Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and literature Germany (West)'
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Reid, J. H., and K. Stuart Parkes. "Writers and Politics in West Germany." Modern Language Review 83, no. 1 (January 1988): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3728649.
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Steding, Elizabeth Priester. "What Stories Are Being Told?" Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2014.060103.
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Much like history textbooks, literature textbooks produce a grand narrative, telling a nation's story via its literature. This article examines the presentation of literature of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in upper level secondary school (Oberstufe) textbooks published in Germany in 2009 and 2010. Twenty years after German unification, literature textbooks are largely divided into two groups in accordance with their handling of literature from the failed socialist state: some focus on ideological criticism of the GDR, and some choose to avoid politics as much as possible. Both options result in a simplistic, even reductionist (grand) narrative of GDR literature. Case studies on Christa Wolf and Günter Grass reveal a consistent, positive portrayal of West German literature and a polarized representation of GDR literature.
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Nitsche, Natalie, and Karl Ulrich Mayer. "Subjective Perceptions of Employment Mobility: A Comparison of East and West Germany." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 2 (2013): 184–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341260.
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Abstract There is an ongoing debate over whether the stability of working lives in Germany has declined in recent decades. In this piece, we contribute to the literature by arguing that subjective mobility perceptions, hence individuals’ self-reported mobility desires and experiences, should receive more attention in the debate. While it is, for example, well known that German reunification affected worklife mobility of East Germans through high unemployment and firm mobility, little is known about subjective mobility desires, specifically in an East-West German comparative perspective. Using a retrospective cross-sectional data set from 2005, we therefore investigate East-West German differences in retrospective and future mobility desires and subjectively reported mobility experiences and expectations. We also examine if there is evidence for East-West German differences in voluntary versus involuntary employment mobility. Our findings indeed show that retrospectively reported desires for stable working lives are more prevalent among East Germans. In addition, we find suggestive evidence for elevated levels of undesired firm mobility and employment interruptions among East Germans born between 1945 and 1965, and for increases in undesired employment interruptions and firm mobility among younger West German but not East German men. These latter results serve as suggestive evidence for future hypothesis building only, since our data does not provide information on the desirability of specific mobility events but on cumulative experiences and retrospective mobility desires only.
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Sievers, Wiebke. "Turkish Migrant Writers in Europe: Mehmed Uzun in Sweden and Aras Ören in West Germany." European Review 24, no. 3 (June 21, 2016): 440–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871600017x.
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The literatures that have emerged from post-war Turkish migration to Europe have become a topic of discussion since the 1980s. However, studies comparing the emergence of these literatures in different European contexts are rare. This article compares Sweden and West Germany, two contexts where migration from Turkey has a similar history, but where the resulting literatures differ massively due to different political and literary conditions. Multicultural, and in particular multilingual, public policies in Sweden have facilitated the emergence of a Kurdish diaspora literature; this then became a major impetus for the emergence of a Kurdish literature in Turkey when it was finally possible to write and publish in Kurdish there in the 1990s. The emergence of the New Left in West Germany, reflected in a re-awakened workers’ literature and new left-wing publishing houses in the German literary field, has provided publishing opportunities for Turkish migrant writers influenced by a socialist internationalist tradition in the 1970s. These works laid the foundation for a literary tradition that has since come to be regarded as having changed the understanding of what it means to be German.
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Martin, Elaine. "Women, Literature, and Politics (Report on the Conference Held in Hamburg, West Germany, Spring 1986)." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 12, no. 3 (April 1987): 601–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494354.
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Ivanytska, Maria. "UKRAINIAN EMIGRE TRANSLATORS’ ACTIVITY IN WEST GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR II." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.150-160.
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The article provides an insight into the work of cultural activists in Germany in the post-war decades. It delineates the following groups of translators and popularizers of Ukrainian literature in West Germany: 1) German speakers: Halychyna descendant Hans Koch and Elisabeth Kottmeier, the wife of the Ukrainian poet Igor Kosteckyj; 2) the Ukrainian scholars who began their activity before the war: Dmytro (Dimitrij) Tschižeswskij, Iwan Mirtschuk; 3) representatives of the younger wave of emigration – Jurij Bojko-Blochyn, Olexa and Anna-Halja Horbatsch, Igor Kostetskyj, Mychahlo Orest, Jurij Kossatsch and others. The author reflects on the question whether or not the post-war Ukrainian emigration was integrated into a wider context of German culture. This is analyzed from the vantage point of the Western European reader’s/ literary critic’s readiness for the reception of Ukrainian literature. Among the first promoters of Ukrainian literature was the Artistic Ukrainian Movement (Munich), whose member of the board, Jurij Kossatsch, published the first review of the then contemporary Ukrainian literature in the German language “Ukrainische Literatur der Gegenwart” (1947). The author analyzes the first collection of translations of Ukrainian poetry “Gelb und Blau: Moderne ukrainische Dichtung in Auswahl” (“Yellow and Blue: Selected Contemporary Ukrainian Poetry”) compiled by Wolodimir Derzhawin, who condemned the persecution and extermination of poets in the USSR, criticized proletarian literature and the choice of authors. The preface by Derzhavin testified to the conviction of Ukrainian emigrants that free Ukrainian literature could flourish only in the exile. The work of the translators’ tandem of Igor Kosteckyj and Elisabeth Kottmeier is further described. The chronological and quantitative comparison of scholarly publications on Ukrainian literature in the then West Germany revealed that one of the major accomplishments of the Ukrainian diaspora was the transition from the complete lack to a gradual increase of interest in the aforementioned subject. The article emphasizes the significance of the translating activity of Anna-Halja Horbatsch aimed at introducing Ukrainian literature to the German Slavic Studies scholars along with ordinary readers. This was made possible when large collections of translations “Blauer November. Ukrainische Erzähler unseres Jahrhunderts” (Blue November: Ukrainian writers of this century) and “Ein Brunnen für Durstige “ (“The Well for the Thirsty”) were out, and in the 90’s – when the publishing house specializing in translations from Ukrainian literature was founded. The Soviets’ negative reaction to those and previous publications is perceived as a manifestation of the political engagement of socialist literary criticism. Conclusion: Anna-Halja Horbatsch’ contribution to the systematic acquaintance of the West German reader with modern Ukrainian literature is by far the most significant due to her numerous translations, scholarly articles, and critical reviews.
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Holub, Robert C. "The Memories of Silence and the Silence of Memories: Postwar Germans and the Holocaust." German Politics and Society 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486714.
