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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and culture – United States'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.

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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.

2

Graeber, David. "Value, politics and democracy in the United States." Current Sociology 59, no. 2 (March 2011): 186–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392110391151.

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This article examines the role of values in the political discourse of the last decade in the US. It embarks from what many observers had described as a puzzle: the fact that significant parts of the American working class voted against their economic interests but in line with what they perceived to be their values. As a result, a president had been re-elected who cut taxes for the rich while waging an expensive war in Iraq and increasing public debt to historically unprecedented levels. It is argued that large sectors of the white American working class were disappointed with liberal politicians because they associated them with a cultural elite that occupied positions in society that allowed them to pursue careers of intrinsic value in the arts, science, or politics but which were largely closed to the working class. It is thus suggested that the ‘culture wars’ in the US are better interpreted as a struggle over access to the means to behave altruistically. The article rejects the widespread assumption that individuals are narrowly conceived economic self-interest maximizers. Rather, it suggests that human fulfilment can be related to the satisfaction derived from working for the common good.

3

Singh, N. "Rethinking Politics and Culture: Social Movements and Liberation Politics in the United States, 1960-1976." Radical History Review 1993, no. 57 (October 1, 1993): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1993-57-197.

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4

Kurilla, I. I. "Memory Politics: US." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-04.

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Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy “apologies for the USA” or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities’ rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character.

5

MARTIN, CURTIS H. "The Sinking of the Ehime Maru: The Interaction of Culture, Security Interests and Domestic Politics in an Alliance Crisis." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001525.

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The loss of life that resulted from the sinking of the fisheries training vessel Ehime Maru by the nuclear submarine USS Greeneville off Hawaii in February 2001 exemplifies the risks to United States–Japan alliance relations posed by US global military deployments. Following a pattern of incidents involving the US military in Japan itself, the collision violated Japanese expectations of benevolence from its stronger partner and put considerable pressure on the government to seek public apology and reassurance. This article examines the interplay of culture, national security interests and domestic politics in framing both perceptions and diplomacy during the crisis. While differences at both the cultural and security levels complicated diplomacy, asymmetry in the respective domestic political stakes, combined with overriding and largely congruent security interests, helped the United States to provide Japan with the requisite reassurance. After a decade of alliance drift, both Japan and the United States were determined to forestall defection by their alliance partner.

6

Goldfarb, Jeffrey C., and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (September 1992): 751. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080201.

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7

Marks, Gary, and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 22, no. 5 (September 1993): 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074668.

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8

Chodak, Szymon, and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 17, no. 4 (1992): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341231.

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9

Granatstein, J. L., and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Political Psychology 15, no. 3 (September 1994): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791579.

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10

Gamson, William A., and Richard M. Merelman. "Making Something of Ourselves: On Culture and Politics in the United States." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 1 (January 1985): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070428.

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11

Gary, Brett, and Douglas B. Craig. "Fireside Politics: Radio and Political Culture in the United States, 1920-1940." Journal of American History 89, no. 1 (June 2002): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700885.

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12

Denton-Borhaug, Kelly. "Beyond Iraq and Afghanistan: Religion and Politics in United States War-Culture." Dialog 51, no. 2 (June 2012): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6385.2012.00669.x.

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13

Hoover, Stewart M., and Richard Merelman. "Making Something of Ourselves: On Culture and Politics in the United States." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24, no. 3 (September 1985): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1385833.

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14

Plowman, Robert J. "Fireside Politics: Radio and Political Culture in the United States, 1920–1940." History: Reviews of New Books 29, no. 3 (January 2001): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525828.

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15

Shaw, Tony. "The Politics of Cold War Culture." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419510.

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This article examines the relationship between politics and culture in Great Britain and the United States during the Cold War, with particular emphasis on the period from the late 1940s to the early 1960s. The article critically examines several recent books on British and American Cold War cultural activities, both domestic and external. The review covers theatrical, cinematic, literary, and broadcast propaganda and analyzes the complex network of links between governments and private groups in commerce, education, labor markets, and the mass entertainment media. It points out the fundamental differences between Western countries and the Soviet bloc and provides a warning to those inclined to view Western culture solely through a Cold War prism.

16

Cowie, Jefferson. "Introduction: The Conservative Turn in Postwar United States Working-Class History." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000185.

