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Adams, Paul Derrick. "Education, education policy and the politics of pedagogy." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550506.
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Zyskind, Ari. "The Politics of Physical Education Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/402.
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The purpose of the paper is to determine why today's youth are so physically inactive by examining the role and efforts of physical education, and the state and federal governments responsibility in supporting these programs, in fighting today's obesity epidemic by creating generations of healthy and physically active children. Research led to the determination that states have failed to maintain and improve physical education resulting in a physically inactive youth. Therefore, the nation should look to federal legislation to support state-led physical education, which this paper found to be constitutional if the enactments followed the provisions established in South Dakota v. Dole. Examples of recent physical education bills, most specifically the FIT Kids Act, are briefly analyzed for effectiveness and likeliness of enactment. Lastly, the determination is made that federal legislation has failed because of the view that physical education is not a "core" subject, preventing programs from receiving Title I and Title II funding. The findings are useful in light of the numerous attempts to get children physically active.
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Markopoulos, Apostolos. "Politics and education : the democratization of the Greek education system." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1986. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020165/.
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This thesis is a study of the developLent of tne Greek educational system, from the foundation of the modern Greek State in 1828 to 1981. In that period, Greece underwent a series of changes in political organisation. Greece was a monarchy, a republic, a democracy and a dictatorship, was occupied by foreign powers and suffered a civil war. These political changes were of great significance for the educational system of Greece, and the development of education in each period must be seen as closely related to the peculiar political situation in each period. The thesis traces the increasing polarisation of educational politics in Greece which was linked to the violent shifts in political power in the country as a whole. It gives detail of the debates on education which centred on the question of which form of the Greek language to use as the medium of instruction in schools, and the structure and method of selection for the secondary cycle of education. However, the history of Greek education also illustrates the failure to implement important reforms. While education has been an important issue in Greek politics, exercising both politicians and the general public, many areas, especially rural areas, have remained without adequate educational provision, insufficient resources have been provided for education, and illiteracy rates have remained disturbingly high. This thesis also reveals an increasing convergence on the part of politicians from different parts oi the political spectrum with regard to educational policy. Despite the vigorous debates, the areas about which there now exis s , conoensus are considerable. The only conclusion which can be drawn from this is that if education were removed from some of the political pressures to which it has been subject in the past, and if adequate resources were to be made available, substantial improvements could be made in educational provision on the basis of broad agreement. Since education and political development are closely linked, this is also a possible way of securing the future of democratic Greece.
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Azar, Dufrechou Paola. "Public education spending: efficiency, productivity and politics." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457195.
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Existe un amplio consenso, tanto entre académicos como entre decisores políticos, sobre el cúmulo de beneficios derivados de la educación. Mejorar el nivel educativo de la población se ha identificado como un factor clave para el crecimiento económico y el desarrollo; pero también para el avance de la democracia, la movilidad social y la realización individual. La potencia de estas ventajas suele ser recogida en los discursos políticos, que consideran el progreso educativo un objetivo esencial para el desarrollo. Sin embargo, la amplitud de este consenso parece tornarse más difuso a la hora de asignar recursos públicos. Entonces, objetivos macroeconómicos y técnicos, presiones de las elites sociales o intereses políticos de los partidos gobernantes terminan configurando las opciones de política.
Esta tesis analiza el gasto público en educación y sus resultados. Adopta una doble perspectiva: considera grupos de países y su dinámica en el tiempo. Sus tres capítulos exploran diferentes aspectos del tema y buscan respuestas a preguntas como las siguientes: ¿cómo y por qué los recursos públicos se traducen en resultados educativos valiosos? ¿Por qué algunos países obtienen mayores beneficios del gasto en educación que otros? ¿Qué motivación impulsa a los políticos a dar prioridad al gasto en educación?
El primer estudio aborda la eficiencia del gasto en educación: provee evidencia sobre su evolución y posibles determinantes. Sostiene que en entornos de baja inversión pública, el mero aumento de la eficiencia del gasto en educación no resulta suficiente para mejorar los resultados. En el segundo capítulo se evalúa el impacto de la educación terciaria sobre la productividad. El trabajo muestra que los retornos sociales de este nivel educativo están condicionados por el monto de recursos que concentra a expensas de los niveles masivos de educación y por la proporción de estudiantes matriculados en áreas de conocimiento vinculadas a las matemáticas, física y ciencias de la vida. Por último, en el tercer capítulo se realiza un análisis de historia económica. Se investiga en qué medida la decisión sobre el monto de recursos fiscales destinados a la expansión de la educación primaria en Uruguay ha estado marcada por intereses y tácticas políticas. La conclusión apunta a que, efectivamente, al distribuir fondos para la educación primaria en el territorio, los partidos de gobierno han ponderado su fortaleza política en las diferentes regiones.
A través de los diferentes capítulos se ha prestado especial atención al desempeño de países de América Latina (AL). En particular, los dos primeros capítulos examinan las economías de ingreso medio alto de la región en comparación con otros países en desarrollo y desarrollados durante el período 1970-2010. Por su parte, el último capítulo se centra en el caso de Uruguay durante la primera mitad del siglo XX.The numerous benefits arising from education have become a consensual issue among scholars and policy-makers. Education has been recognized as a key factor of economic growth and development; and also of democracy, social mobility and individual fulfillment. The strength of these advantages has reached the political discourses, which have often seen education upgrading as a crucial development goal. However, this widespread agreement becomes hazy when it comes to the decisions about the allocation of public resources. Then, macroeconomic and technical objectives, pressures of social elites or political interests of governing parties seem to end up shaping policy choices. This dissertation examines public education spending and educational outcomes across countries and over time. Its three chapters explore different aspects of the topic and delve into questions like: how (and why) public resources are translated into valued educational outputs? Why do some countries obtain more benefits from education spending than others? What drives policy makers to prioritize education spending? Hence, a first study on the efficiency of public education outlays provides empirical evidence about its evolution and determinant factors. It argues that in low spending settings the mere efficiency increase would not be enough to lead to better educational outcomes. The second chapter performs an evaluation of the productivity impacts of higher education focusing on the structure of education spending among levels and on the skill profile of tertiary students. The analysis shows that the benefits from higher education are conditioned by the range of fiscal resources it captures at the expense of primary schooling and the share of students trained at the fields of mathematics, physics and life sciences. Finally, the last chapter adopts an economic history perspective. It analyses whether the extent of the government fiscal commitment to expand primary education in Uruguay has been explained by the interests of tactically motivated politicians. It concludes that, when distributing basic education funds, the ruling party weighted its political strengths across the country regions. All chapters pay special attention to the performance of Latin American countries (LACs). The first two chapters examine upper-middle LACs in the context of a set of developed and developing economies for the period 1970-2010. In turn, the last chapter focuses on the case of Uruguay during the first half of the 20th century.