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Thomas C. Fox, Stated Memory: East Germany and the Holocaust (Rochester: Camden House, 1999)Ernestine Schlant, The Language of Silence: West German Literature and the Holocaust (New York: Routledge, 1999)
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Becker, Sascha O., Lukas Mergele, and Ludger Woessmann. "The Separation and Reunification of Germany: Rethinking a Natural Experiment Interpretation of the Enduring Effects of Communism." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.143.
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German separation in 1949 into a communist East and a capitalist West and their reunification in 1990 are commonly described as a natural experiment to study the enduring effects of communism. We show in three steps that the populations in East and West Germany were far from being randomly selected treatment and control groups. First, the later border is already visible in many socio-economic characteristics in pre-World War II data. Second, World War II and the subsequent occupying forces affected East and West differently. Third, a selective fifth of the population fled from East to West Germany before the building of the Wall in 1961. In light of our findings, we propose a more cautious interpretation of the extensive literature on the enduring effects of communist systems on economic outcomes, political preferences, cultural traits, and gender roles.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.
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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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PIERSON, PAUL, and MIRIAM SMITH. "Bourgeois Revolutions?" Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 4 (January 1993): 487–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004003.
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Much of the literature on reform politics has focused on social democratic governments. This article reexamines the dynamics of reform by concentrating on conservative governments in four advanced industrial democracies during the 1980s: Britain, Canada, the United States, and West Germany. Conservative governments have attempted to dismantle well-institutionalized systems of government intervention in market economies. The authors argue that the structure of national political institutions is of central importance in explaining variation across these cases in government goals, strategies, and success rates. This article also stresses the need to consider the distinctive characteristics of different policy arenas. Governments found market-oriented reforms considerably easier to implement in some policy arenas than in others.
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KASSEM, HADI SHAKEEB. "The Sixties in Berlin and in Hollywood: City with a Wall in Its Center—The Attempt to Erase the German Past." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): p49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n3p49.
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Berlin was the location in which most of the intelligence operations in Europe have taken place in the first twenty years of the conquest and the Cold War. In November 27, 1958, Khrushchev issued a formal letter to the Allies, demanding that the western Allies evacuate Berlin and enable the establishment of an independent political unit, a free city. He threatened that if the West would not comply with this, the soviets would hand over to the East Germany’s government the control over the roads to Berlin. In the coming months Moscow conducted a war of nerves as the last date of the end of the ultimatum, May 27, 1959, came close. Finally the Soviets retreated as a result of the determination of the West. This event reconfirmed the claims of the West that “the US, Britain and France have legal rights to stay in Berlin.” According to Halle: “These rights derive from the fact that Germany surrendered as a result of our common struggle against Nazi Germany.” (Note 2) The Russians have done many attempts to change Berlin’s status. In 1961 Berlin Wall was constructed, almost without response on the part of the West, and by so doing, the Soviets perpetuated the status quo that had been since 1948. In July 25, 1961 Kennedy addressed the Americans on television, saying that “West Berlin is not as it had ever been, the location of the biggest test of the courage and the will power of the West.” (Note 3) On June 26, 1963, Kennedy went out to Berlin, which was divided by the wall, torn between east and west, in order to announce his message. In his speech outside the city council of West Berlin, Kennedy won the hearts of the Berliners as well as those of the world when he said: “Ich bin ein Berliner”, I’m a Berliner. The sixties were years of heating of the conflict with the Soviet Block. In 1961 the Berlin Wall was constructed. Then Kennedy came into power, there was the movement for human rights and the political tension between whites and blacks in America. The conflict increase as the Korean War started, and afterwards when America intervened in Vietnam. There was also the crisis in the Bay of Pigs in Cuba, which almost pushed the whole world into a nuclear war and catastrophe. During the 28 years of the Berlin Wall, 13.8.61-9.11.89, this was notorious as an example of a political border that marked the seclusion and freezing more than freedom of movement, communication and change. At the same time there was the most obvious sign of the division of Germany after WWII and the division of Europe to East and West by the Iron Curtain. The wall was the background of stories by writers from east and west. The writers of espionage thrillers were fascinated by the global conflict between east and west and the Cold War with Berlin as the setting of the divided city. Berlin presented a permanent conflict that was perceived as endless, or as Mews defined it: “Berlin is perfect, a romantic past, tragic present, secluded in the heart of East Germany.” (Note 4) The city presented the writers with a situation that demanded a reassessment of the genres and the ideological and aesthetic perceptions of this type of writing. This was the reason that the genre of espionage books blossomed in the sixties, mainly those with the wall. The wall was not just a symbol of a political failure, as East Germany could not stop the flow of people escaping from it. The city was ugly, dirty, and full of wires and lit by a yellow light, like a concentration camp. A West German policeman says: “If the Allies were not here, there would not have been a wall. He expressed the acknowledgment that the Western powers had also an interest in the wall as a tool for preventing the unification of Germany. But his colleague answers: If they were not here, the wall would not have been, but the same applies for Berlin. (Note 5) Berlin was the world capital of the Cold War. The wall threatened and created risks and was known as one of the big justifications for the mentality of the Cold War. The construction of the wall in August 1961 strengthened Berlin’s status as the frontline of the Cold War and as a political microcosmos, which reflected topographical as well as the ideological global struggle between east and west. It made Berlin a focus of interest, and this focus in turn caused an incentive for the espionage literature with the rise of neorealism with the anti-hero, as it also ended the era of romanticism. (Note 6) The works of le Carré and Deighton are the best examples of this change in literature. Both of them use the wall as the arena of events and a symbol in their works. Only at the end of the fifties, upon the final withdrawal of McCarthyism and the relative weakening of the Cold War, there started have to appear films with new images about the position and nature of the Germans and the representations of Nazism in the new history. The films of the Cold War presented the communists as enemies or saboteurs. Together with this view about the Soviets, developed the rehabilitation of the German image. Each part of the German society was rehabilitated and become a victim instead of an assistant of the Nazis. The critic Dwight MacDonald was impressed by the way in which the German population” has changed from a fearful assistant of one totalitarian regime to the hero opponent of another totalitarian regime”. (Note 7) This approach has to be examined, and how it influenced the development of the German representation, since many films I have investigated demonstrate a different approach of the German representation.
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Gemunden, Gerd, and Richard W. McCormick. "Politics of the Self: Feminism and the Postmodern in West German Literature and Film." German Quarterly 65, no. 3/4 (1992): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407648.
