Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics and literature Germany (West)'
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Weinberger, Gabriele W. "Aesthetics and politics of fascism : West German women filmmakers in the nineteen seventies /." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487590702991884.
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Annas, Rolf. "Zur Darstellung Sudafrikas in der uberregionalen presse der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eine textwissenschaftliche Untersuchung." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49304.
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Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.
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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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Brice, Nicola Charmaine. "Political dimensions of mothers' experiences in West German and Austrian novels of the 1970s and 1980s." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249247.
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Scharf, T. S. "The role of the greens in the local politics of West Germany." Thesis, Aston University, 1990. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10299/.
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The study examines the contribution of the Greens to the changing nature of West Germany's local politics in the 1980s. The changes correspond broadly to the politicisation and parliamentarisation of a sphere of government traditionally perceived as being "unpolitical". Building upon theories of the New Politics, it is suggested that the varying pace of socio-economic change across the Federal Republic underlies the nonuniform development of its local party systems. The party systems of localities which have witnessed rapid social and economic change are found to be more susceptible to the emergence of a New Politics dimension than those of communities in which change has occurred less rapidly. The thesis continues by addressing aspects of the Greens' role in the development of local party systems across the Federal Republic. Despite the fact that marked differences in the Greens' approach to local political participation are registered in communities of varying socio-economic types, it is argued that the Greens are largely responsible for the introduction of a "New Local Politics" dimension into West Germany's local party systems. In a comprehensive study of the Greens' role in the Mainz party system, the conflicting styles and practices of the Greens and the established political parties in the city are depicted. The failure of the Green Party to form an alliance with the SPD in the city council is attributed to the cleavage between the Greens' New Politics and the SPD's Old Politics approaches. A detailed analysis of the parliamentary initiatives introduced by the four parties represented in the Mainz council between 1984 and 1987 also supports the contention that a New Politics dimension exists in the city's party system. This dimension is identified as representing a significant source of conflict during the period of analysis.
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Peasey, Jeanette Helga. "Public service broadcasting in transition : the example of West Germany." Thesis, University of Bath, 1990. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256822.
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Gilliar, Beate Cacilia. "Identity or identities around (re)unification: An analysis of the rhetoric in East and West German newspapers." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186398.
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The dissertation presents a critical analysis of the political rhetoric of newspaper articles in the East German Neues Deutschland and the West German Die Zeit that relate directly to the public attitudes to reunification. The dissertation includes rhetorical analyses of articles from the two newspapers between October 1989 and October 1990. The analysis also includes personal interviews of East and West Germans held during that period and the broader historical developments that led up to unification. These analyses offer insights into how mass media represent broad political developments in light of contrasting political ideologies and purposes. Historical events have made German identity problematic. The events of the Second World War have only exacerbated the problems. The conflict of ideologies between East and West present an excellent opportunity for assessing how dramatically different ideologies shape public discourse. The historical dynamics of German identity present a powerful example of how public identities are constructed and reconstituted with changes in political conditions. Rhetoric can contribute to an understanding of these political processes by shedding light on how strategies for representation and persuasion are used to shape public opinion. By using rhetoric and hermeneutics as methods of inquiry, we will explore how the East German Neues Deutschland and the West German Die Zeit advanced social emancipation. The communicative analysis of definition, metaphor, and symbol showed how the newspapers gradually helped shape unification into a process that confirmed such social emancipation. Definition tried to reestablish order after the initial euphoria among Germans. Metaphor outlined how the newspaper provided options for people's empowerment. The symbol completed the process of emancipation by directing negotiations of values between East and West Germany.
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Baumann, Steffen. "Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification: Revisiting the Civic Culture." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.
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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.
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Young, Liz. "Green politics in West Germany and Tasmania : a comparative analysis of theory and practice /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ary71.pdf.
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Erk, Can. "A theory of congruence : federalism and institutional change in Belgium and Germany." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37649.
