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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and governmnt'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Hero, Rodney E., Thomas E. Cronin, and Robert D. Loevy. "Colorado Politics and Government: Governing the Centennial State." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 2 (1994): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330729.

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2

Reckhow, Sarah, Davia Downey, and Joshua Sapotichne. "Governing Without Government: Nonprofit Governance in Detroit and Flint." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 5 (May 12, 2019): 1472–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419847531.

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Scholars across the social sciences have shown how economic, social, and political changes are weakening local governments and contributing to rising nonprofit activity in urban politics. But these trends could now add up to a new form of decision-making in some American cities. The convergence of public sector austerity and a burgeoning philanthropic and nonprofit sector have created space for what we call “nonprofit governance.” In some cities, nonprofit leaders can guide urban policy, sometimes with limited input from elected officials or citizens. First, we apply insights from studies in comparative politics to demonstrate how nonprofit leadership can expand, particularly in the context of a weak state. Next, we assess trends in public sector capacity, based on local government employment in Midwestern U.S. cities. We closely examine Detroit and Flint due to dramatic declines in local government capacity and recent public sector crises in both cities, focusing on the role of nonprofits in each. These leading-edge cases allow us to trace the development of nonprofit governance and explore different forms of nonprofit and local government relationships.

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3

Cordoneanu, Ion. "HARMONY, CICERO`S PRINCIPLE OF GOVERNING." International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on the Dialogue between Sciences & Arts, Religion & Education 4, no. 1 (December 7, 2020): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/mcdsare.2020.4.11-16.

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Harmony is one of the concepts that permeate the history of human creation in varied fields: philosophy, arts, music, science, economics, politics, etc. It is a preoccupation of the Pythagorean, of Plato and Aristotle, and a governing principle theorised during the times of the Byzantine Empire. However, in Cicero’s political thinking, harmony is the foundation stone of the organisation and functioning of the republic as body politic, a political principle which reflects the principle of the entire universe. Somnium Scipionis (The Dream of Scipio), an allegory on the harmony of the universe, is the closing part of the treatise De re publica, by which Cicero, inspired by Plato and synthetizing stoic, epicurean and neoplatonic ideas, bestows his political testament upon world culture and advocates the cultivation of virtue.

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4

Dr. Kosim. "LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 7, 2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.

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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia. Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media. Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals. Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.

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5

Wałdoch, Marcin. "The meandres of politics of history in the III Polish Republic territorial self-governments units." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIV (June 3, 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2525.

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The politics of history is an object of viral studies, and researches about this phenomenon of political life is constantly deepen. In relations to the international space there are plenty of studies about individual states politic of history, but there are no such studies about local politics, and local societies in relation to the centres of political life. Author highlighted some phenomenon of politics of history of the III Polish Republic’s self-government in the perspective of the theory of centre-periphery. Some conclusions after research make it possible to show some phenomenon of political life such as: political fight between local and national political elites on politics of history; tensions between centre and periphery; shredded collective memory which is dependent of different spaces of local life; collective memory is overcomed by “privatisation and individualisation”.

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6

Casal Oubiña, Daniel. "La política de los jueces: El gobierno del poder judicial en los sistemas políticos, un estudio del modelo de consejos." Revista en Gobierno y Gestión Pública 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/iggp.2023.v10n2.04.

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7

Baiocchi, Gianpaolo. "The Politics of Local Government: Governing in Small Towns and Suburbia." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 48, no. 4 (June 25, 2019): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306119853809oo.

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8

Zhifeng, Peng. "Formation and evolution of informal politics in Kazakhstan." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, no. 4 (2023): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-154-164.