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Stubager, Rune. "The education cleavage new politics in Denmark /." Århus : Politica, 2006. http://books.google.com/books?id=bRyOAAAAMAAJ.
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Thexton, Wayne Stuart. "Discourse and the psychological politics of education." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443299.
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Rafferty, Anne Marie. "The politics of nurse education 1860-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240325.
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Andrews, R. W. "Practising autonomy well : character, politics and education." Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.635783.
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This thesis aims to show that a right to be able to practice autonomy well lies at the heart of liberal aspirations for individual flourishing. In the past, autonomy was associated with metaphysical or essentialist conceptions of the self. However, the diversity of contemporary liberal societies has meant that liberals now seek new conceptual resources to underpin their normative theories. This is accomplished here by decontesting a doctrine which recognises that liberal acceptance of the malleability of the elf can generate certain moral aspirations associated with practising autonomy in a liberal society. It then aims to highlight that the normative content of these aspirations can be attractively conceptualised by reviving the currently neglected concept of character. A right to be able to practice autonomy well implies that agents in liberal societies should possess a certain sort of character to do so. A liberal concept of character has two aspects: moral and individual. These two aspects together provide normative content and criteria for a liberal character-ethics which can be promoted by the liberal state (and civil society) to enable agents in liberal societies to practice autonomy well. And the philosophical presuppositions of promoting this liberal character-ethics can be helpfully understood in quasi-Foucauldian terms as the inculcation of specifically liberal ‘technologies of the self’. The final chapter uses the liberal doctrine defended throughout the thesis to examine the normative cogency of the programme of political education currently being implemented in English secondary schools. The thesis then concludes by highlighting that liberal aspirations for character, politics and education must be confidently explicated if they are to shape the processes of ‘governmentality’ in liberal democracies.
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Christodoulou, Eleni. "The politics of peace education in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6030/.
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The focus of this thesis is \(resistance\) \(to\) \(peace\) \(education\) in the conflict-ridden island of Cyprus. Departing from the premise that education, and in particular antagonistic historical narratives immersed in demonised articulations of the Other, have obstructed the transformation of the conflict, I attempt to uncover what is crippling constructive dialogue and critical thinking when it comes to peace education in the Greek-Cypriot community and bring forward ways to improve this. In particular, I analyse negative hegemonic discourses over potential changes to history textbooks that not only distort the objectives of peace education, but also exacerbate existing fears and insecurities. These nationalist discourses present changes associated with peace education as a betrayal and threat to the nationalist struggle, a process I argue constitutes the \(securitization\) of peace education. Through the ‘politics of peace education’ framework, I show how within a particular community, institutions and discourses both constitute and are constitutive of, asymmetric power relationships that act as impediments to peace education. I expose and interrogate the conditions of possibility that ensure resistance to peace education is not only reproduced, but is also successful through the exercise of asymmetrical power relations.
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Osborne, Teresa Squires. "Politics and Education: The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2038.
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The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade of 1980, carried out in the aftermath,of a long and destructive revolution, was able, in five months time, to decrease the nation's illiteracy rate from 50 percent to 13 percent. The newly fonned Nicaraguan government, recognizing the political nature of education, viewed its Literacy Crusade as a major step· in the development of a "new", post-revolutionary Nicaragua.
As a means of comparison, two other literacy campaigns are also examined: the Cuban campaign of 1961, and the UNESCO-sponsored Experimental World Literacy Programme, in place from 1965-1973.
The Cuban campaign served as a precursor to the Nicaraguan effort. It, too, occurred after a revolution, with education also,viewed as a key to the consolidation of a new 2 government. Likewise, the effort in Cuba depended upon an intense and massive effort by the public, to participate as students, teachers, or both. In less than one year, the illiteracy rate in Cuba decreased from 26 percent to 4 percent, with 700,000 Cubans achieving minimal literacy. In addition, the campaign was simply the first step in a series of educational changes. Follow-up campaigns, as well as increased emphasis on formal schooling, has continued in Cuba.
The UNESCO effort proved to be much less successful. The EWLP was to include intensive and selective literacy projects in eleven designated nations. The literacy projects were based upon work-oriented definitions of literacy, and were, for the most part, planned and administered by international experts. The lack of involvement by national leaders or educators proved to be a great hinderance, especially since many of the nations were interested in mass literacy programs, not selective literacy projects. At the conclusion of the EWLP, thirty-two million dollars had been spent, but only 120,000 adults had been classified as new literates. UNESCO's own assessment of the EWLP pointed to a number of problems in organization, personnel, methods and materials that contributed to this lack of success.
The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade was able to take the best parts of both of these previous efforts, and achieve some remarkable successes. The mass involvement of the people, and the commitment of time and resources at the national level made the Nicaraguan effort a national priority. While experts from other nations and international agencies participated in the Crusade, it was a decidedly Nicaraguan effort. Unlike the EWLP, the idea of literacy in both Nicaraguan and Cuba was tied to an overall change in the structures and attitudes of society; literacy was to be integrated into the people's lives, not to just be a way to improve job skills. For Nicaragua, the Literacy Crusade decreased the illiteracy rate, created 400,000 new literates, and led to follow-up efforts meant to further develop the educational and social process.
From the comparison of these literacy efforts, three factors stand out as keys to successful increases in literacy in developing nations. Education must first be seen as part of an overall development strategy, created by and for a particular nation. A literacy campaign must also involve a majority of citizens in some way, especially those with no previous access to education. Finally, to enact these goals of overall development and mass participation, a literacy campaign must have support from all levels of government, who must be willing to sacrifice other goals in order to achieve long-term change.
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Stevens, Philip James. "Education culture and politics : the philosophy of education of Raymond Williams." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018669/.