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The topic of working-class conservatism in the postwar United States might seem a particularly narrow and nationally-specific theme for a journal that stakes its reputation on the broader terrain of comparative and transnational history. Yet, in so many ways, the United States—despite its recently diminished role both economically and militarily around the world—continues to be the center of the globe's economic and military power structure. To risk overstatement, the domestic politics of the United States are a central part of international politics. At the core of a nation's political culture, it might be added, are its working people, whether in dying industrial towns or burgeoning big box retail centers. Readers outside the United States might have some sympathy for the plea of British rocker Billy Bragg who included a note to his American fans in his 1988 release. “I have no vote in your Presidential election,” Bragg explained as the Reagan years wound to a close, “yet its outcome will directly affect my future and the future of millions of other people around the world. Forgive me for putting this immense responsibility on your shoulders… . Remember, when you elect a President, you are electing a President for all of us. Please be more careful this time.”

17

Gagné, Gilbert. "Trade and culture: the United States." International Journal of Cultural Policy 25, no. 5 (July 29, 2019): 615–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2019.1626843.

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18

Smith, Erin A., and Sarah M. Corse. "Nationalism and Literature: The Politics of Culture in Canada and the United States." American Literature 70, no. 2 (June 1998): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902864.

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19

Paul Harvey. "Religion, Culture, and Politics in the Twentieth-Century United States (review)." Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 4 (2008): 863–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0197.

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20

Spillman, Lyn, and Sarah M. Corse. "Nationalism and Literature: The Politics of Culture in Canada and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 27, no. 3 (May 1998): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655197.

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21

Slotten, Hugh Richard. "Fireside Politics: Radio and Political Culture in the United States, 1920-1940 (review)." Technology and Culture 43, no. 1 (2002): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2002.0042.

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22

Thomas A. Tweed. "Religion, Culture, and Politics in the Twentieth-Century United States (review)." American Studies 48, no. 4 (2007): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.0.0135.

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23

Stephen, Lynn. "Mexican indigenous migrants in the United States: Labor, politics, culture, and transforming identities." Migration Studies 3, no. 2 (October 11, 2014): 281–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/migration/mnu041.

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24

Skocpol, Theda, Marjorie Abend-Wein, Christopher Howard, and Susan Goodrich Lehmann. "Women's Associations and the Enactment of Mothers' Pensions in the United States." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 686–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938744.

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Mothers' pensions were the first explicit welfare benefits established outside of poor relief in the United States. Contrary to established wisdom in political science, their enabling statutes spread very quickly across most states in the 1910s, with smaller, nonindustrial states often in the vanguard. Previous research concerning the predictors of state-level policy innovations has focused on a small subset of possible explanatory variables, typically economic or electoral conditions. We operationalize and test hypotheses about the influence of economic conditions, culture and ideology, electoral politics, governmental institutions and prior public policies, and the role of business, labor, and women's voluntary groups on the priority of state enactments. Our findings indicate that widespread federations of women's voluntary groups exerted a powerful influence on mothers' pension enactments even before most American women had the right to vote. We demonstrate the value to empirical political science of theories and variables referring to gender and women's politics.

25

Mirzoeff, Nicholas. "War Is Culture: Global Counterinsurgency, Visuality, and the Petraeus Doctrine." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1737–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1737.

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In one of his signature reversals of accepted wisdom, Michel Foucault modulated Carl von Clausewitz's well-known aphorism on war and politics to read, “Politics is the continuation of war by other means” (48). That is to say, even in peace, the law is enacted by force. In conditions of state-determined necessity, that force appears as a direct actor in legitimizing what Giorgio Agamben calls “the state of exception.” In English law the term would be “martial law” (Agamben 7). By extension, if globalization has again become the “global civil war” (Arendt, qtd. in Agamben 1) that was the cold war or has created a new state of “permanent war” (Retort 78), then war is global politics. So what kind of war is the war in Iraq (Reid)? It is now being waged by the United States as a global counterinsurgency. In the field manual Counterinsurgency issued by the United States Army in December 2006 at the instigation of General David Petraeus (Bacevich), counterinsurgency is explicitly a cultural war, to be fought in the United States as much as it is in Iraq. Cultural war, with visuality playing a central role, takes “culture” to be the means, location, and object of warfare. In his classic novel 1984, George Orwell coined the slogan “war is peace” (199), anticipating the peacekeeping missions, surgical strikes, defense walls, and “coalitions of the willing” that demarcated much of the twentieth century. In the era of United States global policing, war is counterinsurgency, and the means of counterinsurgency are cultural. War is culture. Globalized capital uses war as its means of acculturating citizens to its regime, requiring both acquiescence to the excesses of power and a willingness to ignore what is palpably obvious. Counterinsurgency has become a digitally mediated version of imperialist techniques to produce legitimacy. Its success in the United States is unquestioned: who in public life is against counterinsurgency, even if they oppose the war in Iraq or invasions elsewhere? War is culture.