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The main focus of this study is on the question of why political institutions change. By extension, the study is also about explaining and predicting the direction of change. Put simply, the study postulates that political institutions will change in order to be congruent with the society.Change is analysed within the context of two federal structures, the Federal Republic of Germany and Belgium. During the same time period from 1949 to 1993, one transformed from a unitary state into a loose federation while the decentralised federation consolidated and became central. The puzzle which the research project deals with is about this change: Why did the institutions of 1949 fail to survive?
The prevailing institutionalist logic in comparative politics would suggest that once in place, institutions would have socialised the political actors into the existing structure by providing veto points in such a way that institutions would have been reproduced over time, but this has not been the case. Furthermore, why has change come about in two opposing directions, centralising and decentralising, despite many common characteristics between the two cases?
This study is based on a theory of congruence which argues that political institutions change in order to reflect underlying societal structures. More specifically, the argument is that political institutions in federal structures change to correspond to the ethno-linguistic make-up of the country. Accordingly, the unitary state of Belgium has changed its political institutions in order to accommodate the Flemings, Walloons and Bruxellois; while Federal Germany has centralised many issues despite explicit constitutional clauses against such changes.
According to the theory of congruence, when confronted with an ethno-linguistic structure that does not match the political one, the political structure changes; not automatically, but through the pressure of public policy concerns pursued by political actors. The ethno-linguistic community is the primary collectivity for which public policy decisions are made. The choices available to political actors are constrained by the demarcations of this societal composition. Decision makers might disagree over the substance of the policies, but they share the choice of venue in the form of the ethnolinguistic 'nation'. In case of a discrepancy between the ethno-linguistic societal structure and the political structure, public policy concerns wold exert a pressure towards congruence by demarcating a social collectivity for which policies are made different from the one set up by the political institutions. Thus, if the 'nation' is bigger than the unit that marked off by political institutions, the tendency would be towards amalgamation with the other subunits of the 'nation' and centralisation. If, on the other hand, the 'nation' is smaller than the unit defined by the political institutions, there would be devolutionary pressures on the unitary institutions.
The empirical research was carried out on two policy areas, education and mass media, through a paired comparison of Flanders and Wallonia in Belgium and Baden-Wurttemberg and North Rhine Westphalia in the Federal Republic of Germany.
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Fernengel, Astrid. "Kinderliteratur im Exil : im "modernen Dschungel einer aufgelösten Welt" /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989185664/04.
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Lorenz-Meyer, Dagmar Regine. "The gendered politics of generational contracts : changing discourses and practices of intergenerational commitments in West Germany." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1613/.
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In the context of policy recommendations to re-establish intergenerational equity this thesis enquires into the ways in which intergenerational relations in Germany became framed by the metaphor of the generational contract. Taking gender as an analytical tool, the thesis explored the discursive repertoires of generation and contract in a historical perspective. On this basis social contract theories are analysed with respect to the conflicting justifications they establish for the regulation of intergenerational relations. The analysis then focuses on how generational politics in the German welfare state drew on these justifications and how the generational contract came to be associated with fraud. It is argued that the ruse of the metaphor of the generational contract was its claim to embody social solidarity 'for all' Germans, while constituting and maintaining divisions of gender and social class in and by a social insurance system tailored to the male life course. Women's positioning in the proposed measures to restructure the generational contract reveals its inherent multiplicity and contradictory structure. Arguing that intergenerational relationships in families have been mostly taken for granted, the thesis develops the heuristic framework of kinscripts in order to analyse the micro-politics of intergenerational commitments of members of two family generations that are cast as antagonists in the alleged resource competition: women of the welfare generation and their adult children. Deploying an innovative set of methods based on the problem-centred interview the empirical analysis produced rich evidence of the ambivalences of intergenerational commitments, their continuities and changes. The analysis uncovers the social logic of 'contracts of need' shaped by situational and contextual pressures and the constraints and possibilities that kin networks opened up for women in post-war Germany. In contrast the narratives of the adult children reveal as yet a more symbolic meaning of intergenerational relations although in the anticipation of parental care needs gendered and classed responsibilities reappeared. On the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings it is argued that the frame of generational accounting systems has to be broadened to include kin work. Implications for multigenerational social policies are outlined.