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Kazakhstan’s informal politic has experienced a long-term historical development. According to the principle of the organization, the informal politic of Kazakhstan isn’t limited only to clan, political, economic, and other structures, but also manifests itself in the form of «teams». According to the form of the operation, the informal politic of Kazakhstan manifests itself in the form of “patron-client», which includes three forms, such as «blood ties», «promises of the leader» and «pro-presidential parties». The characteristics of Kazakhstan’s informal politic are pluralism-internal mobility, and closeness to ordinary people. The informal politic is a tool of the President of Kazakhstan to overcome the crisis of political transformation, it is an addition to immature formal politics, but it also generated a wave of elite teams fighting and caused doubts in society about its legitimacy. To solve the above problems, the first President of Kazakhstan — N.Nazarbayev tried to implement the “integration” of informal and formal politics, and Tokayev promoted the transition from informal to formal politics through “infiltration”. The organic interaction of the two types of politics has once again stimulated the viability of Kazakhstan’s development as a whole. Tokayev filled a gap in the benign interaction between society and the government and reflected a completely new direction of modernization of the political system of Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, as long as the «infiltration» does not lead to qualitative changes, the complementarity and competition of the two policies will remain the political reality of the country in the long term.

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9

Fasenfest, David. "Government, Governing, and Governance." Critical Sociology 36, no. 6 (October 18, 2010): 771–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510378192.

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10

Sari, Elidar, Arif Rahman, Alpi Syah, and Mansari Mansari. "The Political Changes of Ulama In The Aceh Government System." Proceedings of Malikussaleh International Conference on Law, Legal Studies and Social Science (MICoLLS) 2 (December 27, 2022): 00046. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/micolls.v2i.120.

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The ulama institution in Aceh's politico-legal position (rechtspositie) is examined in this paper. Therefore, it can be argued that two roles—the role in public law and the role in private law—are played. To draw this distinction between public and private law, despite the fact that it is a conventional one in the legal profession, and there are still some differences of opinion regarding nomocracy. Roles and positions of ulama in law are commonly discussed together since you must constantly evaluate your position in law before talking about roles. The administrative institution is specifically required by the Aceh government to hold an equal position to the Governor, Regent, Mayor, and members of the local parliament (DPRA/DPRK). Therefore, this study is to examine how to manage the role that this ulama institution plays in the political system as well as other cases that pose significant issues for Aceh as a whole, such as the case of Islamic banking, arts, environmental issues, educational system of dayah, local party and the humanrights issues. Due to the conversion of Islamic banks, which are not inclusive and only frequently motivated by the spirit of implementing an anti-usury economic system whose significancy is unclear, many international tourists are unable to withdraw cash from ATMs in Aceh. The ulama's influence in Aceh is to blame for the widespread economic, environmental, and humanitarian catastrophe. This study brought up questions regarding how ulama (HUDA, MUNA, and MPU) in Aceh view politics, how politics are involved in Aceh, how strategy and ideology are used in politics, and what influences the variances in opinions regarding ulama involvement in politics in Aceh in the midst of conservative turn in Aceh. The purpose of this study is to identify the techniques and ideas utilized by ulama in Aceh politics, as well as the areas in which they participate and the causes of any disagreements among them over their participation.

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11

Rose, Kenneth W., and Clarence N. Stone. "Regime Politics: Governing Atlanta, 1946-1988. Studies in Government and Public Policy." Journal of Southern History 57, no. 2 (May 1991): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210459.

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12

Hloušek, Vít, and Lubomír Kopeček. "Caretaker Governments in Czech Politics: What to Do about a Government Crisis." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 8 (September 14, 2014): 1323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.941700.

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13

Wong, Hei Ting. "The Air-conditioned Nation under Global Warming – An Exploratory Study of the Speech and Assembly Freedom and Politics of Space in Singapore." IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies 6, SI (January 22, 2021): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.6.si.02.