26

Evans, B. N. "Religion and Politics in America: Faith, Culture, and Strategic Choices * Religion and Politics in the United States." Journal of Church and State 57, no. 2 (April 9, 2015): 386–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csv016.

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27

Giroux, Henry. "Pulp Fiction and the Culture of Violence." Harvard Educational Review 65, no. 2 (July 1, 1995): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.65.2.4032133560105811.

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Exploring the intersection of entertainment, politics, and pedagogy, Henry Giroux analyzes some recent films as popular cultural texts, arguing that the cinematic violence and racist stereotypes portrayed are inextricably linked to what has been called the rising culture of violence in the United States. Offering a schematic definition of different representations of violence in film, particularly focusing on what he refers to as the "hyper-real" violence of Pulp Fiction, Giroux challenges educators to engage critically the pedagogical and political implications of popular culture with students and others.

28

Weyler, Karen A. "The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States." Journal of American History 107, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 742–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa376.

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29

Fraser, Rebecca J. "The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States." American Nineteenth Century History 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2020.1840729.

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30

Arens, Katherine, David F. Good, and Ruth Wodak. "From World War to Waldheim: Culture and Politics in Austria and the United States." German Quarterly 73, no. 1 (2000): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408195.

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31

Young, John K. "The practice of citizenship: black politics and print culture in the early United States." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 42, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2020.1803455.

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32

Ulrich-Schad, Jessica D., and Cynthia M. Duncan. "People and places left behind: work, culture and politics in the rural United States." Journal of Peasant Studies 45, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2017.1410702.

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33

Freilich, Joshua D., and William Alex Pridemore. "Politics, culture, and political crime: Covariates of abortion clinic attacks in the United States." Journal of Criminal Justice 35, no. 3 (May 2007): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2007.03.008.

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34

Zelt, Natalie. "Picturing an Impossible American: Njideka Akunyili Crosby and Photographic Transfers in Portals (2016)." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 212–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0020.

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Abstract This article considers artist Njideka Akunyili Crosby’s use of photographic transfers and popular culture in her 2016 painting “Portals” to craft an artwork specific to her experience across multiple points of social identification in the United States and Nigeria. Through close reading and the study of Crosby’s formal and conceptual strategies, Zelt investigates how varying degrees of recognition work through photographic references. “Portals” contests assimilationist definitions of American identity in favor of a representation which is multiplicitous, operating across geographies. By juxtaposing images from different times, in different directions, Crosby constructs “contact zones” and provokes a mode of looking that reflects a feeling dislocation from the country in which she stands, the United States, and the country with which she also identifies, Nigeria. After a brief introduction to the artist and her relationship to Nigerian national politics, the article explores how distance and recognition work through image references to express a particular form of transnational identity, followed by an examination of uses of popular culture references to engage with blackness and an interdependent “Nigerian-ness” and “American-ness.” It concludes by contextualizing the painting’s display amid waves of amplified nativist purity in the US.

35

Klemmensen, Robert, Peter K. Hatemi, Sara B. Hobolt, Axel Skytthe, and Asbjørn S. Nørgaard. "Heritability in Political Interest and Efficacy across Cultures: Denmark and the United States." Twin Research and Human Genetics 15, no. 1 (February 2012): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/twin.15.1.15.