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As far as I have been able to discover Raymond Williams's writing on education has not been the subject of an extensive study. This is surprising since Williams's educational writings, although not presented systematically, represent a considerable contribution to thinking about education in the late twentieth century. Since Williams's death in 1988 several articles have been published dealing with specific areas of this aspect of his work (1), but although useful, these provide only the beginnings of an account of Williams's philosophy of education. Williams has been described as the 'single most masterly, original cultural thinker in Britain of the twentieth century' and his work has invoked comparisons with writers of the stature of Sartre and Habermas (2). Of the thirty or so books, hundreds of articles, and radio and television programmes Williams wrote over forty years, most contained a sustained interest in education. Raymond Williams, as Professor of Drama at the University of Cambridge, was an academic. He was also a literary critic, social and cultural analyst, novelist, playwright, and political activist. Most of all, through the medium of his writings, Williams was a teacher. The task of this thesis will be to reveal a theory of education from this substantial and varied body of writing which crossed the boundaries of 'discrete' discourses and subjects. At the heart of this theory is the claim that education and politics are inextricably linked. In the Introduction I outline the major areas of Williams's thought, link these with the development of his professional life and his influence as a teacher, and discuss the difficulties presented by Williams' notoriously complex writing style. In Chapter 1 I identify and discuss the key concept in Williams's writing in relation to education, i.e., culture. Chapter 2 is concerned to examine Williams's writing on education and to link these with the key concept outlined in Chapter 1. The principal aim of Chapter 3 is to identify the major issues which taken together form the basis of a political theory and a theory of political education in the work of Raymond Williams. Chapter 4 is a key chapter in which I attempt to 'translate' Williams's abstract and complex writing style into amore accessible form, through an analysis of his major themes relating to politics and education, i.e., solidarity, community and ecology. Chapter 5 includes a discussion of two examples of educational programmes decisively influenced by Williams's writing, i.e., Cultural Studies and Urban Studies. As a philosopher of education Williams was a generalist; that is to say, he was concerned, in the tradition of Dewey, with broad educational issues. An example of this approach would be the way in which he attempts to link education with democracy. It is in the spirit of this tradition that the thesis is written.
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Henderson, Anthony R. "The politics of nurse education in education in Australia 1961-1984." Thesis, Henderson, Anthony R. (1988) The politics of nurse education in education in Australia 1961-1984. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 1988. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/46067/.
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This paper examines the political activities of nurses in Australia, within the context of interest group theory and, in particular, the work of Gamson (1968) and Zeigler and Peak (1972). It spans 1961 to 1984 and takes into consideration the dynamics of both the nursing profession and the political systems during that time. The specific issue dealt with is the transfer of nurse education, from traditional hospital based schools of nursing to tertiary institutions. This transition involved the co-ordination of a national campaign by nurses in an attempt to influence policy makers at both state and federal level.
The dissertation is an historical and political analysis which required this writer to study the documents of professional nursing organisations, parliamentary debates and the print media. Interviews were also conducted with some of the key people involved in the transfer. In order to validate the information, and ensure its reliability, multiple methods of triangulation were used.
From 1961 to 1984, nursing organisations progressed through a number of stages before finally emerging in 1977 as a fully-fledged pressure group. Until 1983, they were viewed by those in authority as 'alienated' and consequently were unable to achieve any of their goals satisfactorily. However, nurses correctly perceived the political system generally, as being ambivalent to their demands. Gamson terms such ambivalence "neutrality", and hypothesises that when a pressure group identifies neutrality in a political system, it is highly likely to take action. This proved to be the case with nurses. Although their campaign lasted seven long years, it proved ultimately to be fairly successful. However, as will be demonstrated, an 'authority' will only concede to the demands of a particular pressure group to the extent that a counter group is not disadvantaged.
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Chueh, Ho-chia. "Identity, difference and politics: a poststructuralist investigation." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2019.
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This thesis investigates the ways in which concepts of binary opposition are elaborated in some of the key contemporary theories on difference and identity. This project contributes to the emerging scholarship on the notion of emancipation and empowerment in educational theory. It explores discourses of difference and identity that are engaged with constructions and re-construction of the notions of Self and Other. This thesis develops a systematic analysis of texts with arguments on political performance of representation and agency. The thesis begins with an examination of Hegel's thesis on the relationship between the lord and the bondsman which is implemented in the political discourses of John Rex and Paulo Freire. It continues to examine political theses with emphasis on the relationship between the mind and the body; examinations include theses offered by Robert Miles and Frantz Fanon. This thesis also explores the methodological value of concepts of binary opposition; it explores Claude Lévi-Strauss' theory on cultural differences and examines Iris M. Young and Chantal Mouffe's discourses on the 'politics of difference'. This thesis further explores Jacques Derrida's notions of deconstruction and différence together with analyses and critiques of Homi Bhabha's and Gayatri Spivak's reconstruction of concepts of binary oppositions. This thesis calls for a consideration of Derrida's thoughts on the political as an approach to the understanding difference and identity. I propose a double reading of the texts examined in this thesis: on the one hand, they are genealogical analyses to understand and criticise the ways in which knowledge on (racial and cultural) difference and identity have been constructed. On the other hand, they are given affirmations of political significance with their performative effectiveness that language allows them to achieve.
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Stredder, K. N. M. "The politics of educational racism : A case study of educational policy and politics in Wolverhampton." Thesis, Open University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382917.
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Boosalis, William. "Exporting Oil, Importing Education: The Politics of Education in the Arabian Peninsula." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104707.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyMy thesis will be analyzing the politics of education in the Gulf in order to understand why education performance remains low. The problem extends beyond Islamic culture and rentierism. These are merely factors. The problem of education stems from the government itself in mismanaged bureaucracy and the ruling family that dominates politics. My thesis will be looking closely at Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar. My approach is looking at how the Ministry of Education or other departments responsible for implementing and enforcing education policy and how they function within the state and impact education performance for students. My thesis will cover a number of themes, such as; rentierism, culture (political, traditional, etc.), and other factors that impede education and development. My conclusion is that bureaucratic mismanagement with emphasis on rentier and cultural factors are the cause of generating the mismatch of skills making students ill prepared for the globalized world. The problems of education has differed since the 1960s to the present due to how oil shape politics and development. In addition, rentierism has changed and developed and forcing the Gulf to address more societal needs than previously before. The government is the main cause and will be discussed is how this mismanagement and centralized control over education does not prepare students for the workforce in a technologically advanced world.!
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies
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Poldma, Tiiu Vaikla. "Gender, design and education : the politics of voice." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape8/PQDD_0026/MQ50557.pdf.
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Small, D. "The Politics of Colonial Education in New Caledonia." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Education, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/815.