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Eigler, Friederike, and Richard W. McCormick. "Politics of the Self: Feminism and the Postmodern in West German Literature & Film." German Studies Review 16, no. 1 (February 1993): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430274.
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Al-Dajah, Hasan Abdullah. "Political Culture of the Arab Community in Germany - A Field Study." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p191.
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<p>The objective of this research to know the views members of the Arab community hold towards the political culture in its three dimensions. Members of the Arab community in Germany (ACG) were asked as well as about the sources of political information and about their views about the current events in the Arab world (Arab Spring). After reviewing relevant literature and concepts of political culture the researcher developed a questionnaire which was distributed to members of the ACG in several German cities of different sizes, both in West and East Germany.</p><p>The study used package (SPSS) statistical analysis of the study and adoption of percentages and frequencies, averages and standard deviations to examine the study questions and used Independent Samples Test to examine the hypotheses of the study. The results of the study indicate that the political culture of the Arab community in Germany is close and homogeneous and that the similarity of the political and social environment outweighs the differences of the many Arabian countries of origin. The reason for this is attributed to the fact that Germany as the hosting country is governed by the principles of democracy and political and cultural pluralism, , and this in turn reflects positively on the political culture of the members of the Arab community which is integrated rather than fragmented.</p>On a political level the study has shown that communication between the formal and informal German institutions with members of the Arab community needs to be improved and that members of the Arab community in Germany need to be encouraged to get involved and participate more in political life in Germany regarding both, general elections and affiliation to German political parties.
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Emmerich, Wolfgang, Nicole G. Burgoyne, and Andrew B. B. Hamilton. "What Is and to What End Does One Study the History of East German Literature?" PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 133, no. 3 (May 2018): 594–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2018.133.3.594.
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East german literary history is a case study of how political and cultural institutions interact. the state's cultural regime mo-nopolized the right to publish within its borders and demanded that the nation's new art describe contemporary life or its precedents. Even authors seen in the West as dissidents understood themselves, more often than not, as pursuing that goal and the broader aims of socialism with their work. During the lifespan of the German Democratic Republic, this political albatross weighed on all literary scholarship. Even now, whatever their feelings toward the socialist state, scholars, critics, and readers are bound to approach a text from East Germany as an artifact of its political culture—and rightly, because the political sphere encroached heavily on the artistic. But since German unification, the rise and fall in the stock of so many East German authors has directly resulted from political revelations, raising a number of troubling questions. Though historical distance seemed to have sprung up as abruptly as the Berlin Wall had come down, to what extent does scholarship from the German Democratic Republic represent only a heightened case of what is always true of literary history— namely, that political motivation colors critical evaluation? Is it possible to consider a work of literature with no recourse to the social and political circumstances under which it was written? And would it even be desirable to do so?
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Hébert, Philippe, and Paul Létourneau. "Du haut de l'Olympe : perspectives américaines sur l'arme nucléaire allemande." Études internationales 27, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703558ar.
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Few issues have created more tensions and uneasiness in international affairs than the idea of a nuclear armed Germany. The militarist and expansionist tradition of Germany has induced in its neighbors an underlying fear of a possible revival of her past hehavior. The apparition of nuclear weapons in the international System after 1945, and the subsequent accession of Great Britain and France to the status of nuclear powers, has added a further dimension to the German problem. During the Cold War, the issue of German nuclear weapons was rarely discussed favorably, particularly in Europe. The case was different in the United States where Germany's role in the nuclear strategy of NATO was approached with a detachment seldom found in British or Trench political literature. The demise of the East-West confrontation and the unification of Germany have encouraged many American scholars, often associated with the neorealist school, to push for the end of Germany's singularisation in the nuclear field. For them, a nuclear armed Germany, if not inevitable, could well become a source of military stability in the region. Although most of them base their arguments on the merits of selective nuclear proliferation, they adopt similarly an olympian perspective towards Germany which is markedly different from what is found in European literature. Their position of course does not reflect Washington's official view on the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This paper tries to circumscribe their line of thought and argues that it closely parallels, to a certain degree, the broader American attitude towards Germany seen as an equal and reliable ally in the evolving European security context.
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Kapczynski, Jennifer M. "Posing As a Democrat: Scripting the Male Body in West German Films of the 1950s." Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur 43, no. 2 (November 6, 2018): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iasl-2018-0022.
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Abstract The article draws on emblematic examples from 1950s West German cinema to examine how popular film employed elements of typecasting, performance style and staging in order to project images of a positive, “democratic” masculinity and contrast that with negatively connoted “fascist” men. As part of the ongoing project to reimagine the terms of male agency in the wake of military defeat and occupation, numerous commercial films refashioned masculinity according to the dictates of the era’s culture of political transformation. Consciously or not, these works sought to differentiate between an invalidated fascist model of rigid, hardened manliness and newer, more flexible modes of masculinity suited both to serving and leading a reconstructed, democratic nation – literally localizing politics in the body, presenting it as a matter of posture and attitudes. In the process, the article claims, 1950 s West German cinema contributed, both directly and indirectly, to the discourse of democratization in the postwar nation.
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PAPADOGIANNIS, NIKOLAOS. "A (Trans)National Emotional Community? Greek Political Songs and the Politicisation of Greek Migrants in West Germany in the 1960s and early 1970s." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 589–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000332.
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AbstractThis article examines the emotional standards and experiences connected with the entehno laiko music composed by Mikis Theodorakis that was immensely popular among left-wing Greek migrants, workers and students, living in West Germany in the 1960s and the early 1970s. Expanding on a body of literature that explores the transnational dimensions of protest movements in the 1960s and the 1970s, the article demonstrates that these transnational dimensions were not mutually exclusive with the fact that at least some of those protestors felt that they belonged to a particular nation. Drawing on the conceptual framework put forth by Barbara Rosenwein, it argues that the performance of these songs was conducive to the making of a (trans)national emotional community. On the one hand, for Greek left-wingers residing in West Germany and, after 1967, for Greek centrists too, the collective singing of music composed by Theodorakis initially served as a means of ‘overcoming fear’ and of forging committed militants who struggled for the social and political transformation of their country of origin. On the other, from the late 1960s onwards those migrants increasingly enacted this emotional community with local activists from West Germany as well.
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Bakalov, A. S. "ON THE FORMATION OF GERMAN REALISM." Izvestiya of the Samara Science Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Social, Humanitarian, Medicobiological Sciences 23, no. 77 (2021): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2413-9645-2021-23-77-81-90.