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Interest in politics is important for a host of political behaviors and beliefs. Yet little is known about where political interest comes from. Most studies exploring the source of political interest focus on parental influences, economic status, and opportunity. Here, we investigate an alternative source: genetic transmission. Using two twin samples, one drawn from Denmark and the other from USA, we find that there is a high degree of heritability in political interest. Furthermore, we show that interest in politics and political efficacy share the same underlying, latent genetic factor. These findings add to the growing body of literature that documents political behaviors and attitudes as not simply the result of socialization, but also as part of an individual's genetically informed disposition.

36

Laidler, Paweł. "How Republicans and Democrats Strengthen Secret Surveillance in the United States." Political Preferences, no. 25 (January 28, 2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.25.5-20.

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The purpose of the paper is to assess the relationship between secrecy and transparency in the pre- and post-Snowden eras in the United States. The Author analyzes, from both political and legal perspectives, the sources and outcomes of the U.S. politics of national security with a special focus on domestic and intelligence surveillance measures. The core argument of the paper is that, due to the role of the executive which has always promoted the culture of secrecy, there is no chance for the demanded transparency in national security surveillance, despite the controlling powers of the legislative and judiciary. As the analysis proves, the United States in the post-Snowden era seems to be the most transparent and secretive state, at the same time.

37

Tatalovich, Raymond, and Mildred Schwartz. "Cultural and Institutional Factors Affecting Political Contention over Moral Issues." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 1 (2009): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913308x375559.

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AbstractAbortion and same-sex marriage are moral issues that remain highly contentious in the political life of the United States compared to other countries. This level of contention is explained through comparison with Canada. Contrasts in culture and institutions shaping issues and the political avenues that allow their enactment account for differences in the tenor of politics in the two countries.

38

Rowe, John Carlos. "Nineteenth-Century United States Literary Culture and Transnationality." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 118, no. 1 (January 2003): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081203x59847.

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The term transnationalism is used frequently in reference to the rapid circulation of “capital, labor, technology, and media images” in the global economy governed by postindustrial capitalism (Sharpe 110). When incorporated into such phrases as transnational capitalism, the term implies a critical view of historically specific late modern or postmodern practices of globalizing production, marketing, distribution, and consumption for neocolonial ends. By the same token, transnationalism is often used to suggest counterhegemonic practices prompted by or accompanying the migrations and diasporas occasioned by these new economic processes of globalization. Thus, Homi Bhabha's privileging of “cultural hybridity” as a way to resist global homogenization is often traceable to his emphasis on “migrant workers,” who are “part of the massive economic and political diaspora of the modern world” and thus “embody […] that moment blasted out of the continuum of history” (8). If these new, exploited cosmopolitans experience every day their dislocation from the familiar boundaries of nation, first language, and citizenship, they may also be particularly able to comprehend how to negotiate transnational situations, even in some cases turning such circumstances to their advantage.

39

Jasen, Patricia. "Breast Cancer and the Politics of Abortion in the United States." Medical History 49, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300009145.

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Epidemiology, like any branch of medical science, functions within a social and historical context. That context influences what questions are asked, how they are investigated, and how their conclusions are interpreted, both by researchers and by the public. The international debate over whether abortion increases breast cancer risk, which has been the subject of many studies and much heated controversy in recent decades, became so intensely politicized in the United States that it serves as a particularly stark illustration of how elusive the quest for scientific certainty can be. Although a growing interest in reproductive factors and breast cancer risk developed after the Second World War, it was not until the early 1980s, after induced abortion had been legalized in many countries, that studies began to focus on this specific factor. In the US these were the years following Roe v Wade, when anti-abortionists mounted their counterattack and pro-choice forces were on the defensive. As a result, epidemiologists found themselves at the centre of a debate which had come to symbolize a deepening divide in American culture. This paper traces the history of the scientific investigation of the alleged abortion-breast cancer link, against the backdrop of what was increasingly termed an “epidemic” of breast cancer in the US. That history, in turn, is closely intertwined with the anti-abortion movement's efforts, following the violence of the early 1990s, to regain respectability through changing its tactics and rhetoric, which included the adoption of the “ABC link” as part of its new “women-centred” strategy.

40

Wexelbaum, Rachel. "Book Review: Women in American History: A Social, Political, and Cultural Encyclopedia and Document Collection." Reference & User Services Quarterly 57, no. 1 (October 9, 2017): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.57.1.6465.