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This thesis is an examination of the particular role that education has played in the development of colonialism in New Caledonia. The focus is on the role of education in the developing relationship between the colonised people and the colonial power. It will be shown that France's education policies closely paralleled its political objectives in New Caledonia. Similarly, the changing Kanak attitude towards education can be seen to reflect changes in their political aspirations and developments in their anti-colonial struggle.
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Fischel, Astrid. "Politics and education in Costa Rica, 1880-1930." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303066.
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Goodwin, Mark. "Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
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This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
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Puaca, Goran. "Educational choices of the future : a sociological inquiry into micro-politics in education." Doctoral thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen för Pedagogik, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-3656.
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This thesis investigates how students’ practical considerations for future choices in education and occupations correspond to policy objectives of socially productive educational choices. This is conveyed through the primary aim of analyzing the correspondence between on the one hand educational policy intentions and on the other hand students’ educational choices and the social and cultural conditions that structure them. These concerns are addressed with specific aims in four different articles. However, the following research questions have been of central guidance for framing the main issue: (1) How are economic, political and social processes brought together on a policy level for motivating and regulating individuals’ educational choices (Article I)? (2) How do students’ educational choices correspond with policy intentions and the assumptions of rational choice that the latter are founded on (Article I-II)? (3) How are students’ educational choices shaped by wants and identities (Article II-IV)? (4) What is the relationship between students’ want formation and relevant social and cultural conditions (Article II-IV)? The empirical material consisted of interviews and semi-structured questionnaires with young people in secondary education and higher education, and interviews with school staff in secondary education. Empirical inquiries were also conveyed via a semiotic content analysis on recent policy: specifically the Swedish Long-Term Surveys from 2008 and 2011. In comprehensive terms, the rationality of choices from both how choice is practiced and what is desired has been of primary interest. These concerns are addressed by the following emphases in the different investigations. In Article I the form of government that aims to shape actors’ wants and decisions in relation to productive educational choices in the Long-Term Surveys is investigated. The forms of rationality in general, and the suggested implementation of rational choices in particular, are here analyzed through a critical semiotic analysis. The result of the study lifts forward critical distinctions of ontological and epistemological assumptions in how to delineate social and economic claims for the righteousness, reasonableness and necessity of choices. Article II focuses on how students’ wants and choices are formed in a vocational (vehicle maintenance program) and a theoretical (social science program) upper secondary education. By examining students’ want-lists complemented by interviews with students and school staff the study argues that it is important to view wants in an organic totality based on individual and collective experiences. The results show a pragmatic rationality in students’ decision-making, which challenges instrumental rationality in educational choices. This is importantly about how structural support guides students’ decisions over the future under conditions of the radical uncertainty that marks decisions in open social systems. In article III the analysis of vocational and theoretical upper secondary students’ want formations are further developed in relation to their educational environment. Through analysis of interviews with students, teachers, principals and student counselors the article pays particular attention to institutional school effects and school habitus. The results showed that different forms of school habitus in the investigated programs could be empirically attributed to how students form their wants. Article IV investigates identity work via a semi-structured questionnaire and group interviews with students from a Swedish Human Resource program in higher education. What in particular was investigated was how symbolic signification of education and occupations occurred within education. The actual meaning students attributed to education rested importantly on collective sense-making. Indicated in the results is that the meaning of being a student incorporates an awareness of social status and an ability to form relatively autonomous personal projects related to social forces. The result of the thesis points to a lack of correspondence between, on the one hand, political notions of how rational and utility maximizing choices should be made based on effective matching of education and working life and, on the other hand, how young people form their paths into the future in practice through education choices. Students often make their educational choices due to a lack of better alternatives and are often uncertain about where their choices will take them in life. These results show that there is a need for concrete support in schools in order to turn students’ insecurity about the future into useful strategies for educational and occupational paths.Akademisk avhandling för filosofie doktorsexamen i sociologi vid institutionen för sociologi och arbetsvetenskap, Göteborgs universitet, som med tillstånd av samhällsvetenskapliga fakultetsnämnden läggs fram fredagen den 14 juni 2013 kl. 10.15 i sal 10, universitetsbyggnaden, Vasaparken.
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Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.
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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.
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Mugume, Taabo. "Student politics and multiparty politics in Uganda : a case study of Makerere University." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4726.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdminThe study of student politics in Africa has evolved in the last decade from a focus on non-institutionalised student activism and student movements to institutionalised student political participation in institutions of higher education. Thus it followed a development route in which student leadership had to find new ways in which to organise their movements in institutional, national and continental political organisations to influence policy and remain relevant in students’ lives. Since this study focuses on one particular dimension of this change, the study seeks to understand the relationship between student leaders in Makerere University, Kampala, and political parties in Uganda. The specific focus of the study is on highlighting the reasons for establishing and maintaining the relationship; the arrangements necessary for the relationship to exist, and how the relationship impacts on the ability of student leaders to represent students’ interests. Following an analysis of the relevant literature in line with the topic, it was decided that a mixed methods approach would be suitable for the study. Hence in-depth interviews were conducted with student leaders and leaders of national political parties and an online survey targeting all undergraduate students at Makerere University was done (as part of a larger study). Theoretically, the study adopted a framework originally proposed by Schmitter and Streeck (1999), and adapted it to study the relationship between student leaders and political parties, drawing also on the insights of studies that had previously used adaptations of the same framework to study student leadership in other contexts. The study found a continuing historical relationship between student leaders of Makerere University and political parties in Uganda. It found that a significant number of students are members of a political party, whereby student leaders are most likely not only to be ordinary party members, but party leaders. Political parties use the student guild elections to recruit new members. As part of being members of a political party, student leaders tend to be more influential in weak political parties, in contrast to a ruling party which is more influential in student politics given its ability to provide access to government resources. Moreover, the relationship is such that student leaders from Makerere University are most likely to end up in powerful political positions in the country (e.g. Byaruhanga, 2006; Mugume and Katusiimeh, 2014); this situation corresponds to the reasons that student leaders give for establishing relationships with political parties in the first place, as most student leaders have future political ambitions. The most influential organisations in student politics appear to be political parties, followed by cultural groups on campus. The study also highlights weaknesses in formal institutional governance structures given that student leaders believe their problems are better addressed in personal networks with members of university management staff than through the committee system. The relationship between student leaders and political parties generally leads to positive developments such as student leadership training in democratic politics; consequently they are even able to satisfy their personal interests in the process. It is further argued that students who are not in leadership positions mostly gain indirectly from the benefits that student leaders may derive from their relationship with political parties. For example, student leaders may govern their organisation better. However the evidence also strongly shows that such indirect gains are highly compromised in cases where student leaders have future political ambitions, as they may sacrifice the students’ interests in order to maintain their good reputation in the party. Since most student leaders aspire to be politicians in future, the study concludes by acknowledging that the relationship between student leaders and political parties has some positive consequences to students not involved in leadership, but they are outweighed by negative consequences. Hence it is argued in the conclusion that, taking into account the scope of this study, the relationship is largely a distraction to the student leaders rather than assisting them in enhancing their ability to represent students’ concerns.