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The relevance of research. In German literary criticism, there is no unambiguous definition of the phenomenon of literary realism, however, at the empirical level, it is understood as a literary system based on a mimetic-oriented depiction of reality, often critically comprehended and subjectively colored due to the norms and ideas that are taking shape in society. Research methodology. Complex and systematic methods of literature analysis are applied. In this article, the author comes to the conclusion that the realism of the turn of the XIX - early XX centuries. retains its main principles of artistic comprehension of the world, and at the same time the signs that do not allow talking about its dissolution in the eclectic picture of the emerging modernity. The main thing remains the disclosure of "the essence of life phenomena through their individualized generalization (typification)", analysis and specific historical logic of presentation Realism at the turn of the 19th - early 20th centuries. closely associated with such phenomena as regional literature, "new business-like", historical novel. On its basis, workers' and proletarian-revolutionary literature developed in many ways. In German literature of the twentieth century. realistic tendencies intensified in the times following the historical and political catastrophes, primarily after the two world wars lost by Germany. Realism played a significant role in the literature of the Weimar Republic (the works of E.M. Remarque, L. Feuchtwanger, L. Frank and others), while in contact with modernist and avant-garde trends (for example, with "new business-like"). Realism turned out to be no less significant after 1945, having equally influenced the formation of the literatures of West and East Germany (writers of the "group of 47", Erwin Strittmatter, "socialist realism", etc.). German realism, which emerged in the middle of the 19th century, was able to demonstrate its flexibility and ability to enter into alliances with other natural artistic directions, without losing its main specificity - the desire for materiality, the authenticity of personal and collective experience, as well as symbolizing the "obvious" with the goal of approaching the "true".
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Staar, Richard F., and Michael J. Sodaro. "Moscow, Germany and the West from Khrushchev to Gorbachev." Russian Review 51, no. 3 (July 1992): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131141.
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Trnka, Jamie H. "Genre and Geoculture." Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur 44, no. 2 (November 8, 2019): 410–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iasl-2019-0019.
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Abstract Enzensberger’s sustained engagement with Latin American thinkers and literary forms was central to his attempts to shift the parameters of West German debates on literature and politics in the 1960 s. Attention to Latin American exchanges and influences challenges simplistic criticisms of his Eurocentrism and demonstrates how the novel cultural constellations that underlie Enzensberger’s genre innovation engender productive inroads into transatlantic comparative projects.
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Landmann, Tomasz. "THE GERMAN-SOVIET RAPPROCHEMENT DURING THE YEARS 1921–1930, AND THE SECURITY OF THE POLISH STATE IN THE EVALUATION OF DIVISION II OF THE GENERAL STAFF OF THE POLISH ARMYT." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2019): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.1.
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This article attempts to look at practical examples approximation of political, economic and military Germany and Soviet Russia, then the Soviet Union in 1921–1930. It is adopted the thesis according to which the German-Soviet political, economic and military rapprochement during the years 1921–1930 significantly endangers the safety of the Second Republic of Poland.To prove this thesis it was decided to rely on both the literature and source materials, including first of all materials in the Central Military Archives in Warsaw-Rembertów. The key is turned out to be the materials collected in teams of Division II of the Supreme Command of the Polish Army and the Russian Collection Act. The collected archival documents pinpoint various areas of cooperation with the Germans and the Soviets during the given period, as well as determine to what extent the Polish military intelligence assessed the feasibility and effects of the approximation to a direct threat to the security of the Polish state.The content allows concluding that the Polish military intelligence had good diagnosis examples of German-Soviet cooperation, often with a strong anti-Polish shape and character. This cooperation in the years 1921–1930 was particularly intense, threatening the security interests of the Second Republic of Poland and leading to the negation established after the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Riga Polish borders on both the west and the east.
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GRÜNE, NIELS. "Commerce and Community in the Countryside: The Social Ambiguity of Market-Oriented Farming in Pre-Industrial Northern South-West Germany (c.1770–1860)." Rural History 18, no. 1 (March 16, 2007): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793306002020.
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In the mainstream literature on the socio-political history of the German countryside in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the south-west areas of partible inheritance are often stereotypically contrasted with the regions of impartible inheritance in the north and north-west. While the latter were dominated by the antagonism between large peasants and tenant-labourers, it is claimed, the far more homogenous village societies in the south-west were primarily marked by conflicts with external powers such as the state and nobility. This dichotomic model, however, fails to account for major differences in political culture within the south-west, which in many cases cannot simply be explained with reference to divergent social structures, such as property distribution, either. In the following article it is argued that specific forms of agricultural market-integration and their effects on rural status groups had a crucial impact on collective solidarities and local cohesion. This hypothesis is empirically tested by comparatively analysing demographic development, access to land and, most extensively, modes of commercialisation in four exemplary regions on the northern upper Rhine. In the last section, these observations are tentatively related to distinctive forms of political mobilisation.
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Lersch, Philipp M., Wiebke Schulz, and George Leckie. "The Variability of Occupational Attainment: How Prestige Trajectories Diversified within Birth Cohorts over the Twentieth Century." American Sociological Review 85, no. 6 (November 17, 2020): 1084–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122420966324.
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This study develops and applies a framework for analyzing variability in individuals’ occupational prestige trajectories and changes in average variability between birth cohorts. It extends previous literature focused on typical patterns of intragenerational mobility over the life course to more fully examine intracohort differentiation. Analyses are based on rich life course data for men and women in West Germany born between 1919 and 1979 from the German Life History Study and the German National Educational Panel Study ( N = 16,854 individuals). Mixed-effects growth-curve models with heterogeneous variance components are applied. Results show that birth cohorts systematically differ in their variability; cohorts who entered the labor market in the late 1950s and 1960s and experienced mostly closed employment relations have exceptionally homogenous trajectories. Earlier and later cohorts, who experienced more open employment relations, are more heterogeneous in their trajectories. Cohorts with higher variability at labor market entry are characterized by persistently strong intracohort differentiation. Women’s variability within employment is similar to men’s but markedly increases once employment interruptions are considered.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "Path Shifting of the Welfare State: Electoral Competition and the Expansion of Work-Family Policies in Western Europe." World Politics 65, no. 1 (January 2013): 73–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000251.
