Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and culture'

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1

Freeman, Joanne B. "The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (April 2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.

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In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social historians have retained a lingering antipathy toward political history as a looming presence—an elite-driven, chronologically organized, “imperalist” narrative that threatens to subsume scholarship once again. Some political historians, in turn, feel besieged by social history and its seeming focus on minority and underprivileged populations to the exclusion of much else. Both of these emotionalized outlooks rest on distorted and exaggerated assumptions. But for many political historians, the end result is a current of nervous tension about the place of their field in the larger scheme of historical scholarship.
2

Gates, Henry Louis, W. Lawrence Hogue, and Michael Thelwell. "The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture." Callaloo 14, no. 3 (1991): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931497.

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3

Belous, Vladimir. "Political Culture or the Culture of Politics? Polemical notes on a trivial topic." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.201.

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The author’s idea of revising the dictionary of modern Russian political science is a reaction to the mismatch of international and domestic discursive practices. The article deals with a critical attitude to “political culture”. This concept was introduced into circulation by scientists at that moment when political theory was in the stage of formation. The problem is that a concept designed to reflect the objective nature of politics is unambiguously related to the nature of culture. Meanwhile, culture and politics are the universal forms of human activity, each of which has its own specificity. Accordingly, the areas of social science also differ. To determine the specifics of political knowledge, the author suggests answering simple questions. What exactly does a political scientist measure: culture by politics or politics by culture; a political element in culture or the cultural (conscious, value, semantic) content of politics? Since the answers reflecting the subject priority of politics for a specialist in this field of knowledge are obvious, it is proposed to use the concepts of “culture of politics”, “cultural dimension of politics” and “cultural-political” instead of the concept of “political culture”. These expressions neutralize the formalism of the problem of “primary” and “secondary” in relations between culture and politics, politics and culture. From the perspective of the practical realities of Russian politics, the article examines such topical cultural and political aspects of modernity as the crisis of culture, the image of the future, the problem of distinguishing between transcendental and immanent political ideals. According to the author, a common theme for the modern domestic culture of politics should be an orientation towards a citizen as an immanent goal of the development of Russian statehood.
4

Olasky, Marvin. "Culture or Politics?" Chesterton Review 23, no. 3 (1997): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton199723369.

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5

Martin, Bill. "Politics and Culture." Radical Philosophy Review of Books 2, no. 2 (1990): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrevbooks1990219.

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6

Kofman, Myron. "Culture or politics." Modern & Contemporary France 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489308456133.

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7

Çetinkaya, Yalcin. "Politics or culture." Index on Censorship 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535858.

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8

Nwafor, Okechukwu. "Culture, Corruption, Politics." Critical Interventions 4, no. 2 (January 2010): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2010.10781391.

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9

Fulbright, Harriet Mayor. "Culture and Politics." Higher Education in Europe 24, no. 2 (January 1999): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0379772990240209.

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10

G.M.D. "Culture and Politics." Americas 43, no. 2 (October 1986): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500052767.

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11

Berland, Jody. "Politics after Nationalism, Culture after "Culture"." Canadian Review of American Studies 27, no. 3 (January 1, 1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-027-03-03.

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12

Berland, Jody. "Politics after Nationalism, Culture after ‘Culture’." Canadian Review of American Studies 27, no. 3 (January 1997): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.1997.27.3.35.

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13

Grant, Robert. "High Culture, Low Politics." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (March 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009371.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.So-called ‘high’ politics are often (and better) called statesmanship, and are typically, though not invariably, international in scope. By the ‘low’ politics of my title I mean, not democracy specifically, but what politicians engage in at the domestic level, where popularity matters most. Democratic or not, most politics are perforce pretty low, and are justified only because they are preferable to despotism, which in its pure form signifies the absence of politics. Yet most real-life despotisms concede something to the political spirit, since they profit from their subjects' consent, endeavour to cultivate it, and are foolish if they think to dispense with it entirely. In politics proper, however, consent (like consensus) must be sought; in fact, wherever avowed and conflicting interests prefer to resolve matters through negotiation and agreement rather than through force, there we have something like politics. The conditions for consent will usually be ascertained through representative institutions. Their business is to transmit public opinion to the rulers, if those are separate from the representatives, or to act on it, where the representatives are themselves the rulers.
14

Schiller, Nina Glick. "Cultural politics and the politics of culture." Identities 4, no. 1 (August 1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1997.9962580.