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To this day, high school and college students rarely learn about the role of women in American history, cultures, or politics. Teachers and textbooks still focus predominantly on the white Christian heterosexual males that continue to take most of the credit for building the United States of America. While it is fact that, for most of American history, only white men could own land, vote, and serve in government, women of all races, religions, and sexual orientations have done a great deal to advance American culture, fight for justice, and impact the laws, businesses, scientific research, and education systems that have developed in the United States over time.

41

Siekmeier, James F. "Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil." Journal of American History 108, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab191.

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42

Alberto, Paulina L. "Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 346–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8897880.

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43

Kalu, Kenneth. "The Cold War and Africa’s Political Culture." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-11-21.

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Leadership and political systems in most of Africa have been described in several negative ways. Paternalism, clientelism, dictatorship, corruption and such pejorative labels have been used to described the type of politics prevalent in most of Africa today. A number of studies have explained Africa’s political challenges in the context of the choices of postcolonial African leaders. Others have pointed to European colonial exploitation and its destructive legacies as the foundations of the perverse political culture that define contemporary Africa. While these factors play important roles in defining the type of politics that has endured in the continent during the past half century, this paper takes a look at another epoch that had significant impacts on Africa’s political culture. The paper argues that the foreign policies of the United States and USSR - two major actors in Africa during the Cold War - had some of the most significant impacts on the political culture that evolved in postcolonial Africa. In pursuit of ideological supremacy, these foreign actors focused on undermining each other, with little consideration on how their actions in Africa were shaping the continent’s political development. By providing military support to opposing forces in African countries, the Cold War actors institutionalized a violent political culture in postcolonial Africa.

44

GRONBECK-TEDESCO, JOHN A. "The Left in Transition: The Cuban Revolution in US Third World Politics." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 651–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004707.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which Cuba's revolution shaped the changing politics of the Left in the United States. Using critical strategies of transnationalism, it illustrates how a dialogue developed between US activists and Cuban cultural producers, and reveals how Cuba's revolutionary discourse inflected the radical shift towards Third World nationalism. As the post-Bandung global moment brought a network of new political and cultural affiliations, Cuba's state apparatus invested in the manufacture and dissemination of tricontinental politics worldwide. This alternative moral and political imaginary lent authority to Havana's status as leader of the Third World and drew global attention to Cuba's revolutionary model in new thinking on post-colonial identity and culture. This new thinking imbibed the US Left's humanistic turn which challenged standard boundaries of race, class and nation. The dialectical nature of Cuban political discourse and social activism in the United States changed Cuban exigencies while it enticed US dissidents to experience the exception in the western hemisphere that fought for the greater moral good.

45

Sugrue, Thomas J. "The Politics of Culture in Cold War America." Prospects 20 (October 1995): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006153.

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In march, 1994, the University of Pennsylvania held a conference to celebrate the opening of the Howard Fast papers at the university's library. To commemorate Fast's remarkable sixty-year career, a group of historians and literary critics gathered to reconsider the intellectual and cultural milieu of the United States in the early years of the Cold War. During the eventful years, from 1945 to 1960, Fast emerged as a leading Communist activist and a major literary figure who achieved great popular success. Fast, an unabashed member of the Communist Party, like many other oppositional writers of the era, clashed with the national security state. He faced harassment, blacklisting, and marginalization for his refusal to cooperate with federal authorities who were committed to silencing cultural and political voices from the Left. Like other stalwarts of the Communist Party, Fast was often doctrinaire. As a reporter for the Daily Worker and an occasional partisan polemicist, Fast was often stiflingly orthodox. But Fast's Communism was a distinctively American variant, mediated by New York's Jewish radicalism, deeply concerned with the American dilemma of racial inequality.

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Merelman, Richard M. "On Culture and Politics in America: A Perspective from Structural Anthropology." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005597.

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This article proposes a structuralist alternative to mainstream behavioural studies of political culture in the United States. After first describing the deficiencies in the mainstream approach, the article suggests that political culture as attitudes and values should be seen as surface elements of a deep cultural structure. The structuralist alternative is presented in some detail, with emphasis upon cultural narratives. Building upon structuralist theory, American political culture emerges as ‘mythologized individualism’, the ramifications of which are described in terms of American ideological cognition and in terms of American capacities to use culture as a means of realizing democratic ideals. In these latter respects, mythologized individualism is found wanting.