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What explains the surprising growth of work-family policies in several West European countries? Much research on the welfare state emphasizes its institutional stickiness and immunity to major change. Yet, over the past two decades, governments in Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have introduced important reforms to their welfare regimes, enacting paid leave schemes, expanded rights to part-time work, and greater investments in child care. A comparison of these countries reveals a similar sequence of political and policy change. Faced with growing electoral instability and the decline of core constituencies, party leaders sought to attract dealigning voter groups, such as women. This led them to introduce feminizing reforms of their party structures and adopt policies to support mothers' employment. In all three cases, women working within the parties played an important role in hatching or lobbying for these reforms. After comparing three countries that moved in a path-shifting direction, this article engages in a brief traveling exercise, examining whether a similar set of dynamics are lacking in two countries—Austria and Italy—that have moved more slowly in reforming these policies. Against the prevailing scholarly literature that emphasizes path dependence and slow-moving change, this article reveals the continued power of electoral politics in shaping redistributive policies.
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Drury, Marjule Anne. "Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique of Recent Scholarship." Church History 70, no. 1 (March 2001): 98–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654412.
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The past two decades have seen an efflorescence of works exploring cultural anti-Catholicism in a variety of national contexts. But so far, historians have engaged in little comparative analysis. This article is a first step, examining recent historical literature on modern British and American anti-Catholicism, in order to trace the similarities and distinctiveness of the turn-of-the-century German case. Historians are most likely to be acquainted with American nativism, the German Kulturkampf, continental anticlericalism, and the problems of Catholic Emancipation and the Irish Question in Britain. Many of the themes and functions of anti-Catholic discourse in the West transcended national and temporal boundaries. In each case, the conceptualization of a Catholic ‘other’ is a testament to the tenacity of confessionalism in an age formerly characterized as one of inexorable secularization. Contemporary observers often agreed that religious culture—like history, race, ethnicity, geography, and local custom—played a role in the self-evident distinctiveness of peoples and nations, in their political forms, economic performance, and intellectual and artistic contributions. We will see how confessionalism remained a lens through which intellectuals and ordinary citizens, whether attached or estranged from religious commitments, viewed political, economic, and cultural change.
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BLOMANN, ULRICH J., and JÜRGEN THYM. "A Semblance of Freedom: Karl Amadeus Hartmann between Democratic Renewal and Cold War, 1945–7." Twentieth-Century Music 9, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572212000230.
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AbstractFor more than a decade, literature on the cultural politics of the Cold War in postwar Europe has done much to question the notion that the political manipulation of music was confined to the Soviet bloc, and that musicians in the West enjoyed untrammelled autonomy and freedom. This article focuses on the case of the German composer Karl Amadeus Hartmann, presenting evidence that the reorientation he underwent in the late 1940s (during which he revised, retitled, or suppressed nearly all the works he had composed between 1930 and 1945) was motivated not by purely aesthetic or personal considerations, as some writers have suggested, but by strong pressures to eradicate from his output all manifestations of social(ist) and political commitment. In Bavaria, where Hartmann lived, anti-communism was rife in political circles. Meanwhile, in the cultural sphere, critics such as Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt (strongly influenced by Nicolas Nabokov) abandoned their pre-war commitment to socially relevant art, denounced Shostakovich (a composer much admired by Hartmann), and began promoting Schoenberg as a rational, apolitical exemplar of formalism in music. Against this background – and in the light of his experiences with one work in particular, the Symphonische Ouvertüre ‘China kämpft’ – Hartmann felt compelled to reassess his political position.
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Malik, Anas. "Transnational Political Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1712.
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Amid the escalating conflicts and polarizations separating “Muslim” from“Westerner,” the book under review is a helpful contribution to the academicand policy literature. Prominent anti-immigrant right-wing movements,such as those led by Pim Fortyn (the Netherlands) and Jean-Marie Le Pen(France), have seen their perspectives enter and influence mainstream politics.Recently, Dutch movie director Theo van Gogh was murdered by aMuslim on the grounds that he had demeaned Islam. Demonstrations againstthe brutal murder and attacks on Muslim institutions followed. The alreadyoverheatedclimate of antagonism has risen by several degrees. These developmentsare echoed in other clashes in Europe revolving around identitypolitics, such as the hijab issue in France.Western states are coping with the dual demands posed by integrationand police work: seeking to integrate Muslims into European and Americansocieties while simultaneously pursuing terrorist cells and networks. AzzaKaram’s edited volume considers such questions as the relationshipbetween political Islam and violence, distinguishing extremism from moderateIslam (often presumed to be “mainstream” Islam), and how Muslimsin the West relate to these. Karam’s volume includes articles coveringFrance, Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands (all described as non-Englishspeaking countries with less English scholarly literature on these topics) ...
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Makarychev, Andrey, and Alexandra Yatsyk. "Russian “Federalism”: Illiberal? Imperial? Exceptionalist?" Slavic Review 77, no. 4 (2018): 912–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.289.
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Relations between the center and regions in Russia, being always in the limelight of attention in political science literature, remain a battlefield of different scholarly interpretations. Several narratives shape the current debate on Russian subnational regionalism or, in very legalistic terms, “federalism.” One is bent on applying to Russia such normatively-loaded concepts as multilevel and networked governance, meta-governance, indigenous governance, civil society participation, and others with strong liberal and institutional pedigrees. In this vein, Russia might be referred to—for example, along with Germany and France—as a “post-imperial democracy,” with an implicit anticipation of the prefix “post-” to signify Moscow's commitment to a democratic, rather than imperial, future. Seen from this perspective, with all its specificity Russia still conforms to basic standards of democratic rule and therefore can be approached, described, and analyzed in the language applicable to the liberal west, where institutions mitigate controversies over interests and create consensus over rules of the game.
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Alter, Nora M. "Two or Three Things I Know about Harun Farocki." October 151 (January 2015): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00206.
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I last saw my friend Harun Farocki a few days before the opening of his exhibition at the Hamburger Bahnhof in late January 2014. Astonishingly, this was his first major one-person show in Berlin, a city that he called home and that had shaped his intellectual and artistic sensibility for over half a century. “I should have been born in Berlin,” he muses in his autobiographical “Written Trailers” (2009). Farocki was initially drawn to West Berlin in the early 1960s because the island city had been spared the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) of the 1950s that had reshaped the rest of West Germany. It retained a forlorn rawness, a sense of bohemia, and a countercultural public sphere that attracted hippies, draft dodgers, political outcasts, and artists of all kinds. Farocki was a member of the first Deutsche Film und Fernsehakademie (Berlin Film Academy) class, along with Helke Sander, Holger Meins, and Wolfgang Petersen. He lived in a commune, wrote criticism, and produced relatively obscure agitprop films such as Herstellung eines Molotow-Cocktails (How to Make a Molotov Cocktail) (1968), Anleitung, Polizisten den Helm abzurissen (How to Remove a Police Helmet) (1969), and the better-known Nicht löschbares Feuer (Inextinguishable Fire) (1969). As Berlin changed over the years, however, so, too, did Farocki and his filmmaking practice.