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Singapore is known to have a citizenry loyal to its one-party dominated government. Cherian George refers Singapore as the “Air-conditioned Nation,” wherein free speech is sacrificed for economic stability in this metaphorical or virtual greenhouse and fostered a controlled and docile politic. Dissent from members of registered opposition parties or ordinary citizens, however, has been voiced during “illegal gatherings” in public places. Many of these attempts, both purposeful and accidental, challenge rules designed to limit the citizenry’s ability to voice publicly. In this paper, I examine these civil disobedient acts under the framework of construction and politics of socially- and mentally-constructed space in connection to the laws of Singapore. Utilizing the ideas of space as defined by Henri Lefebvre and Michel Foucault, I analyze three separate accounts of assembly and/or procession. I identify the relevant laws of Singapore and examine how these laws are interpreted and applied by law enforcement, revealing a tension between space and the body politic. Politics of space is a concept usually connected to social class; yet, class consciousness is what the Singaporean government strives to eliminate through the control of ideology and by limiting the freedom of speech in public spaces. My contribution examines the relationship between space and politics, reflecting the conflicts between the government, which has the power over the use of places and citizens who would like to express ideas differently from governmental-led ideologies physically and publicly in these places, and the opposition’s actions in this virtually-caged public space named Singapore.

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14

Islamoglu, Huri. "New politics of governing global capitalism: Sovereign governments and living law." Society and Economy 38, no. 4 (December 2016): 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.4.4.

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Since the crisis of 2007–2009, sovereignty, government and politics are on the agenda of social sciences and of international policy platforms, most recently in Davos. This is a departure from anti-statist, free-tradist visions of global market development in the 1980s and 1990s when sovereignty was simply associated with freedom of action of economic actors (most significantly, global corporations and banks) and governance simply referred to technical rules serving the ends of these actors posed in terms of dictates of the market. This paper points to societal dislocations (e.g. income discrepancies, unemployment) incumbent on global market development and to a time lag in which these made themselves felt in the developed and developing world. It argues that the developing world experienced the disillusionment with markets in the latter part of 1990s and early 2000s and sought solutions in effective governments, putting them in the service of reaping the benefits of global market expansion for individual regions. It meant non-liberal ways of governing markets, distancing from abstract formulations of individual rights, turning the ‘rule of law’ into living law deeply rooted in societal concerns not limited to commercial actors but including those of both blue-collar and white collar workers, of migrant populations, and women. At issue is an introduction of politics, of political agency and initiatives. The developed world rejected what is labeled as an ‘autocratic turn’; and is lost for a solution to market woes, except for further measures to maximize gains by major commercial actors, as in the case of the Greek crisis.

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15

Tull, Denis M. "Troubled state-building in the DR Congo: the challenge from the margins." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 4 (November 4, 2010): 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000479.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines contentious state–society and centre–periphery relations in the DR Congo and their implications for state-building. Since the 2006 post-conflict elections, the state's authority has come under fire in the western province of Bas Congo, where a politico-religious group (Bundu Dia Kongo) has emerged as a serious challenger. Enjoying huge local legitimacy, the group has articulated political grievances that the newly elected central government has violently repressed. As locally perceived, elections are a legitimising tool in the hands of the government to impose its unfettered authority in the name of the state-building project. Furthermore, and backed by donors, the Kinshasa authorities also refuse to implement a wide-ranging decentralisation reform. This has fed disenchantment about post-conflict politics in Bas Congo, boding ill for democratic politics and the prospects of state-building in the DR Congo.

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16

Husain, Ejaz. "Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.

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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.

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17

Blomquist, David. "American Government." News for Teachers of Political Science 54 (1987): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s019790190000043x.

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Most instructors burdened with the sometimes thankless task of teaching an introductory survey course in American government wince at the suggestion that their class is somehow a primer in current affairs. No wonder, for most of us who teach that introductory course expend a great deal of effort to ensure that our readings, our lectures, and our class discussion carefully delineate the difference between political science and political speculation.Yet I fear many of us are so cautious that we wind up throwing the baby out with the bath water. The vast majority of students in our survey courses will not go on to graduate school in political science; indeed, at many institutions, the majority of enrollees in the introductory class may not even be political science majors. Most will become bankers, lawyers, scientists, engineers — in short, “ordinary” citizens rather than full-time, professional observers of politics. In strikes me that the greatest legacy the survey course can provide these students is an inclination to think twice about politics —an appreciation that politics and political choices are rarely as simple or straightforward as they seem in headlines.

