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Journal articles on the topic "Politics and culture":
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Freeman, Joanne B. "The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (April 2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.
In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social historians have retained a lingering antipathy toward political history as a looming presence—an elite-driven, chronologically organized, “imperalist” narrative that threatens to subsume scholarship once again. Some political historians, in turn, feel besieged by social history and its seeming focus on minority and underprivileged populations to the exclusion of much else. Both of these emotionalized outlooks rest on distorted and exaggerated assumptions. But for many political historians, the end result is a current of nervous tension about the place of their field in the larger scheme of historical scholarship.
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Gates, Henry Louis, W. Lawrence Hogue, and Michael Thelwell. "The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture." Callaloo 14, no. 3 (1991): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931497.
Belous, Vladimir. "Political Culture or the Culture of Politics? Polemical notes on a trivial topic." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.201.
The author’s idea of revising the dictionary of modern Russian political science is a reaction to the mismatch of international and domestic discursive practices. The article deals with a critical attitude to “political culture”. This concept was introduced into circulation by scientists at that moment when political theory was in the stage of formation. The problem is that a concept designed to reflect the objective nature of politics is unambiguously related to the nature of culture. Meanwhile, culture and politics are the universal forms of human activity, each of which has its own specificity. Accordingly, the areas of social science also differ. To determine the specifics of political knowledge, the author suggests answering simple questions. What exactly does a political scientist measure: culture by politics or politics by culture; a political element in culture or the cultural (conscious, value, semantic) content of politics? Since the answers reflecting the subject priority of politics for a specialist in this field of knowledge are obvious, it is proposed to use the concepts of “culture of politics”, “cultural dimension of politics” and “cultural-political” instead of the concept of “political culture”. These expressions neutralize the formalism of the problem of “primary” and “secondary” in relations between culture and politics, politics and culture. From the perspective of the practical realities of Russian politics, the article examines such topical cultural and political aspects of modernity as the crisis of culture, the image of the future, the problem of distinguishing between transcendental and immanent political ideals. According to the author, a common theme for the modern domestic culture of politics should be an orientation towards a citizen as an immanent goal of the development of Russian statehood.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics and culture":
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Tiongson, Antonio T. "Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).
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Wiggins, Sarah Lynn. "Politics and political culture in English women's colleges, 1890-1914." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408731.
Mulholland, Mary-Lee. "Sensuous politics, salsa as culture critique." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36839.pdf.
Szemere, Anna. "Pop culture, politics, and social transition /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9820881.
Green, D. A. "The politics of tragedy : child-on-child homicide and political culture." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599651.
This thesis is a comparative study of the cultural, political and media impacts of two child-on-child homicides—the 1993 English case of James Bulger and the 1994 Norwegian case of Silje Redergård. A discourse analytic approach is used to study the meanings and effects of newspaper coverage of both homicides in order to explain the cases’ dissimilar effects. Discourse theory provides insights into how the culturally distinct language used to describe social problems implies concordant solutions. The intention is to compare the intra-and inter-jurisdictional ways in which each homicide was contextualised in the broadsheet and tabloid press coverage. These case studies are the vehicles by which the culture-specific penal sensibilities governing penal policy decision-making are assessed and compared. The politicisation of penal policy debates in England has meant that policymakers now defer to assessments of public opinion to an extent unseen in earlier post-war decades. The media has simultaneously expanded its influence on public affairs, often speaking for the public, and politicians court the public via the media, often conflating the two. Lost in these interactions is both a sense of the unmediated and informed public will, and a public forum where the issues are engaged on a level of proportionate to their importance. The first aim of this research is to describe a set of interlinked problems facing professional experts and penal policymakers, most of which are more acutely experienced in England than in Norway. Adversarial political culture, the media, and poor measures of public opinion each constrain the range of choices available to policymakers, minimising opportunities for the deliberative consideration of all available knowledge. The second aim is to provide ameliorative proposals to broaden the range of choices policymakers consider to include knowledge’s politicians often ignore, the media often overlook, and opinion polls often fail to measure. The ‘Deliberative Poll’ is one promising means to facilitate ‘public judgement’, a more durable assessment of the informed public will which appears less susceptible to populist manipulation and distortion than current, weaker assessments. Providing opportunities for public deliberation could also generate the kind of trust among citizens that characterises those nations where the politicisation of crime is not so pressing an issue.
