aim of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to create a New Order in Europe. At the same time, analysis of this meeting reveals some deep-seated tensions between both regimes, an observation that has significant implications for the study of fascist international collaboration.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

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Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.

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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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Rembold, Ingrid Kristen. "The politics of Christianization in Carolingian Saxony." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708539.

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Hambridge, Katherine Grace. "The performance of history : music, identity and politics in Berlin, 1800-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283937.

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Miller, Jennifer Anne. "The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5157.

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The study of Nazi art as an historical document provided an effective measure of Nazi political platform and social policy. Because the ideology of the Third Reich is represented within Nazi art itself, it is useful to have a good understanding of the politics and ideology, surrounding the German art world at the time. Women were used in this study as an exemplification of Nazi art. This study uses the subject of women in Nazi painting, to show how the ideology is represented within the art work itself. It was first necessary to understand the fervorent "cleansing" of the German art world initiated by the Nazis. The Nazis too effectively stamped out all forms of professional art criticism, and virtually changed the function of the art critic to art editor. The nazification of the German artist was "necessary" in order for the Nazis to enjoy total control over the creation of German art. With these three steps taken in the "cleansing" of the German art world, the Nazis made sure that the creation of a "true" Germanic art would go forth completely unhindered. In order to comprehend the subject of Nazi art regarding women, the inherent ideology must be studied. The "new" German woman under National Socialism, was to be the mother, the model of Aryan characteristics, healthy and lean. Nazi political doctrine stated that women were inherently connected with the blood and soil of the nation, as well as nature itself. Women were to be innocent and pure, the bearers of the future Volk and the sustenance of that Volk. Once this political ideology is understood, the depiction of the German woman as mother, as nature, as sexual object, can be placed within Nazi historical context. Political art provided the Nazi state, the historical legitimization the government needed. It provided the means by which the state could be visually validated, politically, and historically.
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Zielinski, Joseph M. "The Politics of Appeasement: Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.

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Art, David C. 1972. "Debating the lessons of history : the politics of the Nazi past in Germany and Austria." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28497.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.
"June 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 301-314).
This dissertation argues that public deliberation is a transformative force in democratic politics. I build a framework for analyzing public debates in advanced industrial societies, and then use it to illuminate the political stakes of "coming to terms with the past" in societies with recent histories of mass violations of human rights. My dissertation recasts dealing with the past as a punctuated series of elite debates over the "lessons of history." These lessons become important elements of political culture and important variables in partisan competition. My cases are Germany and Austria, and the dissertation addresses an important empirical puzzle: despite similar electoral institutions, partisan political landscapes, and pressures from immigration, right-wing populist parties have experienced very different fates over the last two decades in the two states. Austria has produced one of Europe's most successful right-wing populist parties (the Austrian Freedom Party, FPO), but no such party has come close to establishing itself in Germany. What explains the divergent strength of the far right in the two surviving successor states of the Third Reich? I argue against existing structural explanations, and instead contend that the divergence between Germany and Austria stems from differences in elite ideas about the Nazi past. In Germany, public debates about Nazism produced an elite consensus that identified right-wing populism as a threat to Germany democracy. When the right-wing populist 'Republikaner' party first appeared, other political parties, the media, and groups within civil society actively combated it and prevented it from establishing itself as a permanent force in German politics. In Austria, however, public debates about the
(cont.) Nazi past produced a nationalist backlash among political parties, the media, and civil society. This reaction created the ideal environment for Jorg Haider to engineer the FPO's electoral breakthrough and consolidation. My findings suggests that to explain the success and failure of right-wing populist parties in general, we need to focus on the strategies that other political parties, the media, and groups in civil society use to deal with them.
by David C. Art.
Ph.D.
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Osmond, Jonathan. "The free peasantry : agrarian protest in the Bavarian Palatinate, 1893-1933." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18ff2c23-f1b2-47a8-99b8-093dce81e7c7.