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Oliver, Emily Kate. "Shakespeare and German reunification : the interface of politics and performance." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4641/.
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The thesis examines the relationship between politics and Shakespeare performance in eastern Germany before, during, and after reunification in 1990. Distancing itself from the assumption that performance acts as a directly influential political tool, it situates theatre practitioners and institutions within their economic, political, and cultural contexts. By analysing a wide range of case studies from Berlin as well as more peripheral towns and cities, I argue that German Shakespeare performance’s capacity for political intervention, both before and after reunification, was limited by theatre practitioners’ reliance on public funding, their close relationships with governmental authority, and an underlying distrust of the people (Volk). Ultimately, East German theatre practitioners proved useful to the 1989 protest movement precisely because they occupied a unique position at the interface of dissidence and state power. I begin by situating my study within the tradition of reading Hamlet as an allegory for the German struggle between Geist (intellect) and Macht (power). Each following chapter examines Shakespeare productions between 1980 and 2000 from a different perspective. Chapter 2 considers the impact of public funding on theatre practice in the GDR, and theatre’s struggle for economic survival following reunification. Chapter 3 examines theatre’s shifting relationships with political authority by investigating East German censorship practices, theatre practitioners’ involvement with the 1989 protest movement, and attempts to connect Shakespeare performance with politics in reunified Germany. Chapter 4 analyses competing theatre aesthetics in relation to their function, methodology, and intended audience, examining how these translated into theatre practice. The thesis concludes by considering Shakespeare’s role in memorialising East German theatre practice.
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Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.
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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
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Stefanik, Christina L. "West German Terror: The Lasting Legacy of the Red Army Faction." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1245696702.
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Whisnant, Clayton John. "Hamburg's gay scene in the era of family politics, 1945-1969." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3033589.
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Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.
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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.
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Dodd, Andrew. "West German editorial journalists between division and reunification, 1987-1991." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4205.
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This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.
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Bergman, Solveig. "The politics of feminism : autonomous feminist movements in Finland and West Germany from the 1960s to the 1980s /." Åbo : Åbo Akademi university press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41007642w.
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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
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Rhys, Julian. "Students under Honecker : an examination of responses of students in Berlin, Dresden and Jena to the ideology and politics of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, 1971-1989, with reference to the GDR planned economy, the question of western imp." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322933.
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Anderson, Christopher Johannes. "The nature of postmaterialism: a comparative study of West Germany and the United States." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45964.
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The social and economic structures in western societies are changing and with them are the political values of their citizens. This study investigates the nature of post-materialist value orientations in the United States and West Germany. The research aimed at determining whether the indicators that Ronald Inglehart developed almost twenty years ago for explaining valueâ shifts are reliable tools to predict the nature of post-materialist values. These factors are: rising levels of education, a distinct cohort experience, and increased levels of economic security.With the help of mass-survey data from 1974 and 1980 that were collected in the United States and west Germany it was shown that there are other factors that are more powerful for predicting post-material values than the ones specified in Inglehartâ s theory. Moreover, the predictors are of a different explanatory power in the two countries under consideration. A preliminary attempt was made to find the reasons for the phenomenon of national differences.
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Zelle, Carsten F. "Why is there no Green Party in America?: Environmental politics and environmental consciousness in the United States and West Germany." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/52094.
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The present paper attempts to explain the absence of a Green Party in America by means of comparison with the country that gave birth to the most successful Green Party so far: West Germany. In the first section it will be shown, that neither the electoral system nor other legal barriers prevent new parties from emerging in the United States. Then, the two countries will be examined from two different perspectives. First, through comparison of the politics of environmental protection it will be shown how a dialogue between the state and interest groups could be established in America, while it could not in Germany. The conclusion will be drawn that different opportunity structures define different incentives to founding a Green Party. From this finding the hypothesis will be developed that the conflictual environmental politics in Germany caused environmental concern to merge with other New Politics concerns and visions of a new state. It is from this ideology that the Green Party drew its electoral success. Due to aggregation of the environmental issue in institutional politics, this potential Green electorate did not emerge in the United States. The hypothesis will be tested empirically using survey data. Three operationalizations of the Green ideology will be employed: postmaterialism, the New Environmental Paradigm, and support for protest movements. The results deliver strong support for the hypothesis. The electoral resources for an American Green Party are weak.Master of Arts
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Avasthi, Smita. "Forms of feminist writing, 1914-1939 : West, Warner, Woolf, and the cultural context /." view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9955910.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-258). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9955910.