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Garner, Ben James. "Trade, culture and the new politics of cultural development at UNESCO." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/trade-culture-and-the-new-politics-of-cultural-development-at-unesco(f12e638b-a9d4-403b-bc2f-c3a17728e745).html.
In the late 1990s an attempt got underway to develop a new paradigm for cultural development policy at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The fruit of these efforts was the adoption of the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, which entered into force in 2007. This binding international treaty has been welcomed for restoring a degree of cultural policy sovereignty to states against some of the pressures of contemporary globalisation, and celebrated for burying some of the political differences between North and South that had pulled UNESCO apart in the 1970s and 1980s. As an instrument with widespread political support the Convention on cultural diversity has also marked something of a landmark event in the more general controversies over the nature of contemporary cultural change and the role of cultural policy in the era of neoliberal globalisation. This thesis is a response to these developments over the last decade, based on a series of studies looking at the processes that led to the formation of the Convention and examining some of the effects of the new framework as they are becoming apparent in the first years following its adoption and entry into force. It looks in particular at the precise points of consensus between North and South that have been found in the new framework of cultural development, examining some of its measures and the way they are coming to feature - or not - in the work of international development agencies, policymakers and cultural industry stakeholders. These observations are developed through two main case studies looking at contemporary attempts at cultural policy reform in China and the Caribbean. The thesis also attempts to offer an alternative perspective to the legal and international relations analyses that have surrounded the Convention and its political controversies so far by approaching them within the framework of social and cultural theory, engaging in particular with recent claims about the transformation of culture into a 'resource' for trade and development in the new global economy. I argue that the new framework tends to conflate cultural rights and recognition with the right of the state to protect and promote activities that it deems worthy of recognition on cultural grounds: this has offered a welcome development to those that have come to have a privileged role to play in the contemporary concern to promote enterprise, production and trade in the knowledge-based economy of content and intellectual property creation, but it has also tended to weaken the position of others whose claims to cultural recognition are inseparable from demands which have little or no protagonism in this framework.
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Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.
History Ph.D. This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South. Temple University--Theses
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Reeves, Donna Marie. "U.S. culture and the politics of wilderness." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337061.
Tok, Nafiz. "Culture, identity and politics : an identity-based approach to culture-related issues." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365174.
Lam, Wai-man, and 林蔚文. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979): the paradox of political indifference." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241918.
Book chapters on the topic "Politics and culture":
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Isaacs, Rico. "Political culture." In Politics, 92–118. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | “Second edition published by Routledge 2002”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629346-5.
Drake, Helen. "Politics and Political Culture." In Contemporary France, 64–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36688-6_4.
Kubicek, Paul. "Political culture and citizen politics." In European Politics, 245–84. Third edition. | Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028758-8.
Callahan, William A. "Culture." In Visual Global Politics, 81–87. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Interventions: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315856506-10.
Jones, Bill. "Political culture." In British politics, 70–85. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-7.
Smith, Gordon B. "Russian Political Culture." In Soviet Politics, 1–14. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19172-7_1.
Adshead, Maura, and Jonathan Tonge. "Political Culture." In Politics in Ireland, 141–56. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02032-1_9.
Banks, Mark. "‘Culture Industry’ and Cultural Work." In The Politics of Cultural Work, 16–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288713_2.
Conference papers on the topic "Politics and culture":
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Travica, Bob. "Information Politics and Information Culture: Case of a Festival Organization." In InSITE 2005: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2928.