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Struthers, James. "Building a Culture of Retirement: Class, Politics and Pensions in Post-World War II Ontario." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 8, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031125ar.

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Abstract This paper examines four factors which influenced the development of old age pensions in Canada after World War II. The legacy of Canada's original means-tested pension program, the class politics of pension bargaining between business and organized labour on both sides of the border, the policy example of Social Security in the United States, and the key importance of the insurance and investment industry lobby operating through successive Conservative governments in Ontario, are highlighted as critical factors which affected the timing and limited the scope of Canada's public pension system. The residualist design of Old Age Security in 1951 and Ontario's success in gaining a veto over reforms to the Canada Pension Plan in 1965 are singled out as a key factors behind the current vulnerability of Canadian public pensions to fiscal cutbacks compared to the Social Security in the United States.

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Ayers, David. "The New Europe and the New World: Eliot, Masaryk, and the Geopolitics of National Culture." Modernist Cultures 11, no. 1 (March 2016): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2016.0123.

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This paper asserts that while geo-politics is too often treated as an extrinsic force in cultural studies, it is in fact a culturally constitutive force and geo-political cultural actors should be treated as a dominant force in (national-) cultural formation. This is of especial importance in the relationship between Europe and the United States. The paper makes this point by comparing the cultural-political objectives of T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound to the objectives of Thomas Masaryk. While the former are much-celebrated as cultural figures, they were only marginally and indirectly effective on the course of the shaping of European geo-politics. Although they frequently addressed such topics and plainly wished that their voices could be heard, they are mainly commentators. By contrast, Masaryk was the philosophy professor who founded the Czech nation in 1918 from his base at the School of Slavonic Studies at King's College London. The paper makes specific reference to Masaryk's methods of gaining influence in the United States, and with Woodrow Wilson in particular. Masaryk was an effective transnational cultural actor and his case therefore serves to expand the category of the transnational culture-subject beyond examples such as Ezra Pound, a tragic victim of geopolitics, or Eliot, whose strategy of American intervention in Europe was a commentary on actions and outcomes shaped by others.

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Hopkins, A. G. "The United States, 1783–1861: Britain's Honorary Dominion?" Britain and the World 4, no. 2 (September 2011): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0024.

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This essay reinterprets the evolution of the United States between 1783 and 1861 from the perspective of imperial history. The established literature on this period focuses on the national story, and particularly on the struggle to achieve liberty and democracy. Historians of empire, however, routinely distinguish between formal and effective independence and evaluate the often halting progress of ex-colonial states in achieving a substantive transfer of power. Considered from this angle, the dominant themes of the period were the search for viability and development rather than for liberty and democracy. The article illustrates this proposition by re-evaluating the political, economic, and cultural themes that are central to the history of the period. The argument in each case is that the United States remained dependent on Great Britain to an extent that greatly limited her effective independence. The standard controversies of domestic political history, notably the battle between Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian visions of the state, are recast as differing strategies for achieving real and permanent independence. Strategies for achieving economic development made practical politics of competing arguments for protection and free trade, but failed to release the economy from its dependence on the British market and British capital. Attempts to create an independent national identity were compromised by the continuing influence of British culture and by the related notion of Anglo-Saxonism, on which prevailing policies of assimilation relied. In all these respects, the United States was an unexceptional ex-colonial state, and indeed closely followed the trajectory of other colonies of white settlement that were classified as dominions within the British Empire. The United States, however, was a dependent state that failed in 1861, and its struggle for independence had to be renewed after the Civil War.

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Berry, Kate A. "Beyond the American culture wars: A call for environmental leadership and strengthening networks." Regions and Cohesion 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2017.070205.

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This article focuses on the United States (US), looking at the American culture war specifically as it relates to environmental issues. Looking at the US today is a reminder that the culture wars are as overtly political as they are culturally motivated, and they diminish social cohesion. The term “culture wars” is defined as increases in volatility, expansion of polarization, and obvious conflicts in various parts of the world between, on the one hand, those who are passionate about religiously motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and, on the other hand, those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness, and scientific and modernist orientations. The article examines this ideological war in contemporary environmental management debates. It identif es characteristics of environmental leadership and discusses how networks can act as environmental leaders.