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15

Ahmad, Aijaz. "The Politics of Culture." Social Scientist 27, no. 9/10 (September 1999): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518104.

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16

Floyd, Virginia Davis. "Food, Culture and Politics." Journal of the Association for the Study of Food and Society 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/152897996786623408.

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17

Strunc, Abbie. "The Politics of Culture." Journal of Culture and Values in Education 2, no. 1 (May 6, 2019): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/jcve.02.01.6.

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Using Van Dijk’s sociocognitive theory as a framework for discourse analysis, the state-mandated standards were examined to determine how the educational culture is impacted by the social studies curriculum. The process to revise the curriculum in Texas is highly politicized and outside interest groups, such as Mel and Norma Gabler’s Educational Research Analysts, have inserted their own cultural perspective over the last 50 years. The article considers the impact of this influence and discusses the norms and power structures produced. Keywords: discourse analysis, social studies, Texas, culture
18

Gruneau, Richard, Raphael Samuel, and Gareth Stedman Jones. "Culture, Ideology and Politics." Labour / Le Travail 18 (1986): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142712.

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19

Handler, Richard, and Ernest Gellner. "Culture, Identity, and Politics." Man 23, no. 4 (December 1988): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802615.

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20

Gruenwald, Oskar. "Culture, Religion and Politics." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 21, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2009211/21.

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This essay proposes that while a "Christian" democracy may be too idealistic, liberal democracy presupposes transcendent moral and spiritual norms, in particular a Judeo-Christian foundation for human dignity and human rights. A Biblical understanding of human nature as fallible and imperfect susceptible to worldly temptations, emphasizes free choice and personal responsibility, and the imperative to limit the temporal exercise of power by any man or institution. Maritain's concept of integral or Christian humanism is founded on personalism, the unique value and dignity of each human being created in the image of God, and the need for community. The major challenge for literal democracy is how to reconcile individual freedom with socio-economic-political-legal institutions and processes which require the constraint of man-made laws and the exercise of authority and power The essay condudes that perhaps the major legacy of the American founding is the notion of the priority of liberty which offers the best prospects for conjoining reason and faith, the secular and the sacred, Athens and Jerusalem, The priority of liberty also animates Maritain's vision of a "Christianly-inspired" personalistic society capable of advancing both individual human flourishing and the common good.
21

Escobar, Arturo. "Culture, Practice and Politics." Critique of Anthropology 12, no. 4 (December 1992): 395–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9201200402.

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22

Hutnyk, John. "Media, Research, Politics, Culture." Critique of Anthropology 16, no. 4 (December 1996): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9601600406.

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23

Matar, Dina. "Communicating Politics in Culture." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, no. 2 (2008): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398608x335847.

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24

Rodman, David. "History, Politics and Culture." Israel Affairs 12, no. 2 (April 2006): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120500535449.

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25

Rodman, David. "Politics, History and Culture." Israel Affairs 13, no. 1 (January 2007): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120601063515.

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26

Rodman, David. "Politics, History and Culture." Israel Affairs 14, no. 1 (January 2008): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120701705965.

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27

Rodman, David. "Politics, History and Culture." Israel Affairs 14, no. 2 (April 2008): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120801900359.

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28

Rodman, David. "Politics, History and Culture." Israel Affairs 15, no. 3 (July 2009): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120902983056.

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29

Jefferess, David. "Violence, Culture, and Politics." Peace Review 13, no. 2 (June 2001): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650120060373.

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30

Moray, Neville. "Culture, politics and ergonomics." Ergonomics 43, no. 7 (July 2000): 858–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/001401300409062.

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31

Whitaker, Mark P., and Brett Williams. "The Politics of Culture." Man 28, no. 2 (June 1993): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803466.

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32

Street, John. "Global culture, local politics." Leisure Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1993): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02614369300390191.

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33

Tsoi, Ling Yu Debbie, and Fung Ming Christy Liu. "Translation, culture and politics." Translation Spaces 8, no. 2 (November 5, 2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.18009.tso.