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McSorley, James (James Joseph) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Alberta's Metis and educational reform: the politics of empowering minority students through mainstream education." Ottawa, 1995.
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Faiz, Jalal. "Politics of education, conflict and conflict resolution in Balochistan, Pakistan." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2015. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9v617/politics-of-education-conflict-and-conflict-resolution-in-balochistan-pakistan.
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Balochistan is one of the federating units (provinces) of Pakistan; it constitutes 44 % of Pakistan’s total territory and has been in a state of confrontation with the state since 1948. This is because the majority of the Baloch consider that the Pakistani state annexed their land forcibly, against the will and desire of the people. The Baloch nationalists have never accepted this annexation, and as a result the state has been facing serious crises precipitated by various factors. Ever since Pakistan’s annexation of Balochistan, there has been an on-going conflict between the Baloch (i.e., the Baloch people) and the state of Pakistan. The fact is that the conflict in Balochistan is multidimensional, including political, social and economic factors, the avarice of the Pakistani state and the grievances of the Baloch people. In order to aid an understanding of the various backgrounds to the conflict, this thesis contributes to debates on the politics of education and conflict in Pakistan’s Balochistan. I have used statistics and analysed data gathered during my fieldwork in Balochistan and Pakistan to investigate the politics of education and examine various policy frameworks, rationales and perspectives on the role of education. In order to do so, this study adopts a qualitative method and employs multiple data sources: documentary data, semi-structured interviews with twenty-eight stakeholders (in the province and country), visual data, and observations. Drawing on functionalist and conflict perspectives on the role of education, this thesis examines whether education in Balochistan is designed to empower the people or is simply used as a tool to control them. I have found that the state is not willing to educate the Baloch people; rather, it wishes to control them. There are two ways in which education in Balochistan is being used to serve the purpose of control. Firstly, the state of education in terms of its type, quality, quantity and infrastructure is considered by the majority of Baloch to be a failure of government’s strategic policy. For instance, education in Balochistan has lagged behind in various areas of government policy and decision-making. Major problems in Balochistan’s educational system include a deeply inadequate supply of textbooks, insufficient monitoring of schools, shortages of teachers and schools for both boys and girls, and insufficient funding. Secondly, many Baloch decry Pakistan’s unjust efforts to impose its culture, language and radical religious ideologies on the Baloch people. Indeed, the politics of (mis)representation of the Baloch and their history, culture and language are implemented through the state’s official textbooks. Education in Balochistan, particularly in government-run schools, is highly biased against the Baloch culture, history and social set-up, and it is thus a contributory factor in the generation of retaliatory behaviour among Baloch students. Formal education in Balochistan is structured in ways that indoctrinate children with a different language, culture and history. To many scholars, controlling education negates Baloch national aspirations and thus contributes to the conflict in Balochistan.
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Hose, Linda J. "The pedagogy and politics of online education in anthropology." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002180.
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Chilcott, P. J. "British politics and the elementary education question, 1850-70." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314957.
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Atkinson, Elizabeth Ann. "Troubling certainty : education, postmodernism and the politics of possibility." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246983.
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Parker, David Hugh. "Elementary education, society and politics in Hertfordshire 1918-1939." Thesis, Open University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335574.
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de, Mattos Pedro Lincoln C. L. "The politics of education funding in Brazil, 1964-1984." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1988. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2580/.
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This thesis lies in the field of public policy and its purpose is to interpret the decision-making process of education funding by the Brazilian federal government during the period 1964-84. The descriptive approach is meant to leave room for original information on a recent aspect of the educational issue in Brazil. THE MAIN ARGUMENT. As from the mid-fifties the impetus of the country's industrial economy raised the standard of development as the leit motiv of policy-making. Traditional, liberal views of public responsibilities in education services on the grounds of humanistic and democratic values were increasingly replaced by considerations of education as an investment for economic development. The economic approach to education was to be central to the decisions on finance allocation to education and implied a preliminary attention to the rationalization of education administration. The 1964 authoritarian regime implemented this policy by concentrating the decision-making process in the bureaucracy, since the nature of education funding was seen as a technical matter. THE CONTENTS. The thesis scans some aspects of the federal bureaucracy's historical background on which the policy stepped (and eventually stumbled) and the origins of policies on education funding. Two crucial elements of the decision-making process are then investigated: the stance of the military towards education and the reflexion of the expansion and crisis of the Brazilian economy on the provision of tax finance to education. At its height, the research goes into several vital decisions for the education funding to find out how they were actually made and on which reasons they were based, whether giving or denying education a special budgetary treatment. Finally, a look at the poor results of planning and rationalization in relevant points of the policies unveils the importance of some cultural and social components of the organizations involved. THE CONCLUSIONS. The thesis concludes that, as far as Brazilian experience suggests, the economic Justification for funding education and rationalizing its spending is fragile and of little effect, since the allocation of public resources proves to be a political not a technical process. The cause loses rather than gains as the decisions are entrusted to economic bodies.
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Walsh, Andrew Michael. "The politics and philosophy of an education in virtue." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/79968/.
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This thesis addresses issues in philosophy, politics and education. Its starting point is a review of some of the theoretical and practical approaches to the moral education of children that have achieved popularity in the last three or four decades of the twentieth century. Despite areas of evident divergence amongst these approaches, it is argued that they nonetheless share similar philosophical underpinnings. Building upon some initial criticisms of these positions, the thesis subsequently explores some of the more recent philosophical challenges they have faced. From this basis, a broadly Aristotelian model of moral thought and practice is discussed and advocated across two chapters. This account pays particular attention to the role of the affective domain and the 'education of the emotions'. In the second half of the thesis, the focus moves towards the political suitability of this preferred conception of the nature of morality and moral education. It is argued that the essential interdependence of moral development and the moral character of political society - such a central part of Aristotle's account - is ill-appreciated by much popular and academic comment of recent times. By means of a discussion of the distinction between skills and virtues, techne and arete, the possible consequences of a full appreciation of this interdependence are debated. The remaining two chapters address two ways of answering the question which arises: "Can we have a true education of the virtues in the political context of contemporary pluralist societies?" In the first of these chapters, the thought of Alasdair MacIntyre is considered as an exemplar of the negative response to this question. In the second, some contemporary examples of liberal political thought are interrogated in the hope of discovering a positive response. It is concluded that the so-called 'liberal perfectionism' of Joseph Raz provides us with some reason to think that such a response may be both legitimate and attractive.