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18

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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19

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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20

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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21

Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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22

Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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23

Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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24

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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25

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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26

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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27

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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28

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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29

Lanjari, Restu. "Political Practice and Its Implication on Folk Art Marginalization (Case Study of Wayang Orang/ Human Puppet Ngesti Pandhowo)." Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 16, no. 2 (January 29, 2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v16i2.8126.

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<p>The government, political practice, both reflected in the government, politics, policies and the attitude of the public figure, influences the existence of folk art that is overshadowed by changes as the results of modernization and industrialization. The aim of this research is to find out the marginalization of folk art because of political practice. This research was done using a qualitative approach while the subject of this research was Ngesti Pandhawa Human Puppet Group. The result of this research showed that folk art could be marginalized because of the influence of the changes in economic and politic that was formulated inside the modernization waves and technology development that offered new values. The attention of the government on the existence of folk art was still being questioned because of politic budget. The budget for art was extremely small compared to the budget for sport. The existence of folk art depended on the favor and interest of the local leaders, especially political interest.</p>

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30

Laver, Michael, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. "Government Coalitions and Intraparty Politics." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (October 1990): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005950.

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A new model of government formation is elaborated and developed to allow consideration of politics within political parties. The impact of coalition bargaining on intraparty politics is considered, as well as the impact of intraparty politics on coalition bargaining. Different intraparty decision-making regimes are shown to affect coalition outcomes. Finally, the potential impact of anticipated coalition bargaining on the choice of decision-making regime within a party is explored.

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31

Wagner, Richard E. "Parasitical Political Pricing, Economic Calculation, and the Size of Government: Variations on a Theme by Maffeo Pantaleoni*." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 15, no. 2 (October 1, 1997): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907782888.

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Abstract Il lavoro estende 1’originate intuizione di Maffeo Pantaleoni che vede due distinti meccanismi del prezzo nelle contemporanee economie miste. Da una parte, vi è il meccanismo del prezzo del mercato, caratterizzato da diritti di proprietà esclusivi. Dall’altra, vi è il meccanismo di prezzo del sistema politico, distinto, fra le altre cose, da comitati amministrativi e proprietà comune. Si enfatizza come il sistema di prezzo politico può esistere solo in presenza del mercato ma non viceversa.Tramite una semplice illustrazione si suggerisce che i «mercati politici» sono parassitari nei confronti di quelli privati. A volte questo parassitismo può essere benefico, come nel caso dei beni pubblici; mentre altre volte è nocivo, come nel caso dei sussidi pubblici che promuovono imprese inefficienti.

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32

Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.

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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.

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33

Ibrahim, Muhammad, and Razia Mussarat. "Electoral Politics: A Case Study of Pakistan (1947-1985)." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 5, no. 1 (February 11, 2015): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v5i1.7083.

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Electoral politics effects democracy and political system. Elections are essential component of modern democracy.The authoritarian pattern of government is harmful for institutional development process. The constitutional and institutional developmental process is weak in Pakistan. The federal system government is not work in Pakistan in true sense. These issues weakened political system of Pakistan. The institutions may get proper development to strengthen democratic system. The political structures and governing experience is not matched to democratic world. The power politics contributed to inability of parliamentary democracy to govern new country effectively. Democracy remained poor in Pakistan. Military rulersgoverned in Pakistan more than half of time. The assumption is that democracy is controlled by the electoral process. The paper covers electoral politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1985.

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34

Rhodes, R. A. W. "The New Governance: Governing without Government." Political Studies 44, no. 4 (September 1996): 652–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb01747.x.