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Abstract This article analyzes the election slogans of Hong Kong chief executives and the titles of their policy addresses since Hong Kong’s handover to mainland China in 1997, from the point of view of translation methods, cultural implications and reader responses. It finds that literal translation dominates in the translation of election slogans and policy address titles, that translated slogans and titles portray Hong Kong as a collectivist society with low power distance, and that choices between domestication and foreignization are dependent upon individual chief executives (or nominees). The article discusses the growing importance of the role of readers and proposes an inductive framework of interactive responses to represent the reality of political translation in the new era brought about by digitalization.
34

STAGGENBORG, SUZANNE. "BEYOND CULTURE VERSUS POLITICS." Gender & Society 15, no. 4 (August 2001): 507–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124301015004002.

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35

Grant, Robert. "High Culture, Low Politics." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (May 2006): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246106058103.

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My theme at its most general is the relation between culture and power; at its most specific, the relation between a particular type of culture, so-called high culture, and two types of power, namely governmental power, and the related but more diffuse power prevailing in society at large.
36

Davis, Graham. "History, Politics And Culture." Irish Studies Review 15, no. 3 (July 30, 2007): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670880701461910.

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37

He, Baogang. "Deliberative Culture and Politics." Political Theory 42, no. 1 (November 11, 2013): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591713509251.

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38

GAGE, J. "Whose Politics? Whose Culture?" Oxford Art Journal 16, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/16.2.76.

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39

Vyrypaev, Ivan, and Susanna Weygandt. "The Politics of Culture." Theater 48, no. 2 (May 2018): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01610775-4352707.

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40

Goren, Lilly J. "Politics and Popular Culture." Society 53, no. 5 (September 2, 2016): 482–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-016-0053-1.

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41

Mirsky, Yehudah. "Democratic politics, democratic culture." Orbis 37, no. 4 (September 1993): 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90081-m.

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42

Murphy, John W. "Culture, identity, and politics." History of European Ideas 9, no. 6 (January 1988): 759–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(88)90130-1.

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43

Gilroy, Paul. "Agonistic Belonging: The Banality of Good, the “Alt Right” and the Need for Sympathy." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0001.

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Abstract This paper considers aspects of the rise of neo-fascist political sentiment across Europe. It suggests that an appropriate political response to those developments must involve a reconsideration of the politics of sympathy which is seen as essential in the formation of solidarity.
44

Rose, G. "Locality, Politics, and Culture; Poplar in the 1920s." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 6, no. 2 (June 1988): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d060151.

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The relationship between a local polity and its civil society is explored, and it is argued that local polities cannot be understood in isolation from the specific institutions, practices, and culture of the locality. This is no longer a particularly novel claim to make, of course; yet it is a claim interpreted in a peculiarly narrow way by current theorists of the locality and the local state, who see the influence of civil society on local politics wholly in terms of class. The author begins this paper by offering an alternative theoretical framework which unites locality, politics, and culture, In the second section the political beliefs and policies of the Labour Party in the cast London borough of Poplar in the 1920s are examined and it is shown how local cultural values and ways of understanding the world shaped those political commitments to a very large degree. In the third part the social power relations are explored which developed between the Labour-controlled local state and the institutions of its civil society and which sprang from those local Labour Party values, These power structures changed during the 1920s, shifting from a participatory form of mass politics in the early 1920s to a much more exclusionary and elitist mode later in the decade. It will be argued that both types of power relations can be linked very closely to Poplar's local culture, and in the final section some conclusions will be drawn from this about the politics of local culture.
45

Newman, Janet, and John Clarke. "What's at stake in the culture wars?" Soundings 81, no. 81 (October 1, 2022): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun:81.01.2022.