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Kavanagh, Matthew Ryan. "British communism and the politics of education, 1926-1968." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-communism-and-the-politics-of-education-19261968(57ed121a-09a9-4349-97c0-ad8612a6f153).html.
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This thesis provides an analysis of British communist attitudes to education in English schools between 1926 and 1968. Although the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in many ways remained a marginal force in British politics throughout its life (1920-1991), historians have acknowledged that it made a contribution to cultural and industrial politics in Britain which far exceeded its membership figures and electoral success. Surprisingly, given that the Party produced several teacher trade union presidents and Britain’s foremost post-war educationalist, scholars have largely overlooked British communism’s role in the politics of education in schools – a field which straddles both areas in which the Party is widely regarded to have punched above its weight. Researchers into the Party’s internal life have also paid little attention to its schoolteachers’ group, despite the fact that it was one of the CPGB’s largest occupational groups, and the fact that leading communist teachers and educationalists also took up prominent positions inside the Party. Although some existing work has discussed CPGB attitudes to the education of children during the 1920s, 1940s and 1950s, to date there has been no PhD-length study which covers the period between 1926 and 1968 and has British communism and the politics of education as its sole focus. This study fills this gap by identifying individuals and institutions central to CPGB discussions and policy-making on education in schools, namely the leading figures in and around the Party schoolteachers’ group, and exploring how they anticipated, reflected or resisted the wider Party line in their work throughout several pivotal shifts in the CPGB’s position. Drawing upon source material unused by or unavailable to previous researchers, the thesis complicates existing arguments about the extent to which Party teachers and educationalists subordinated questions of educational content, method and theory to trade union work between 1926 and 1968. Furthermore the study also contextualises and illuminates the notable communist contribution to broader educational politics on the Left in Britain, particularly during World War Two and in the campaign for comprehensive education in the two decades which followed.
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Rose, G. M. "Education and older learners : politics and experience, 1997-2010." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2017. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1572336/.
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This PhD analyses adult education policy motives, priorities and developments as they affected those in their third age during New Labour’s years in power, 1997-2010. This purpose is achieved by understanding the lifestyles, interests and preferences of this group in terms of employment, leisure and learning, as set within the socio-economic context of a period that included changing trends in demography, increasing longevity among individuals, and the reconfiguration of retirement as a phase of life. Through an examination of policy documents and fieldwork the study also explores the ‘meanings’ that government priorities for active engagement in the third age engender, as well as interpreting the role of leisure, volunteering and formal learning in achieving these ‘meanings.’ New Labour’s policies are placed in context in the light of the history of the ‘Great Tradition’ in adult education which, from early on, built upon a range of influences, including idealism, Christian Socialism, and Quakerism. In the light of this history, the success or failure of New Labour’s adult education policies in meeting the objectives of a socially inclusive and valued society, where lifelong participation exists that supports and facilitates both liberal and vocational adult education, are assessed. The conclusion is drawn that many of those in their third age lead varied lifestyles and enjoy their free time, despite considerable demands made upon them by family, neighbours and the wider community. Most recognise the importance of health maintenance, and, reflecting the need for physical enhancement, many in their third age are willing to continue in employment where essential. Militating against such categorical expectations, however, is the wish of many that retirement should bring with it, the opportunity for freedom and choice. In the case of adult learning, from this research a conclusion is drawn that third age participation is sometimes continuous and inclusive, and, on occasion, recognises the need to preserve cognitive agility. Whilst many older people are not entirely averse to engaging in formal methods of learning, this PhD indicated how many were opposed to the way that New Labour’s policy priorities precluded public funding for all but vocational studies. Others were reticent about the need to sit examinations, preferring instead that adult education should provide the opportunity to indulge in liberal and recreational learning that challenges accepted norms and interpretations, enhances newly developing enthusiasms, and/or rekindles previously latent hobbies and interests.
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Thurman, Scott. "Standing Up to Experts: The Politics of Public Education." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc67944/.
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In a small room in Austin, Texas, a group of 15 people are single-handedly deciding what is taught to the next generation of American children. The highly politicized 15 member Texas Board of Education is currently going through the once-in-a-decade process of rewriting the teaching and textbook standards for its nearly 5 million schoolchildren. Texas is also unbelievably influential on the standards that textbook publishers use as a basis for their textbooks nationwide. Over the last 10 years, the textbooks adopted by this board found their way in upwards of 65% of American classrooms. My goal is to shed light on this important issue and the key players in this process - I explain their goals, explore the scope of their influence, and delve into the personal motivations behind their actions, which will affect public education throughout the country.
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Andrews, Rhys William. "Perfectionist liberalism and living well : character, politics and education." Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42948.
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This thesis aims to show that a liberal character-ethics lies at the heart of perfectionist liberal aspirations for individual flourishing. In the past, liberal conceptions of the good life were tied to metaphysical conceptions of the self. However, the diversity of contemporary liberal societies leads liberals to seek new conceptual resources to underpin their normative theories. This thesis decontests a perfectionist liberal doctrine which highlights liberal ethical ideals associated with a malleable conception of the self can be most attractively conceptualised by reviving the currently neglected concept of character. For agents in liberal societies to live well they should possess a certain sort of character. The liberal concept of character defended here has two aspects: moral and individual. These two aspects together provide normative content and criteria for a liberal character-ethics which can be promoted by the liberal state (and throughout civil society). In particular, a liberal doctrine based on the dual concept of character can guide an education for significant autonomy that nurtures the ability of children to live well in later life. Such an education would pay especially close attention to encouraging virtues associated with responsible political engagement, as these are fundamental to significant autonomy in a liberal democracy. The philosophical presuppositions of promoting liberal virtues can then be edifyingly viewed at a meta-theoretical level in quasi-Foucauldian terms as the inculcation of 'technologies of the self'. The final chapter uses the perfectionist liberal doctrine defended in Chapters Four and Five to assess the normative cogency of political education in English secondary schools, reflecting on the current politics and philosophy of education and citizenship in the UK. The thesis then concludes by highlighting that liberal aspirations for character, politics and education must be openly and confidently explicated if they are to shape the processes of 'govemmentality' in liberal democracies.