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Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Green, Ronald Steve. "Temporal orientation and political perspective." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91101.
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This study uses sociology of time theories to determine the inner-structure of a social movement: the vest German Green Party. The data used in this study were obtained from a content analysis of articles found in the New York Times and the Washington Post from 1982 through 1985. Patterns of political/temporal perspectives, described by Mannheim, were explored.
In this study, it is determined that a pattern of political/temporal perspectives exists in the Green Party. A close look at these political/temporal perspectives revealed that over time some change occurred in the pattern. Thus, some support for Michels' Iron Law of Oligarchy which predicts change in a social rnove..rnent's orientations once that movement gains a political office was found.M.S.
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Davies, Peter. "Divided loyalties : East German writers and the politics of German division, 1945-1953 /." London : Maney : for the Modern humanities research association : the Institute of Germanic studies, University of London School of advanced study, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37122184j.
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Moahi, Refilwe M. "Women's Advancement in Francophone West Africa: A Comparison of Mali and Senegal." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/256.
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This research begins to explore what political tools are necessary to elevate women’s position in society by transforming legislation. Women in Francophone West Africa do not enjoy certain basic rights and there is need to improve their status. The promotion and appointment of women to the position of prime minister, Mame Madior Boyé in Senegal in 2001 and Mariam Kaidama Cissé Sidibé in Mali in 2011, gives us hope that women-friendly agendas will be given priority. I pose the question: Did the appointment of these two women to the heads of their respective governments improve the status of women and their political representation in West Africa? There is existing research that suggests that more women in government increases the visibility of women’s issues. I argue that simply having women in positions of power is not sufficient; participation in informal politics and civil society is imperative. These women have to go into the position with a commitment to women’s issues and a willingness to work with the already existent networks of women’s associations dedicated to furthering women’s rights. I study the successful passage of a new woman-friendly constitution in Senegal. In particular, I look at each participant’s role in making this happen, the associations who pushed for reforms for many years, the reformist president Wade, and Boyé who was a founding member of one of the central women’s associations, the Association of Senegalese Female Legal Practitioners. I compare this with the unsuccessful signing of new family code in Mali. I discuss the disinterest and indecisiveness of the president and Sidibé, as well as the influence of the strong opposition from the conservative High Islamic Council. There are also institutional barriers to change, namely the pluralist legal system of customary law, Islamic law, and state law. Finally, I discuss other possible reasons for the differences in these two countries’ results, such as Senegal’s longer history of democracy and general acceptance of modernity and women’s rights.
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Stanek, Jennifer Marie. "Demystifying the Notion, “the West is better”: A German Oral History Project." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300726542.
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O'Rourke, Teresa. "The poetics and politics of liminality : new transcendentalism in contemporary American women's writing." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33558.