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Recent outbreaks of culture war have posed questions about how to respond to them politically and analytically. In this conversation we explore the ways in which culture war strategies aim to create new articulations of politics, culture and power. They do so as part of an ongoing effort to create narratives that construct and solidify political blocs and produce popular consent. We reflect on the problems such strategies cause for Labour – and for the left more generally. These are recurrent problems, reflecting a long–running distinction between 'real' politics and the ephemeral distractions of 'identity politics' and the 'merely cultural'. We suggest that this restrictive view of what constitutes 'real' politics tends to ignore the left's roots in cooperative, associational, mutual and internationalist forms of politics, perhaps for fear of being branded as 'socialist', while marginalising or refusing a diverse array of social movements and their struggles for rights and redistribution. In contrast, we argue for the importance of recognising and contesting the field of culture as a site of politics and political mobilisations, highlighting the value of building a view of how culture, politics and power are entangled. As Stuart Hall argued, a progressive politics involves crafting an identity in which we can recognise ourselves as a collective political force.
46

Rachleff, Peter J. "Rethinking Cultural Politics and the Politics of Culture." Callaloo 23, no. 4 (2000): 1516–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2000.0221.

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47

Cloonan, Martin, and John Street. "Rock the Vote: Popular Culture and Politics." Politics 18, no. 1 (February 1998): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00058.

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Rock the Vote was founded in 1996 as an attempt to exploit popular culture to boost political participation. Using pop musicians and comedians, it attempted to encourage young people to take part in politics. This article examines the formation of Rock the Vote, and explores its implications for the character of contemporary politics. It argues that Rock the Vote has to be understood not only as part of a larger shift in the nature of political campaigning and communication, but also as a response to the mutual needs of political parties and the popular culture industry. Rock the vote is both a symptom of new forms of campaigning and also a pragmatic solution to particular political problems.
48

Harris, Christopher Paul. "For the Culture." South Atlantic Quarterly 121, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 491–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9825948.

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Building on the work of Hortense Spillers and others, this article uses the “yet to come” of Black culture as a lens to read the political and cultural interventions of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). The “yet to come” also serves as an avenue to consider how, on what terms, and to what end Black political thought has evolved since #BlackLivesMatter emerged. By wielding an unapologetic Black joy as both a capacious embodiment of Black presence and a prefigurative politics that forecasts a world free of antiblackness, M4BL, and its demand for abolition, has shifted the meaning and mode of Black politics and thought. At the same time, when placed in conversation with earlier Black political-cultural formations, Black joy and abolition help crystalize the current conjuncture in Black thought as rooted in a temporality that is simultaneously now, before, and not yet. This multi-temporality follows what Margo Natalie Crawford describes as “the power of anticipation” in the Black radical tradition, facilitating a new correspondence between the Black present and the Black past, one that is attuned to historically situated racial regimes. Put somewhat differently, in its circulatory, its “back and forth flow,” Black culture and Black thought, intramural renderings of Blackness itself, builds and repurposes rather than simply breaks away. Seen through this light, I suggest that M4BL’s politics and culture are not merely pronouncements of the “yet to come” but a philosophical “return to the source”—the radicalism of the colonized and enslaved.
49

Fitzgerald, Timothy. "Religion, Politics, History, and Culture." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 32, no. 4-5 (July 28, 2020): 386–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341496.

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Abstract In his critique of my 2007 monograph Discourse on Civility and Barbarity: a Critical History of Religion and Related Categories, Daniel Miller attributes me with the error of transcendental historicism and an illusion of cultural authenticity. Miller’s challenge leads me to the question ‘what is history?’—what does it mean to be ‘in history’, or to be ‘out of history’, or to be a ‘historical agent’? I also defend myself against the charge of cultural essentialism by questioning the essentially empty term ‘culture’. First, though, I challenge Miller for his continual insistence that my work is ‘political’. Miller seems to accept at least some aspects of my critique of ‘religion’. However, he does not mention that DCB is as much concerned with the invention of a noun word discourse on ‘politics’ as it is with the invention of ‘religion’. ‘Politics’ and the ‘nation state’ were invented by men of substantial property ambitions to organise, normalise and protect male private property accumulation. Rather than being the foundation of our democratic rights, a gateway to equality and emancipation, ‘politics’ promotes and globally facilitates the processes of ‘accumulation by dispossession’.
50

Hershberg, Eric. "Culture of Politics, Politics of Cultures: Re-visioning Latin American Social Movements:Culture of Politics, Politics of Cultures: Re-visioning Latin American Social Movements." American Anthropologist 101, no. 4 (December 1999): 868–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1999.101.4.868.2.

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