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Kwok, Ka-ho, and 郭家豪. "Politics, social change and education reform in Taiwan, 1994-2008." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45455831.
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Hill, Katherine. "Educational Pluralism: Charter Schools as Laboratories for Education Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1956.
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This thesis explores educational pluralism in the context of the American public school system and analyzes the charter school movement as a mechanism for education reform. Because charter schools have only existed for 26 years, scholars have yet to understand the effect that they have on our public school system, as well as how they compare with traditional public schools. Rather than trying to determine whether charter schools are better than traditional public schools, I introduce the philosophy behind educational pluralism, examine the evolution of the charter school movement, and analyze states as laboratories for testing new educational practices through charter schools.
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Carneiro, Thiago Lopes. "Engaging politics : political participation in Brazil and Sweden, predicted by stereotypes about parliamentarians, political education and behavioral contagion." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/2015.03.T.18595.
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Tese (doutorado)—Univerdidade de Brasília, Institute of Psychology, Graduate Program in Social, Work and Organizational Psychology, 2015.Submitted by Andrielle Gomes (andriellemacedo@bce.unb.br) on 2015-07-07T18:30:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_ThiagoLopesCarneiro.pdf: 14471429 bytes, checksum: b51b530606bbab2319d5e49ffa82b38d (MD5)
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi comparar a influência de Estereótipos sobre os Parlamentares, Educação Política e Contágio Comportamental sobre a Participação Política entre Brasil e Suécia, para construir um modelo teórico-explicativo e oferecer evidências de validade. A tipologia de Ekman e Amnå (2012) embasou o uso de um conceito abrangente de Participação Política, que varia da não participação, passando pela atenção (stand by) até a participação manifesta. Estereótipos sobre parlamentares foram definidos em duas esferas: Informação Crítica a que os eleitores prestam atenção e Predição de Comportamento, i.e., como os eleitores pensam que os parlamentares se comportam. Educação Política se refere ao quanto cada esfera da vida de uma pessoa contribui para sua aprendizagem política. Itens de Contágio Comportamental aferiam a influência do participante sobre outros e a influência exercida por outros sobre ele/ela. O questionário foi elaborado através do Painel Délfico, conduzido simultaneamente com especialistas brasileiros e suecos, tendo o inglês como língua comum. O questionário resultante foi retro-traduzido para o Português Brasileiro e Sueco. Estas duas versões foram administradas aos participantes, via internet. Participaram 984 brasileiros, 37,4% do sexo feminino e com idade média de 43,95 anos (DP 15,64). Suecos totalizaram 879, sendo 46,5% mulheres e a idade média foi de 49,57 anos (DP 16,64). Análises Fatoriais Exploratórias e Confirmatórias foram realizadas. Médias das respostas de participantes brasileiros e suecos foram comparadas através de teste-t. Empregou-se a Modelagem de Equações Estruturais (MEE), precedida de regressão múltipla exploratória, a fim de determinar como as variáveis independentes (exógenas) poderiam predizer a Participação Política. Discutiram-se as implicações metodológicas. As equivalências de Estrutura Fatorial e Métrica foram alcançadas, entre Brasil e Suécia, para Participação Política, Estereótipos sobre Parlamentares e Contágio Comportamental. Os fatores de Educação Política não se mostraram consistentes, portanto seus itens foram considerados separadamente. Os testes-t indicaram que os brasileiros se envolvem em ação política mais frequentemente do que os suecos. Quanto aos Estereótipos, suecos percebem a Qualidade da Representação de seus parlamentares mais positivamente do que os brasileiros; a Corrupção, por outro lado, foi percebida como maior no Brasil. Suecos prestam mais atenção a informações críticas relacionadas a Partidos e Tendências de Representação dos parlamentares, enquanto os brasileiros se preocupam mais com Informações Pessoais do que os suecos. Os modelos de previsão SEM evidenciaram que, embora a corrupção seja uma preocupação primária para os brasileiros, ela não ajuda a prever Participação Política no Brasil, mas sim na Suécia. Embora suecos prestem mais atenção às diferenças entre Partidos e às Tendências de Representação, estes fatores tiveram maior importância para prever Participação Institucional no Brasil. Conclui-se que aquilo que é senso comum (como a corrupção no Brasil e diferenças entre partidos na Suécia) não ajuda a distinguir as pessoas que participam daquelas que não o fazem. Itens de Educação Política tiveram efeito muito pequeno. Contágio Comportamental desempenhou um papel central, a ponto de embaçar a fronteira entre ação política individual e coletiva. O engagamento político está, enfim, fortemente ligado ao envolvimento em uma rede politicamente ativa.
The general objective of this research was to compare the influence of Stereotypes about Parliamentarians, Political Education and Behavioral Contagion on Political Participation between two countries (Brazil and Sweden) to build and offer evidence of validity for a theoretical-explanatory model. Ekman and Amnå’s (2012) typology was the base for a comprehensive concept of Political Participation, as it ranges from nonparticipation, through attention (stand by) and manifest participation. Stereotypes about Parliamentarians were defined in two spheres: Critical Information to which voters pay attention and Behavior Prediction, i.e., how voters expect parliamentarians to behave. Political Education intended to assess how each sphere of a person’s life contributes to his/her political learning. Behavioral Contagion assessed the influence the participant exerted on others and how much other people influenced him/her. The questionnaire was elaborated via Delphic Panel, ran simultaneously with Brazilian and Swedish experts, using English as a common language. The resulting questionnaire was backtranslated to Brazilian Portuguese and to Swedish. These two versions were administered to participants through electronic formularies, distributed via internet. Participants from Brazil numbered 984, 37.4% women and the mean age was 43.95 (S.D. 15.64) years. Swedes numbered 879, 46.5% women and the mean age was 49.57 (S.D. 16.64) years. Exploratory and Confirmatory Analyses were performed, in order to determine Factor Structures and to evaluate their equivalence between the two countries. Means from the Brazilian and Swedish participants were compared through t-test. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), preceeded by exploratory Stepwise Multiple Regression, mas performed in order to stablish how the independent (exogenous) variables predicted Political Participation. Methodological implications are discussed. Factor Structure and Metric equivalences were met for Brazil and Sweden, for Political Participation, Stereotypes about Parliamentarians and Behavioral Contagion. Political Education factors were not consistent, so its items entered the prediction models as standalones. T-tests indicated that Brazilians engage political action more often than Swedes. Regarding Stereotypes, Swedes perceive the Quality of Representation of their parliamentarians as better than Brazilians evaluate theirs; Corruption, on the other hand, was perceived as higher in Brazil. Swedes pay more attention to Critical Information related to the Parties and Representation Trends of parliamentarians, while Brazilians worry more about Personal Information than Swedes. The SEM prediction models evidenced that, though Corruption was a major issue to Brazilians, it did not help predict Political Participation in Brazil, but it did in Sweden. Though Swedes pay more attention informations about Parties and Representation Trends, these had greater importance to predict Institutional Participation in Brazil. It is concluded that commonsense information (such as Corruption in Brazil and Party differences in Sweden) does not help to tell the difference between those people who participate and those who do not. Political Education items had disappointingly low effect. Behavioral Contagion played a pivotal role on explaining Political Participation. “Being influenced” and “influencing others” was so importantly related to Political Participation that it is considered that the boundaries of individual and collective action are blurred. Engaging politics is, at last, strongly intertwined to being a part of a politically active network.