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By setting the writings of Etel Adnan, Annie Dillard, Marilynne Robinson and Rebecca Solnit into dialogue with those of the New England Transcendentalists, this thesis proposes a New Transcendentalism that both reinvigorates and reimagines Transcendentalist thought for our increasingly intersectional and deterritorialized contemporary context. Drawing on key re-readings by Stanley Cavell, George Kateb and Branka Arsić, the project contributes towards the twenty-first-century shift in Transcendentalist scholarship which seeks to challenge the popular image of New England Transcendentalism as uncompromisingly individualist, abstract and ultimately the preserve of white male privilege. Moreover, in its identification and examination of an interrelated poetics and politics of liminality across these old and new Transcendentalist writings, the project also extends the scope of a more recent strain of Transcendentalist scholarship which emphasises the dialogical underpinnings of the nineteenth-century movement. The project comprises three central chapters, each of which situates New Transcendentalism within a series of vertical and lateral dialogues. The trajectory of my chapters follows the logic of Emerson s ever-widening circles , in that each takes a wider critical lens through which to explore the dialogical relationship between my four writers and the New England Transcendentalists. In Chapter 1 the focus is upon anthropological theories of liminality; in Chapter 2 upon feminist interventions within psychoanalysis; and in Chapter 3 upon the revisionary work of Post-West criticism. In keeping with the dialogical analogies that inform this project throughout, the relationship examined within this thesis between Adnan, Dillard, Robinson and Solnit and the nineteenth-century Transcendentalists is understood as itself reciprocal, in that it not only demonstrates how my four contemporary writers may be read productively in the light of their New England forebears, but also how those readings in turn invite us to reconsider our understanding of those earlier thinkers.
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Cogburn, Richard Jay. "The Political Reception of Erich Maria Remarque's Im Westen Nichts Neues in the Late Weimar Republic." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4563.
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The novel Im Westen Nichts Neues first appeared in Germany in January 1929 and became an overnight success. Its author, Erich Maria Remarque, was a shy, quiet man who had not anticipated such success. His novel was written to be a fictitious account of the lives of a few students-turned -soldier and their comrades in the front -line trenches of World War I. This was a unique perspective on the war. The earlier books about the war had been mostly the published, factual memoirs of former officers and as such were written from an elitist and nationalist point of view. Remarque's fictional characters, conversely, were young privates doing their duty and suffering through the dehumanizing effects of their military training and life at the front. They lost touch with their past and came to be able to see nothing in their future except war. These soldiers found themselves lost between a past with which they were no longer able to identify and a future in which, because of the terror and daily life-and-death struggle they currently faced, they could not imagine being able to take anything seriously. Coming out in favor of the novel were the critics aligned with the liberal and left -liberal political arenas. This group of critics proclaimed that the novel portrayed the truth about the war in all of its horror. Having been written from the perspective of the unknown German soldier, it, unlike any other heretofore published work about the war, told the story of the every day, non-elitist soldier and his thoughts. The novel was pacifistic in nature and was therefore in line with the current world opinion, following closely on the heels of the international signing of the Kellogg-Briand Peace Pact. On the other hand, the Communist left and the entire spectrum of the political right denounced Im Westen Nichts Neues as a lie and Remarque as an anti-German author bent on the degradation of the German national honor. The Communists decried the novel as being arbeiterfeindlich because it did not recognize the political- economic causes of the war and because it contained no call for the oppressed to revolt against the upper classes. They therefore deemed Remarque a member of the sterile-minded bourgeoisie. The rightists, in their denunciation of the novel, took exception to the lack of heroes and glorification of the war in the book. Kameradschaft was given the credit for heroism. This idea was repugnant to the nationalists, and in fact worked as a threat to their reason for existence. With Remarque further depicting the soldiers as acting instinctively to protect themselves from annihilation rather than fighting with thoughts of the glorious renewal of the fatherland, it was too much. They proclaimed the novel to be a lie which had been written by, among other descriptions of Remarque, a tender, pacifistic little soul who had never seen a battlefield in his life.
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Franks, Carl. "From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.
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Challenges to the legitimacy of established collective memory can prove so inflammatory that mass violence, ethnic cleansing and even genocide have followed in their wake. However, if few doubt that the ethno-nationalist memory wars during the 1980s collapse of Yugoslavia contributed to the real wars and ethnic cleansing witnessed in the 1990s, no previous research has been able to explain why this is so. This paper pinpoints the determinant variable and causal link between attacks on memory and subsequent mass violence (or a lack thereof). It uses a theoretical model that ties together memory, legitimacy and power to compare the cases of West Germany’s 1968 student movement and Serbia’s 1986-1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution before establishing that the level of prior state repression is one factor that determines whether memory challenges will turn violent. The paper recommends further theory building over the permeable boundary that separates state and civil society, particularly in terms of how accessible state functions are to those social movements that seek to challenge and delegitimise memory.