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Young, Louise. "When fascism met empire in Japanese-occupied Manchuria." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000080.
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AbstractFocusing on the case of Japanese-occupied Manchuria, this article asks what set Japan, Germany, and Italy apart from other empires during the ‘fascist moment’ from the aftermath of the First World War to the defeat of the Axis powers in 1945. While scholars have examined the politics and culture of fascism in metropolitan Japan, there is virtually no literature on fascist imperialism. Indeed, the consensus term is ‘wartime empire’ and the dominant framework is of an empire mobilized for total war. One of the goals is to think through what the concept ‘fascist imperialism’ might mean and what the Japanese case might contribute to its definition. Detailed comparison with Germany and Italy is beyond the scope of this article, which builds a definition of fascism around four core elements drawn from the Japanese case: the ideology of Asianism and its vision for Japanese leadership over a regional movement of anti-colonial nationalisms; hyper-militarism that went well beyond military imperialism pursued since the late nineteenth century and that constituted a new celebration of military action and the aesthetics of violence; red peril thinking that propelled the creation of a police state targeting communist intellectuals, politicians, and labour activists within the archipelago as well as communist nationalists in the empire; and radical statism, which signified the turn to the state as the spear tip and staging ground of action to address the crisis. All four dimensions of fascism in Japan intensified in the process of territorial expansion from 1931 to 1945, and linked transformations across the nation-state-empire.
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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Huan-Kai Tseng. "Voting home or abroad? Comparing migrants' electoral participation in countries of origin and of residence." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (May 2016): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1132690.
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The political participation of immigrants has received increased scholarly attention over recent decades. However, comparisons between the electoral behavior of immigrants in their countries of origin and of residence are still limited. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to identify the determinants of Romanian immigrants' electoral participation in the local elections of four West European countries (Germany, France, Italy, and Spain) as compared to their turnout in their home country's legislative elections. Looking through the lenses of exposure theory, we hypothesize that contact with institutions, people, and values from the countries of residence are likely to have different effects in the two types of elections. We test the explanatory power of four main variables - time spent in the host country, social networks, degree of involvement in the local community, and the type of relationship with citizens of their host countries - to which we add a series of individual-level controls such as age, education, gender, and media exposure. To assess our claim, we employ binary logistic regression to analyze original web survey data collected in the summer of 2013. The result supports the empirical implications of exposure theory.
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Güllü, İsmail. "Göçmen edebiyatında din ve kimlik yansımaları -Fakir Baykurt’un Yarım Ekmek Romanında Din ve Gelenek-." Göç Dergisi 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v2i1.541.
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Yarım aşırı aşan bir geçmişe sahip Almanya’ya göç olgusu beraberinde önemli bir edebi birikimi (Migrantenliteratur) de getirmiştir. Farklı adlandırmalar ile anılan bu edebi birikim, kendi içinde de farklı renkleri de barındıran bir özelliğe sahiptir. Edebi yazını besleyen en önemli kaynaklardan biri toplumdur. Yazarın içinde yaşadığı toplumsal yapı ve problemler üstü kapalı veya açık bir şekilde onun yazılarına yansımaktadır. Bu bağlamda araştırma, 50’li yaşlarında Almanya’ya giden ve ömrünün sonuna kadar orada yaşayan, birçok edebi ve düşünsel çalışması ile Türk edebiyatında önemli bir isim olan Fakir Baykurt’un “Koca Ren” ve Yüksek Fırınlar” adlı romanları ile birlikte Duisburg Üçlemesi’nin son kitabı olan “Yarım Ekmek” romanında ele aldığı konu ve roman kahramanları üzerinden din ve gelenek olgusu sosyolojik bir yaklaşımla ele alınmaktadır. Toplumcu-gerçekçi çizgide yer alan yazarın, uzun yıllar yaşadığı Türkiye’deki siyasi ve ideolojik geçmişi bu romanda kullandığı dil ve kurguladığı kahramanlarda kendini göstermektedir. Romanda Almanya’nın Duisburg şehrinde yaşayan Türklerin yeni kültürel ortamda yaşadıkları çatışma, kültürel şok, arada kalmışlık, iki kültürlülük temaları ön plandadır. Yazar romanda sadece Almanya’daki Türkleri ele almamakta, aynı zamanda Türkiye ile hatta başka ülkeler ile de ilişkilendirmeler yaparak bireysel ve toplumsal konuları ele almaktadır. Araştırmada, romanda yer alan dini ve geleneksel unsurlar sosyolojik olarak analiz edilmiştir. Genel anlamda bir göç romanı olma özelliği yanında Yarım Ekmek romanında dini, siyasi ve ideolojik birçok yorum ve tartışma söz konusudur. Romandaki bu veriler, inanç, ritüel, siyaset ve toplumsal boyutlarda kategorize edilerek ele alınmıştır. ENGLISH ABSTRACTReligion and identity reflections in literature of immigrant: Religion and Tradition in Fakir Baykurt’s novel Yarım EkmekThe immigration fact which has nearly half century in Germany have brought a significant literal accumulation (Migrantenliteratur) in its wake. This literal accumulation, which is named as several denominations, has a feature including different colours in itself. One of the most important source snourishing literature is society. Societal structure and problems that the writer lives inside, directly or indirectly reflect on his/her compositions. In this context, the matter of religion and tradition by way of the issue and fictious characters in the novel of Fakir Baykurt who went to Germany in her 50’s and lived in there till his death and who is a considerable name in Turkish literature with his several literal and intellectual workings; “Yarım Ekmek” which is the third novel of Duisburg Trilogy with “Koca Ren” and “Yüksek Fırınlar” are discussed sociologically in the study. The political and ideological past of the socialist realist lined writer in Turkey where he spent his life for a long time, manifest itself on the speech and fictious characters of novel. In the novel, themes of new Turks’ conflict, cultural shock, being in the middle, bi culturalism in their new cultural nature in Duisburg which is the city they live in. The writer not only deals with Turks in Germany but also personal and social subjects via comparing them to Turkey and even other countries. In the study, religious and traditional elements analyzed sociologically. Besides the speciality of being a migration novel in general, there are a lot of religious, political and ideological interpretations and discussions in the novel. These datum in the novel are examinated in the context of belief, ritual, politics and social categorisation.
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GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. "FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.