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Shenkar, Miriam. "The Politics of Normalization: Israel Studies in the Academy." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1266866696.
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McKoski, Nancy Lacy. "Preconditions for the politics of rhetoric in composition." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1287412498.
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Ghosh, Sanjukta T. "Celluloid nationalism : cultural politics in popular Indian cinema /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759914758891.
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Smith, Lesley. "The politics of preparation for parenthood." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1990. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018493/.
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The focus of this study is preparation for parenthood in U.K. secondary schools in the decade of the 1970s. During this period it was suggested that cycles of deprivation are set up by inadequacies in parenting, resulting in a range of social problems, and preparation for parenthood was supported as a means of breaking this cycle. The study explores relevant educational policy in the U.K. between the second world war, and the end of the 1970s, and the views of teachers and pupils involved in preparation for parenthood. Methods have involved semi-structured interviews, reviews of literature and policy, and discourse analysis. The theoretical perspective used is a feminist one. A number of questions are considered, including why preparation for parenthood became popular in the 1970s; why the call for this curriculum is sustained even though girls express knowledge and commitment in relation to future parental responsibilities; and what is the likely influence on the adult lives of girls of involvement with this aspect of schooling. In'addition there is a consideration of gender divisions, how these relate to preparation for parenthood, and also how the personal views of teachers might influence this aspect of their work. The role of the state, and of educational policy, is explored and the possibility is raised that the preparation for parenthood curriculum might contribute to the creation or maintenance of the deprivation that it sets out to oppose.
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Wehde, Wesley, Alisa Fryar, Brenda Nichols, and Shannon Tanner. "Hurricanes in Higher Education: The Effects of Natural Disasters on Student Success." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/7860.
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Ross, David John. "Effect of Political Skill on Perception of Organizational Politics and Work Withdrawal among Community College Employees." Thesis, Walden University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3643215.
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Community college student support services are an important aspect of success among community college students. Theoretical and empirical models of organizational politics and withdrawal guided the expectation that community college employees who perceive their organizations as political may withdrawal from their organization, diminishing the services delivered to students at the institution. A multisite cross-sectional survey design was utilized to gather quantitative data via Survey Monkey from national professional organizations. Two-hundred seventeen usable surveys from community college administrators (executive, mid-level managers, and administrators) were gathered. Data were analyzed via correlation and regression models to examine if political skill reduced or moderated the relationship between perception of organizational politics and work withdrawal behaviors. Employee political skill was a partial antidote, reducing the effect of organizational politics on withdrawal behaviors, but there was not a significant interaction moderating effect. Recommendations include political skill training for community college administrators as part of their professional development program, as well as including graduate education components and new employee orientation programs. Such training could lead to positive social change in community college settings by increasing levels of service and job satisfaction and reducing attrition among community college administrators, leading to higher levels of community college student satisfaction and graduation rates.
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Alat, Zeynep. "Politics of gender and sexuality in teachers' lives." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3186944.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Curriculum and Instruction, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-12, Section: A, page: 4279. Adviser: Ellen Brantlinger. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 11, 2006).
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Ouwerkerk, Lauren Elizabeth. "EXPERIENCES OF THE MILLENNIAL GENERATION WITH POLITICS & POWER IN HIGHER EDUCATION." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1463997257.
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Dar, Luciana Nogueira. "The politics of higher education spending in the American states." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1998518551&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Tan, Michelle. "The politics of the decentralisation of basic education in Thailand." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484901.
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The political and social reform project in Thailand of the 1990s included an attempt to reform the basic education system, which in tum integrated decentralisation as one of the major reform components. This thesis explores the politics of policy implementation through the lens of decentralisation and is also thus a case study of contemporary Thai bureaucracy. It argues that the design and implementation of the reform efforts codified into the 1997 Constitution and its by-products, the 1999 National Education and 1999 Decentralisation Acts, were distorted by existing rival patronage networks. The core chapters of the thesis present detail on the processes. and outcomes of the Ministry of Education's educational service areas, the legal basis for the transfer of education provision to local administrative organisations, and teachers' politics and the anti-transfer movement. It also presents a case study of Roi-Et Province. In both the Ministry of Education's 'internal' deconcentration and 'external' decentralisation to local bodies, iron triangles involving critical national-local vote bases-permanent bureaucrats, elected politicians, and 'grassroots' vote canvassers-influenced both policy design and implementation. This study thus explores centre-local relations in terms of their legal or administrative, fiscal, and factional political dimensions. Ye~-long field research for this thesis was conducted at the national and local levels, covering not only central ministry-level politics in Bangkok but sele~ted provinces in Thailand's four major regions. In the highly centralised bureaucratic context of the Thai case, institutions (master laws) are employed as legitimising tools. From these distorted aims flow another set of distortions in policy implementation. This study thus questions the legitimacy, efficacy, and democratising potential of the 'private state' of Thailand, suggesting that formidable obstacles to decentralisation persist
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Fry, Rieko. "Japanese children abroad : politics of education for Kaigaishijo and Kikokushijo." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2006. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020514/.
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Smith, Robert. "Schools, politics and society : elementary education in Wales, 1870-1902 /." Cardiff : University of Wales press, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37115068j.
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Clark, Anna. "Teaching the nation : politics and pedagogy in Australian history /." Connect to thesis, 2004. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000860.
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