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The term ‘governance’ is popular but imprecise. It has at least six uses, referring to: the minimal state; corporate governance: the new public management; ‘good governance’; socio-cybernetic systems: and self-organizing networks. I stipulate that governance refers to ‘self-organizing, interorganizational networks' and argue these networks complement markets and hierarchies as governing structures for authoritatively allocating resources and exercising control and co-ordination. I defend this definition, arguing that it throws new light on recent changes in British government, most notably: hollowing out the state, the new public management, and intergovernmental management. 1 conclude that networks are now a pervasive feature of service delivery in Britain; that such networks are characterized by trust and mutual adjustment and undermine management reforms rooted in competition; and that they are a challenge to governability because they become autonomous and resist central guidance.

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35

Bolgov, R. V. "Internet communities." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-55-60.

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This paper attempts to answer the question of whether the Internet community and the individual users of social networks are actors in world politics. They are gaining political influence, and Web 2.0 technologies are increasingly political. We analyze projects integrating social web services to interact with government information systems by citizens, NGOs and business are analyzed. We identify basic advantages and limitations of using social Internet services in politics. We examine experience of their use in government agencies in several countries. We analyze official documents governing the use of social networks in the interaction of authorities with the citizens and business

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36

Dickey, Robert J. "Local Government in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2000): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15108.

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After reading the first few pages of this text, the reader may be left wondering "exactly what is this book attempting to accomplish?" At first glance, it looks like a college textbook. And indeed, Chapter 1 (Overview of Local Government in Korea) very much reads this way. After an introductory section in Chapter 2 (Structure of Local Government), however, the form of the book takes a dramatic turn. The Preface opens with a statement of the two purposes of the book, "first, to provide factual information about Korean local politics for those who are interested in Korea's system of local government; and second, to offer definitive reference resources to foreign scholars, students, practitioners, diplomats, and others who have an interest in the evolution of Korean democracy." Referring back to the Table of Contents after reading further in Chapter 2, one realizes that this is more of a "book of facts" than an analytical treatise. In this regard, the book is a solid success: it provides detailed facts about the legal structure of Korea's system of local government. It discusses the evolution and effect of Korea's Local Autonomy Act (and relevant decrees), and a translation of the lengthy Local Autonomy Act is included in an appendix. Clearly, the book is a useful reference on the law of local autonomy for those of us less than fluent in Korean. On the other hand, politics and democracy are hardly discussed beyond a few rhetorical platitudes in the first and last chapters.

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Azhari, Azhari, and La Ode Dedihasriadi. "Money Politics In Local Democracy: A Case Study In The Simultaneous Election Of Village Heads Throughout Bombana Regency In 2022." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Administrasi Publik 13, no. 1 (May 10, 2023): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/jiap.v13i1.45679.

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In Bombana district, Southeast Sulawesi Province on February 20, 2022 a democratic party was held through the simultaneous general election of village heads throughout Bombana district which was attended by 109 villages as stipulated in Bombana Regent Decree No. 449 of 2021 Concerning Schedules and Stages of Simultaneous Village Head Elections in 2022. In the implementation of local democracy through simultaneous village head elections, there are many practices of money politics carried out by village head candidates, success teams, and the community itself. The purpose of this research is to find out the factors causing the practice of money politics in the simultaneous village election. The method used in this study is a qualitative method by describing the facts that occur in the field to be explained more deeply through primary data sources, namely interviews, and secondary data, namely books and journals. The results of this study indicate that several factors cause money politics in simultaneous village elections in Bombana district, including the habitual factor that continues to occur at every election moment at all levels of democracy that occurs in Bombana district, and economic factors due to the Covid-19 outbreak that hit Indonesia. nationally 2 years ago, the factor of the absence of a special supervisory agency for village head elections, the factor weak laws and regulations on all hierarchies governing villages, and the absence of political education carried out by the local government and stakeholders in building village community intelligence about the dangers money politic.

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Zaenong, Andi M. Anwar. "SISTEM POLITIK TRADISIONAL, SEJARAH INSTITUSI, DAN LEMBAGA POLITIK KABUPATEN BARRU." KURIOSITAS: Media Komunikasi Sosial dan Keagamaan 10, no. 2 (November 24, 2017): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/kur.v10i2.592.