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This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order to learn how best to “handle” the colony's peoples. There exists a substantial literature on the allegedly exceptional enchantment of Germans with American Indians. Yet this article shows that negative views of Amerindians also influenced and shaped the opinions and actions of German colonizers. Because of its focus on the importance of the United States for German discussions about colonial expansion, this article also explores the role German liberals played in the German colonial project. Ultimately, the United States as a “model empire” was especially attractive for Germans with liberal and progressive political convictions. The westward advancement of the American frontier went hand in hand with a variety of policies towards Native Americans, including measures of expulsion and extinction. German liberals accepted American expansionism as normative and were therefore willing to advocate, or at least tolerate, similar policies in the German colonies.
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Giebe, Carsten, Lana Löffler, and Sandra Schneider. "“Take a Knee” Protests in Professional Sports: An Empirical Study about the Influence on Customer Loyalty to Nike in Germany." Business Ethics and Leadership 4, no. 1 (2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/bel.4(1).92-105.2020.
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The article deals with the research of opportunities and prospects to use “Take a knee” protest in professional sports for Nike marketing purposes in terms of influencing customer loyalty to that brand. The action “Take a knee” became widely known in 2016, when the coloured quarterback of the San Francisco 49ers, Colin Kaepernick, knelt in protest while singing the national anthem of the United States of America before several games to denounce police violence against blacks and coloured people. In 2017 the European community for professional sports firstly supported that action, when Hertha BSC’s Bundesliga team went down on their knees before the kick-off of a Bundesliga game to demonstrate for diversity, tolerance and responsibility. Since Hertha BSC is equipped with the sporting goods of Nike manufacturer, the article suggested and tested the hypothesis that “Take a knee” could have an impact on customer loyalty growth to the Nike brand. The systematization of the relevant literature sources and approaches to study the demand for sports goods indicates the lack of comprehensive research on the analysis regarding the impact of the atypical advertising measures on consumer behaviour. Based on the systematization of literary sources, the article identifies the controversy of marketing activities with people who engage in politics. Furthermore, the article defines the moral role of individual athletes or teams of different sports using the example of American football and football (also known as soccer). The methodological basis of the study was analytical and comparative methods, methods of analysis, synthesis, and logical generalization. The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis based on a survey of potential customers of sporting goods in Germany in early 2020 with a sample size of 135 respondents. The authors substantiate the importance of continuous and systematic work by the advertising companies aimed at attracting famous people who are politically engaged in advertising companies as a guarantee of increasing customer loyalty. The results of the study can be useful for both business and advertising companies in terms of the choice of marketing communication tools between manufacturer and customer. Keywords: advertising, business ethics, competitiveness, customer loyalty, marketing, Nike, sport and politics, Take a Knee.
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Kolinsky, Eva. "Youth and politics in West Germany." West European Politics 8, no. 2 (April 1985): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424532.
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Keele, Alan Frank. "Writers and politics in West Germany." History of European Ideas 9, no. 6 (January 1988): 728–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(88)90108-8.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 78, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2004): 123–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002521.
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-Chuck Meide, Kathleen Deagan ,Columbus's outpost among the Taínos: Spain and America at La Isabela, 1493-1498. New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 2002. x + 294 pp., José María Cruxent (eds)-Lee D. Baker, George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A short history. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. x + 207 pp.-Evelyn Powell Jennings, Sherry Johnson, The social transformation of eighteenth-century Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. x + 267 pp.-Michael Zeuske, J.S. Thrasher, The island of Cuba: A political essay by Alexander von Humboldt. Translated from Spanish with notes and a preliminary essay by J.S. Thrasher. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener; Kingston: Ian Randle, 2001. vii + 280 pp.-Matt D. Childs, Virginia M. Bouvier, Whose America? The war of 1898 and the battles to define the nation. Westport CT: Praeger, 2001. xi + 241 pp.-Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Antonio Santamaría García, Sin azúcar no hay país: La industria azucarera y la economía cubana (1919-1939). Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Universidad de Sevilla y Diputación de Sevilla, 2001. 624 pp.-Charles Rutheiser, Joseph L. Scarpaci ,Havana: Two faces of the Antillean Metropolis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. x + 437 pp., Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula (eds)-Thomas Neuner, Ottmar Ette ,Kuba Heute: Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Vervuert, 2001. 863 pp., Martin Franzbach (eds)-Mark B. Padilla, Emilio Bejel, Gay Cuban nation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. xxiv + 257 pp.-Mark B. Padilla, Kamala Kempadoo, Sun, sex, and gold: Tourism and sex work in the Caribbean. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999. viii + 356 pp.-Jane Desmond, Susanna Sloat, Caribbean dance from Abakuá to Zouk: How movement shapes identity. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. xx + 408 pp.-Karen Fog Olwig, Nina Glick Schiller ,Georges woke up laughing: Long-distance nationalism and the search for home. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2001. x + 324 pp., Georges Eugene Fouron (eds)-Karen Fog Olwig, Nancy Foner, From Ellis Island to JFK: New York's two great waves of immigration. Chelsea MI: Russell Sage Foundation, 2000. xvi + 334 pp.-Aviva Chomsky, Lara Putnam, The company they kept: Migrants and the politics of gender in Caribbean Costa Rica, 1870-1960. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. xi + 303 pp.-Rebecca B. Bateman, Rosalyn Howard, Black Seminoles in the Bahamas. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. xvii + 150 pp.-Virginia Kerns, Carel Roessingh, The Belizean Garífuna: Organization of identity in an ethnic community in Central America. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. 2001. 264 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Susanna Regazzoni, Cuba: una literatura sin fronteras / Cuba: A literature beyond boundaries. Madrid: Iberoamericana/Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Vervuert, 2001. 148 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Lisa Sánchez González, Boricua literature: A literary history of the Puerto Rican Diaspora. New York: New York University Press, 2001. viii + 216 pp.-Kathleen Gyssels, Ange-Séverin Malanda, Passages II: Histoire et pouvoir dans la littérature antillo-guyanaise. Paris: Editions du Ciref, 2002. 245 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Simone A. James Alexander, Mother imagery in the novels of Afro-Caribbean women. Columbia MO: University of Missouri Press, 2001. x + 215 pp.-Gert Oostindie, Aarón Gamaliel Ramos ,Islands at the crossroads: Politics in the non-independent Caribbean., Angel Israel Rivera (eds)-Katherine E. Browne, David A.B. Murray, Opacity: Gender, sexuality, race, and the 'problem' of identity in Martinique. New York: Peter Lang, 2002. xi + 188 pp.-James Houk, Kean Gibson, Comfa religion and Creole language in a Caribbean community. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. xvii + 243 pp.-Kelvin Singh, Frank J. Korom, Hosay Trinidad: Muharram performances in an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora.Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. viii + 305 pages.-Lise Winer, Kim Johnson, Renegades: The history of the renegades steel orchestra of Trinidad and Tobago. With photos by Jeffrey Chock. Oxford UK: Macmillan Caribbean Publishers, 2002. 170 pp.-Jerome Teelucksingh, Glenford Deroy Howe, Race, war and nationalism: A social history of West Indians in the first world war. Kingston: Ian Randle/Oxford UK: James Currey, 2002. vi + 270 pp.-Geneviève Escure, Glenn Gilbert, Pidgin and Creole linguistics in the twenty-first century. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2002. 379 pp.-George L. Huttar, Eithne B. Carlin ,Atlas of the languages of Suriname. Leiden, The Netherlands: KITLV Press/Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002. vii + 345 pp., Jacques Arends (eds)
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Smith, Gordon. "West Germany: the politics of democratic corporatism." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623133.