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This is a study of a German peasant pressure group of the 1920s. It is intended as a contribution to the debate about the role of the agrarian interest in the development of modern German politics. Its geographical scope is primarily the Bavarian Palatinate, but attention is also given to broader areas of the Rhineland and Bavaria. It is hoped too that light is cast upon issues common to large parts of Germany. The Free Peasantry (Freie Bauernschaft) developed a new concept of peasant trade unionism, which it hoped would assert peasant interests against those of industrial labour. Taking hold in small-farm areas of western and southern Germany, it lasted only from its foundation on the Lower Rhine in 1919 to its dissolution in the Saar territory in 1934, and for the even shorter period of 1920-29 in the Palatinate itself. In the Palatinate, however, it had a huge impact, launching agricultural delivery strikes against the postwar controlled economy and in 1923 providing the leader of most successful of the Rhenish separatist Putsche. The thesis places the Free Peasantry in the context of agrarian organisation and protest from the foundation of the Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte) to the first year of National Socialist rule. These years saw the growth and then the disintegration of the freely organised peasant interest. Emphasis is placed on the agricultural economy, particularly during the inflation and the depression, and the central question posed is how the peasantry tried to find a satisfactory representation of its interests during these years of economic turmoil. The main sources were official papers in the Bavarian and Rhineland archives, the newspapers of the peasant associations, and the author's interview with the former chairman of the Free Peasantry.
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Petersen, Cari. ""Be active before you become radioactive" the threat of nuclear war and peace politics in East Germany, 1945--1962 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162257.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2004.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: A, page: 0297. Supervisor: James Diehl. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 12, 2006).
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.

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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). "The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.

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Books on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

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The history of Germany. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1999.

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1961-, Goetz Klaus H., ed. Germany. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 1997.

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Stefan, Berger. Germany. London: Arnold, 2004.

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Thomas, Adam, ed. Germany and the Americas: Culture, politics, and history. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 2005.

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Stewart, Gail. Germany. New York: Crestwood House, 1990.

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Bendersky, Joseph W. A history of Nazi Germany. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1988.

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Electoral politics in Wilhelmine Germany. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

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Party politics in the new Germany. London: Pinter, 1997.

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Jonathan, Grix, and Cooke Paul 1969-, eds. East German distinctiveness in a unified Germany. Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press, 2002.

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1949-, Eley Geoff, ed. The peculiarities of German history :bBourgeois society and politics in nineteenth-century Germany. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

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Altenhöner, Florian. "Selective Transparency. Non-state intelligence services in Germany, 1918/ 1933." In History of Transparency in Politics and Society, 89–104. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737011556.89.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Impact and Implications (1): Milieu Goals and Alliance Politics." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 74–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_6.

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Satzinger, Helga. "The Politics of Gender Concepts in Genetics and Hormone Research in Germany, 1900-1940." In Gender History Across Epistemologies, 215–34. Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118508206.ch9.

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Wieser, Martin. "Politics and Ideology in the History of Psychology: Stratification Theory in Germany." In The Palgrave Handbook of the History of Human Sciences, 1195–219. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7255-2_48.

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Wieser, Martin. "Politics and Ideology in the History of Psychology: Stratification Theory in Germany." In The Palgrave Handbook of the History of Human Sciences, 1–25. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4106-3_48-1.

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Ullrich, Sebastian. "A Democratic Legacy? The Memorialization of the Weimar Republic and the Politics of History of the Federal Republic of Germany." In Memorialization in Germany since 1945, 379–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230248502_36.

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de Haan, Ido. "Third Ways Out of the Crisis of Liberalism: Moderation and Radicalism in Germany, 1880–1950." In The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, 131–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_7.

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Mouralis, Guillaume. "The Rejection of International Criminal Law in West Germany after the Second World War." In History, Memory and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 226–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137302052_14.

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Nielsen, Philipp. "Feeling Political in Parliament: Rules, Regulations, and the Rostrum, Germany 1849–1951." In Feeling Political, 59–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_3.