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Traditional politic in Barru is a unity which is governed with the confederation/ Passiajingeng in Buginese language. All are cohesive; Datu ri Tanete, Petta ri Berru sibawa Mallusetasi, Arung ri Soppeng Riaja. Hence, intersection of Barru has a monument on display 4 toppings of kingdom closely and the government will be no doubt about the attention of history which makes the existence of diversity in the politic institution in Barru. With the cultural institution as the tradition system, it has the potential to be given facilities based on the decision from the kings at the date of May 29 to 30 2007 in Makassar which suggests the system of cultural politics in each region and province.

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Copeland, Daryl, and Wolfgang H. Reinicke. "Global Public Policy: Governing without Government?" International Journal 53, no. 3 (1998): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203347.

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Rahmaddani, Imam. "TINJAUAN YURIDIS SERTA PERAN MASYARAKAT DAN KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM DALAM MENGATASI POLITIK UANG (MONEY POLITIK) DI PEMILIHAN UMUM." SUPREMASI HUKUM 18, no. 2 (January 4, 2023): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33592/jsh.v18i2.3017.

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In general, money politics fits into a transactional political pattern, in which votes are exchanged for goods or services. This study aims to study and analyze the legal provisions governing money politics, the role of the public and the KPU in fighting money politics, and the impact of money politics on Indonesian democracy. Subject selection, data tracking, determining research focus, collecting data sources, presenting data, and compiling reports are the steps in this research process. In this study, documentation was used to collect data by finding data about the variables studied in papers, journals and reports. Content analysis is used to analyze data, which can be cross-checked based on context. Law Number 10 of 2016 and Law Number 1 of 2015 prohibit political parties or coalitions of political parties from receiving compensation in any form during the nomination process for governor, mayor or regent. Keywords: Regulation; Public; KPU; Money politic.

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"Colorado politics & government: governing the centennial state." Choice Reviews Online 32, no. 02 (October 1, 1994): 32–1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.32-1220.

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Palazzani, Laura. "Biopolitica: significato filosofico del termine." Medicina e Morale 58, no. 2 (April 30, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2009.248.

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L’articolo precisa i significati filosofici di biopolitica, distinguendo la biopolitica come “potere arbitrario sulla vita biologica” (o politica sulla vita) e la biopolitica come “buon governo al servizio della persona umana” (o politica per la vita). Il primo significato si inserisce in una teoria etica non cognitivista e soggettivista, che ritiene il diritto e il potere quali prodotto della volontà autoreferenziale; il secondo significato rimanda ad una teoria che riconosce valori oggettivi nella natura umana quale fonte del diritto e della politica. La politica come potere arbitrario ritiene la vita un mero oggetto biologico, disponibile e manipolabile, senza limiti etici fondabili a priori: è la teoria che separa l’essere umano dalla persona, attribuendo solo alle persone in grado di autodeterminarsi i diritti. La politica come buon governo prende in considerazione la vita umana come espressione della vita personale (dall’inizio alla fine), riconoscendone il valore quale orizzonte di senso: è la teoria che identifica essere umano e persona, ritenendo che ogni essere umano e tutti gli esseri umani abbiano diritti. ---------- The article specifies philosophical significance of biopolitics, making a difference between biopolitics as “arbitrary power on biological life” (or politics on life) and biopolitics as “good government in the service of human person” (or politics for life). The first significance refers to the ethical theory of non-cognitivism and subjectivism, that considers law and power as a product of will which refers to itself; the second significance sends back to a theory which recognises the objective values of human nature, as the origin of law and politics. The politics as arbitrary power considers life as a biological object, available and at disposal, without any a priori justification of ethical limits: it is the theory which separates human beings and persons, attributing rights only to persons capable of auto-determination. The politics as good government considers human life as an expression of personal life (form the beginning till the end), recognising its value as an horizon of sense: it is the theory that identifies human being and person, considering each human being and all human beings as subjects of rights.

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43

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 1 (March 2001): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1008-9.

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"Politics and Government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 2 (June 2001): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1032-9.

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