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Ely, John. "Marxism and Green Politics in West Germany." Thesis Eleven 13, no. 1 (February 1986): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368601300103.
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Remak, Joachim, and M. Donald Hancock. "West Germany: The Politics of Democratic Corporatism." German Studies Review 12, no. 3 (October 1989): 547. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430688.
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Ferragina, Emanuele, Martin Seeleib-Kaiser, and Thees Spreckelsen. "The Four Worlds of ‘Welfare Reality’ – Social Risks and Outcomes in Europe." Social Policy and Society 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746414000530.
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After three decades of welfare state crisis, change and transformation can we still speak of welfare state regimes when looking at their outcomes? The analysis of outcomes provides a picture of ‘the real worlds of welfare’ and is of considerable importance to understanding political legitimacy across countries. We use aggregate longitudinal data for West European countries in order to map welfare outcomes and cluster countries. The cluster results are also assessed for their sensitivity to the choice of different countries, years or indicators. All European welfare states have a significant capacity for reducing poverty and inequality. However, the degree of this reduction varies considerably, especially when examining different social groups, i.e. unemployed people, children, youths or the elderly. Outcomes cluster countries largely in line with previous institutionalist literature, differentiating between conservative, liberal, Mediterranean and social-democratic regimes. As the main exception, we identify Germany, which can no longer be characterised as the proto-typical conservative welfare state. When analysing old social risks such as unemployment and old age, Europe appears to be characterised by two groups, i.e. one consisting of liberal and Mediterranean countries and a second made up of social-democratic and conservative countries. New social risks such as child and youth poverty, by contrast, replicate very closely the theoretical four-cluster typology. Our sensitivity analyses reveal that our clusters tend to be stable over time. Welfare regimes continue to serve as a useful analytical tool and relate to outcomes experienced by European citizens.
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Birmele, Jutta, Ian Derbyshire, and Barbara Marshall. "Politics in West Germany, from Schmidt to Kohl." History Teacher 23, no. 2 (February 1990): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494922.
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Kolevinskienė, Žydronė. "Women’s Literature in Emigration in 1950–1990: the Issue of the Canon." Knygotyra 74 (July 9, 2020): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.74.50.
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The article was inspired by the World Congress of Lithuanian Writers held in Vilnius, in May 2019, during which the literary canon was discussed – not only in Lithuania, but abroad as well: what determines the entry of some books into the school canon, their assessment with literary prizes, various nominations, and why other books remain less noticed by readers and / or literary critics. The theme of this article was further highlighted by the heated debate on the elections of the Book of the Year that took place throughout the autumn (and is still ongoing). Various top five, top ten, top twelve lists, debates over the update of the contents of the curriculum of secondary schools inevitably raise the issue of the literary canon. Therefore, it is considered that perhaps the problem is not what falls or does not fall into the literary canon, but rather how much power society gives to the literary canon itself. The main tasks of the research: to introduce the main theoretical aspects of the literary canon; to discuss the issue of literary canon and women’s creative works; to identify the dominants of the literary canon in the diaspora. The article discusses the issue of the literary canon precisely in women’s literature that was created and is still being created in the diaspora. Research sources: various literary and cultural presses of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US (Aidai (The Echoes), Darbininkas (The Worker), Draugas (The Friend), Gabija, Naujienos (The News) etc.), Literatūros lankai (Literary Folios) (Buenos Aires, 1952-1959), the book by Vladas Kulbokas Lithuanian Literary Criticism in Exile (Rome, 1982). The main reason for this discussion of (non)canonization of women’s literature is that statistically female authors write more on emigration topics. There were more women writers outside Lithuania in the second wave of emigration (DPs); more women than men give a sense to their exile experience even today. The article emphasizes that women’s involvement in public life has never been either simple or natural. Even greater challenges awaited the creating women in 1944, when they moved to the West – Germany, Austria, and from 1949 – to the US, Canada, Australia. Questions are raised as to how and why public attitudes towards the writing, creative woman have changed; how the community of the Lithuanian diaspora, influenced by a new context, new economic and political conditions in the US, thought about new creative challenges, what kind of goals and objectives were set for it. If feminization processes call for rebellion against the dominant (male) canon, if today we are talking about not a single existing canon, but rather about canons, if it is emphasized that the canon is nonetheless a changing thing related with a system of certain time values, then the canon may not exist at all and it cannot exist? The article also actualizes modern migration processes and their reflections in literature (created both in Lithuania and abroad, outside Lithuania; written not only in Lithuanian but also in English) as well, opens new possibilities for reading and interpreting women’s works – and above all – the article dedicated to the World Lithuanian Year, seeks to create a dialogue field that can help deepen the understanding of today’s (e)migration.
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Zipes, Jack. "Children's Literature in West and East Germany." Lion and the Unicorn 10, no. 1 (1986): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/uni.0.0197.
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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Politics of Resentment: Right-Wing Radicalism in West Germany." Comparative Politics 23, no. 1 (October 1990): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422304.
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Davis, Clarence B. "Politics Against Democracy: Right-Wing Extremism in West Germany." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 1 (July 1992): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950710.
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Briel, Holger. "Foreign Front: Third World Politics in Sixties West Germany." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 21, no. 1 (March 2013): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2013.766465.
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Pekelder, J. "Foreign Front: Third World Politics in 1960s West Germany." German History 32, no. 2 (January 2, 2014): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ght118.
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