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AbstractThis chapter focuses on four moments in German parliamentary history in which parliamentarians debated the regulation of speech and behaviour and established an emotional template for it. The evolution of German parliamentary history formed part of the wider history of participatory politics. The multiple changes of constitutions, parliamentary regulations, and parliamentary locations make for a rich case study. The rules that emerged speak to the inherent logic of the institution of parliament: enabling the ‘orderly conduct’ of politics and guaranteeing the ‘dignity’ of the chamber, yet allowing, and channelling, spontaneous expression of emotions such as (specific kinds of) laughter, cheering, angry interjections, the noise produced by, and used for, objections, and ultimately unrest. In their relationality to the bodies of parliamentarians, these spaces and rules reflected assumptions about emotions, democratic or otherwise.
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Lorenz, Chris. "Double Trouble: A Comparison of the Politics of National History in Germany and in Quebec." In Nationalizing the Past, 49–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230292505_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

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Rubenis, Rudolfs. "Possibilities to Obtain Higher Education in Germany for Latvian Baltic German Students." In 79th International Scientific Conference of University of Latvia. University of Latvia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2021.91.

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With the formation of the Parliamentary Republic of Latvia in the early 1920s, higher education in Latvia underwent the changes that affected the Baltic Germans. The necessity to obtain higher education in the Latvian language was perceived with mixed feelings, and the interest in the establishment and development of the University of Latvia (UL) and involvement in the reorganisation of the Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) went hand in hand with the reluctance to accept the full Latvianization of higher education. In the circumstances, the students used contacts established by their student corporations and sought for higher education in Germany, where it could be obtained in German but later equated to the higher education obtained in Latvia. Thus, the aim of the article is to evaluate the possibilities for the Baltic German students from the parliamentary state of Latvia (1920–1934) to study in German universities. The research is based on the documents of UL and Baltic German student corporations from the Latvian State Historical Archive (LVVA), Baltic German student corporation press (journals and anniversary books) kept in the UL Library, UL activity reports (1924–1931) stored in UL Museum history collection and available research on the Baltic German minority in the Parliamentary Republic of Latvia. The study showed that during the parliamentary period, the Latvian Baltic Germans used the state granted minority rights to find alternative ways to obtain higher education in German. The parliamentary system did not discriminate against the Baltic Germans for their use of the German language and allowed them to study in Germany but demanded that their diplomas be equated with the diploma obtained at the UL. The contacts established by student corporations helped Baltic German students to better integrate into the German study environment offering accommodation on the premises of student corporations in Germany. At the same time, additional knowledge through lectures on the political situation of Baltic Germans in the parliamentary state of Latvia did not allow them losing their historical connection with the Baltic region.
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2

Miller, Wallis. "Renovation and Representation : Schinkel's Neue Wache and the Politics of German Memory." In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.31.

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Since the beginning of the 18th century, the instability of the PrussianIGerman state has affected the shape of Berlin. Constant shifts in the boundaries of the empire as well as in its ideology have forced countless architectural redefinitions of the center of its capital. The decisions to preserve, renovate, or replace Berlin’s monuments have thus always been caught between considerations of their ideological impact and their effect on the body of historic docurnentation. Schinkel’s Neue Wache grew out of this tension. It was originally designed and subsequently renovated at significant points of change in German history: it was designed after the defeat of Napoleon and renovated after WWI, modified during the Nazi period, and substantially changed at three points after WWII: in the early years of the German Democratic Republic, at the height of the Cold War, and after reunification in 1993. Consequently, its architecture has always borne traces of history consciously transformed by the ideologies of the present.
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Tischer, Matthias. "Musikgeschichte der DDR: Ein Pilotprojekt zur digitalen Musikvermittlung." In Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung 2019. Paderborn und Detmold. Musikwissenschaftliches Seminar der Universität Paderborn und der Hochschule für Musik Detmold, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25366/2020.106.

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Thirty years after the so-called ‚Wende‘, a fundamental and comprehensive study of the musical history of the GDR - encompassing both the music itself and the political and cultural contexts (i.e. the musical relations) - still represents a desideratum. The same is true for a long-term comparative music history of the divided Germany, for which the our project develops some essential prerequisites. The research project presented here is an informed cultural-historical analysis of the musical discourse of the GDR under the auspices of the Cold War. It is not about a revised version of national history only, because despite a relatively strong national and regional self-centredness of the musical life of the GDR, it can hardly be understood without the political and cultural references to the Soviet Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and the neighbouring European states.
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Koluch, Petr. "Josef Redlich and the Glorious Revolution of Liberalism." In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-10.