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Fotheringham, John McGowan. "Ernst Toller : from Einheitsfront to Volksfront : the development of Toller's political ideology (1919-1939)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3550.
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This thesis examines the development of the political outlook of the German author and revolutionary politician, Ernst Toller. It begins by looking at Toller's early years and explains how his experience as a front-line soldier during the First World war transformed his views, causing him to reject the conservative-nationalist ethos he had grown up with and to become, in his own description, a revolutionary pacifist. It then looks at his involvement in the revolutionary events which took place in Bavaria at the end of the First World War, the so-called Räterepublik, examines how they affected his understanding of social and political reality and traces their artistic reflection in the plays he wrote in the following period. A recurrent theme in Toller's political thinking throughout the years of the Weimar Republic was the idea of an Einheitsfront, a defence block of workers' organisations, which he advocated as the only means of halting the rise of National Socialism. Unfortunately, Toller's appeals to the main workers' parties to form such a block went unheard, yet they are significant all the same in that they reveal the acute political insight of a man whom many of his contemporaries dismissed as a hopeless utopian. Interestingly, and a point often missed in studies of his politics, Toller abandoned the Einheitsfront after he went into exile in 1933 and came to favour instead the creation of a Volksfront a broad, cross-party anti-fascist coalition which the Soviet Union vigorously promoted all through the 1930s until the signing of the Stalin-Hitler Pact in 1940. Toller's support for this idea, in part a corollary of his support for the Soviet Union itself, had a profound impact on his political outlook in exile, and caused him to close his eyes to the repression suffered by the opponents of the Stalin regime both inside and outside Russia, and, most significantly, led him to ignore the nascent socialist revolution which flourished in Spain after the defeat of Franco's coup d'etat in 1936. This study examines in some detail, therefore, Toller's involvement in the Volksfront, redefines his attitude towards Communist Russia and shows how his efforts to suppress his revolutionary beliefs and to become instead a mere anti-fascist affected his creative spirit during his years of exile.
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Evans, Katherine A. "Die Selbstdarstellung des Staates durch die olympischen Spiele: München 1972 und Seoul 1988." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/277.
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This thesis examines the planning and organization of the Munich 1972 and Seoul 1988 Olympic Games with a specific focus on how the South Korean and West German governments attempted to use the Games to positively change their images abroad. Both countries attempted to distance themselves not only from their own war torn pasts, but also from their Communist counterparts, East Germany and North Korea. The West German government (and the Munich Olympic Committee) hoped to create a “peaceful” and “carefree atmosphere” that would directly counter images of Nazism, and the South Korean government (and the Seoul Olympic Committee) sought to use the Olympics to legitimize a military dictatorship and prove the country’s economic growth following the Korean War. By giving the Games so much importance, however, both governments transformed the Olympics into a flashpoint for international and domestic conflicts, and unforeseen events, such as the Black September terrorist attack, the South Korean democracy movement, and North Korea’s demands to co-host the Games, changed and defined the public images of both the Games and their host countries.
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Volkmann, Abigail J. "River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States: Two Case Studies." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.
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The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Gledhill, James. "Into the past : nationalism and heritage in the neoliberal age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12114.
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This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.
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Silicani, Christian. "Le roman d'aventure et le 'roman d'outre-mer' de langue allemande, de Charles Sealsfield à B. Traven." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA004/document.
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Il existe une abondance extraordinaire de récits de voyage et d'oeuvres de fiction en langue allemande focalisant l'outre-mer et en premier lieu les Etats-Unis d'Amérique. Ces textes écrits au cours du XIX et pendant la première moitié du XX siècle représentent un phénomène notable mais peu commenté qui se prête tout à fait à un traitement historique: ces écrits accompagnent, appuient, commentent et vilipendent la très forte émigration allemande vers les Amériques, notamment l'Amérique du Nord. Le présent travail s'attache à rendre compte du roman d'aventures outre-mer de langue allemande et ce faisant s'efforce de cerner ce qui fait la spécificité de la perspective allemande. Dans cette optique ont été retenues douze oeuvres composées par des auteurs germanophones aussi différents les uns des autres que les Allemands Friedrich Gerstäcker (1816-1872), Karl May (1842-1912), Ernst Friedrich Löhndorff (1899-1976), L'Austro-Américain Karl Postl alias Charles Sealsfield (1793-1864), l'Autrichien Franz Kafka (1883-1924), le Germano-Mexicain B. Traven (1882-1969). Après un chapitre d'exposition traitant de l'horizon d'attente présent dans l'Allemagne du XIX siècle, onze chapitres sont consacrés à l'étude des romans sélectionnés. L'analyse de ces oeuvres permet de mettre en évidence quelques caractéristiques saillantes qui sont propres au genre tant au niveau de l'esthétique , de la logique, des thématiques et des schémas idéologiques qu'au niveau de l'organisation en affrontements axiologiques entre un univers de la rationalité et de la civilisation et un monde considéré comme relevant de la "sauvagerie". Sont aussi analysées la silhouette de l'aventurier littéraire, les différentes approches de l'altérité entre refus et attrait, la tentation récurrente de la transgression, l'inscription du récit dans un système de codes et de stéréotypes préexistantsThere are many German travel stories as well as works of fiction focusing on overseas territories, in the first place on the United States of America. These texts that were written in the course of the nineteenth century and during the first half of the twentieth century represent a noteworthy phenomenon that has been little commented on and lends itself well to a historical approach. Indeed, these pieces of writing accompany, comment on and vilify the German mass migration to the American continent, especially to North America. The present work attempts to account for the German adventure novel the plot of which takes place overseas. In so doing it tries to define the specificity of the German perspective. Twelve novels have been selected that were written by several german-speaking authors very different from one another: the German Friedrich Gerstäcker (1816-1872), Karl May (1842-1912), Ernst Friedrich Löhndorff (1899-1976), the Austro-American Karl Postl aka Charles Sealsfield (1793-1864), The Austrian Franz Kafka (1883-1924), the Germano-Mexican B. Traven (1882-1969). Following an introductory chapter dealing with the horizon of aspirations in nineteenth-century Germany are eleven chapters each devoted to the study of one selected novel.The analysis of these works shows some striking features that belong to the genre either at the level of the aesthetics, logic, set of themes and ideological patterns or at the level of axiological confrontations between a rational, civilized world and the so-called "savageness". Other items in the study are the figure of the literary adventurer, the different approaches to the alterity phenomenon, the recurrent temptation of transgression, the insertion of the text in a pre-existent codes and stereotypes system
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Martens, Erika. "Ideology and literature : a study of society and literary criticism with special reference to the reception of Heinrich Böll during the 1970's." 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm377.pdf.
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Martens, Erika. "Ideology and literature : a study of society and literary criticism with special reference to the reception of Heinrich Boll during the 1970's / Erika Martens." 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18853.
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Bibliography: leaves 29-340340 leaves ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, 1988
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Boll, Bernhard. "Religion, secularization and politics : the case of the Federal Republic of Germany." 1988. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2477.
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Lippert, Werner D. "Richard Nixon's détente and Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik : the politics and economic diplomacy of engaging the East /." Diss., 2005. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/ETD-db/available/etd-07122005-122448/.
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"Die Duitse basiswet van 1949 in die lig van Duitse grondwetlike tradisie." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12612.
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"Rol van die Vrye Demokratiese Party (FDP) in die politieke geskiedenis van die Federale Republiek van Duitsland na 1945." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13424.