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Josef Redlich is a representative of the new generation of Austrian liberals that came of age around 1900. Through his legal-historical publications, diaries, and the surviving voluminous correspondence, he offers a glimpse into the highly changeable times of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in Europe and expresses his frustration with political developments. Redlich, who was a university professor of Constitutional and Administrative Law, was the first to see the lack of the Rule of Law as the reason for the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the first place, and he named two different conceptions of the state in Western Europe and Central Europe. He thus came into confrontation with the state doctrine of the Prussian university professor Rudolf von Gneist, which was taught in all German-speaking law schools. The difference between the authoritarian state in Central Europe and the British people’s state is still apparent today.
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Szmitkowska, Agata. "FROM THE LUFTWAFFE HEADQUARTERS TO A SANATORIUM”. THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE HOLIDAY RESORT OF THE WARSAW EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE TRADE UNION OF THE BOOK, PRESS AND RADIO EMPLOYEES IN GOŁDAP, MASURIA." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b2/v2/26.

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This article presents the architecture, origin and the vicissitudes of the holiday resort which was dedicated to employees of the state media institutions of that time and which is representative of Polish holiday centres in Poland in the 1970s. It was developed near a town called Gołdap in northern Poland in the area of the Masurian Lake District which constituted a part of German East Prussia before 1945. The centre was planned in the land which operated as the Main Headquarters of the General Command of Luftwaffe during II World War. One of the key principles assumed by the designer of the holiday resort was not only the use of the natural advantages of the place but also the maximum adaptation of the preserved facilities, the foundations of the buildings and the infrastructure of the former military complex. The unusual architecture, attractive location and the scale of the constructed complex bespoke of the investors’ considerable wealth. The history of the centre entwined closely with important events in general history and the political and economic changes which occurred in Poland after 1989 determined the decision to introduce a new function of a sanatorium to the facility. The complex was then partially reconstructed and developed. This article was based on a number of researches. A detailed analysis was made of the related archival materials and scientific publications. A comparative analysis was conducted of the architecture of the centre and other facilities used for the same purpose which had been built in the 1960s and 1970s in Poland. The required field studies and photographic documentation of all the premises were performed simultaneously.
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Reports on the topic "Politics – Germany – History"

1

Sklenar, Ihor. The newspaper «Christian Voice» (Munich) in the postwar period: history, thematic range of expression, leading authors and publicists. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11393.

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The article considers the history, thematic range of expression and a number of authors and publicists of the newspaper «Christian Voice» (with the frequency of a fortnightly). It has been published in Munich by nationally conscious groups of migrants since 1949 as a part of the «Ukrainian Christian Publishing House». The significance of this Ukrainian newspaper in post-Nazi Germany is only partly comprehended in the works of a number of diaspora press’s researchers. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to supplement the scientific information about the «Christian Voice» in the postwar period, in particular, the yearbook for 1957 was chosen as the principal subject of analysis. In the process of writing the article, we used such methods: analysis, synthesis, content analysis, generalization and others. Thus, the results of our study became the socio-political and religious context in which the «Christian Voice» was founded. The article is also a concise overview of the titles of Ukrainian magazines in post-Nazi Germany in the 1940s and 1950s. The thematic analysis of publications of 1957 showed the main trends of journalistic texts in the newspaper and the journalistic skills of it’s iconic authors and publicists (D. Buchynsky, M. Bradovych, S. Shah, etc.). The thematic range of the newspaper after 1959 was somewhat narrowed due to the change in the status of the «Christian Voice» when it became the official newspaper of the UGCC in Germany. It has been distinguished two main thematic blocks of the newspaper ‒ social and religious. Historians will find interesting factual material from the newspaper publications about the life of Ukrainians in the diaspora. Historians of journalism can supplement the bibliographic apparatus in the journalistic and publicistic works of the authors in the postwar period of the newspaper and in subsequent years of publishing. Based upon the publications of the «Christian Voice» in different years, not only since 1957, journalists can study the contents and a form of different genres, linguistic peculiarities in the newspaper articles, and so on.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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