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M.A.Although the Free Democratic Party's (FDP) best performance at the polls was 12,8% of the votes in 1961, the party has played a far more significant role in postwar German politics than its electoral strength would suggest. Due to its participation as junior partner in coalitions with the Christian Democratic Union (1949-1956, 1961- 966) and the Social Democratic Party (1969 to present), the FOP has been represented in the Federal German Government longer than either the CDU or SPD. As it is exceptional for a single party to gain an overall majority in German politics, the two major parties are dependent on the FDP, as the only other party represented in the Bundestag, for the formation of a coalition government. Thus, in a certain sense, the FDP "determines" which of the major parties is to form the government. The purpose of this study is to analyse the development of the FDP from 1945 to the present, whilst emphasizing variations in the party's political role. To provide a sufficient background, the development of German liberalism from the nineteenth century up to 1945 has also been taken into consideration. The German liberal movement has, since Bismarckian times, been divided into two rival sections, namely "national liberalism" (right wing) and "progressive liberalism" (left wing). After the Second World War it seemed that for the first time in nearly a century both wings were to be united in one political structure namely the FDP. It seemed as if the rapid decline of' Liberalism since the turn of the century had at last been checked, factionalism eliminated and greater unity achieved. Factional rivalries, however, reappeared and caused serious strains on the FDP's internal unity and political efficiency. Basically it was a struggle to achieve an exact position for the FDP in the political spectrum: right of the CDU by uniting all nationalistic forces or as a middle party between the CDU and SPD. The first alternative ruled out the possibility of a coalition with the SPD, while the second kept...
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Guesmi, Haythem. "The aesthetics and politics of political violence in West African literature." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22636.
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Turits, Michael. "Mimicry and movement: Fascism, politics, and culture in Italy and Germany, 1909-1945." 1994. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9510547.
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The political term "totalitarian" (totaliltario) was coined by Italian Fascism in 1925, and adopted almost simultaneously as a pejorative by the regime's opposition. This language of the Italian stato totalitario was soon adopted by the theorists of National Socialism to describe the German totale Mobilmachung and totale Staat. Postwar discussions continued to categorize Fascism by its own "totalitarian" myth of identity--of the group, race, or nation as self-constituting subject. Some other, more politically ambiguous features, however, may be discerned in fascist discourse than this "totalitarianism" which served as both fascism's narcissistic boast, and its critique. First, fascist rhetoric attempted to exclude those mimetic elements which threatened its presumed autonomy, while repressing its own implicit mimetic structure. The fascist "chameleon" represents the symptomatic re-emergence of this repression, the eruption amid a discourse of identity and autonomy of a personified figure of mimicry and deceit. The first part of the dissertation examines various accusations, denials, and examples of political chameleonism in the writings of Sorel, Gramsci, Gadda, and Malaparte, and confronts this paradigm with that of the fascist "narcissist" or "peacock" (pavone). The camaleonte/pavone relation introduces a discussion of imitation, narcissism, and identification in Freud's theorization of individual and group identity, and leads to a more directly political consideration of the relation between chameleonism, fascism, and democracy. Second, "totalitarian" regimes also characterized themselves as states in motion, referring both their "dynamism" and "modernity," and to their promotion of communication and transportation media. But this term also implies a destructuring kinetic logic contradictory to the totalitarian goal of national identity. The second part of the dissertation describes the ambiguity of political "movement" in Bertolucci's filmic rendition of Italian Fascist architecture, in the Futurist "style of movement," and in the relation between Bewegung and Bewegtheit in Heidegger's Sein und Zeit. Despite what may be considered the critique of fascism begun in Sein und Zeit, Heidegger's overlooking of the ambiguity of the book's own "movement" illustrates the inconclusiveness of the gesture by which he, as well as those who have formally identified fascism and totalitarianism, have separated their own practice from their historical object.
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Ghahremani, Saeed. "Poetics and politics: East and West. The poetries of Ahmad Shâmlu and Bertolt Brecht (Iran, Germany)." 2004. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=94508&T=F.
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Whisnant, Clayton John 1971. "Hamburg's gay scene in the era of family politics, 1945-1969." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/10877.
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Sewell, Sharon Catherine. "Culture and decolonization in the British West Indies literature and politics, 1930-1980." 2007. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2513.pdf.
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