This article introduces the concepts of information politics and information culture and presents a case study that explores these concepts. The literature from the areas of IS theory and organization theory that provides a backdrop to these concepts is discussed. A case of an organization that has characteristics of both small business and voluntary organization is presented as initial validation of the concepts of information politics and information culture. The case draws on a longitudinal interpretivist study and tracks a trajectory of organizational design, information politics, information culture, management and organizational performance over 25 months. The primary finding is that the organization studied exhibited two distinct information politics and information cultures, each related to different development phases—the era of clan and the era of teams. The article also discusses particular aspects of information politics and information culture and how these relate to organizational performance. Derived are implications for further research on information politics and information culture as well as for a broader parent framework called Information View of Organization.
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U. Sanchez, Prof Phoebe Zoe Maria. "Cebu’s Subnational Politics: A Survey of Philippine Political Structure and Culture." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2016). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir16.57.
Oskina, Olga, Ekaterina Kudryashova, Adelina Nogmova, and Madina Dzhantaleeva. "Peculiarities of the political culture of the Caspian border territories in the context of the politics mediatization." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.ubhh7317.
The article is devoted to topical issues related to the mediatization of politics at the present stage. These problems are of particular importance in border territories, where multiculturalism is pronounced. The authors analyse the phenomenon of mediatization of politics and determine the degree of its impact on the political space of the Caspian border territories, as well as identify the features of political culture and factors that have a determining influence on the communicative content of these territories.
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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.
"Analysis of Constructs on Organizational Culture and Innovation Culture in Private Educational Institutions." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p9.
Sun, Fu-Jiang. "Analysis of the Relationship between Culture, Economy and Politics." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Social Science and Contemporary Humanity Development (SSCHD 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sschd-17.2017.1.
Saprykina, Olga A. "Language Politics in the Portuguese Speaking Countries: Institutional Aspect." In Culture and Education: Social Transformations and Multicultural Communication. RUDN University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09669-2019-346-351.
Grahovac, Dijana, and Biljana Rađenović-Kozić. "THE IMPORTANCE OF BUSINESS CULTURE FOR INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.301.
In modern, global economic relations, interstate borders are minorized by the strong influence of economic interest. National business is becoming almost negligible because modern economic activities are, in most areas, within the framework of international business. Knowledge of the elements of culture in international business has become increasingly important, and it's reflected in the fact that it is necessary to know and respect the rules of the manner of business entities in certain cultures, which is both theoretically and practically confirmed as the only path that permanently provides long-term stability and successful business development in an international framework. For successful business cooperation with foreign partners, it is necessary to know their culture and how to adapt to it. Empirical researches in this area emphasize that depending on the culture business entities belong to, there are different business goals, relationships, different ways of business negotiation, business culture itself, and the values that come from it. Knowing and respecting diversity affects understanding and attitudes to (potential) business partners, which is the first step of business cooperation, and therefore has a significant impact on achieving positive results in negotiations in international business.
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Firmonasari, Aprillia. "Exploring ‘The Past’ in French Identity-Politics Discourse." In 4th International Conference on Language, Literature, Culture, and Education (ICOLLITE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201215.012.
"The Impact of Risk Culture on Bank Sector Analytical Study on Cihan Bank." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p27.
Hauser, Allen. Patterns in creativity : an examination of Viennese culture and politics at the turn of the century. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5702.
Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.
Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.
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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.
- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.
Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Lowes, Sara. Culture in Historical Political Economy. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w30511.
Kelly, Luke. Lessons Learned on Cultural Heritage Protection in Conflict and Protracted Crisis. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.068.
This rapid review examines evidence on the lessons learned from initiatives aimed at embedding better understanding of cultural heritage protection within international monitoring, reporting and response efforts in conflict and protracted crisis. The report uses the terms cultural property and cultural heritage interchangeably. Since the signing of the Hague Treaty in 1954, there has bee a shift from 'cultural property' to 'cultural heritage'. Culture is seen less as 'property' and more in terms of 'ways of life'. However, in much of the literature and for the purposes of this review, cultural property and cultural heritage are used interchangeably. Tangible and intangible cultural heritage incorporates many things, from buildings of globally recognised aesthetic and historic value to places or practices important to a particular community or group. Heritage protection can be supported through a number of frameworks international humanitarian law, human rights law, and peacebuilding, in addition to being supported through networks of the cultural and heritage professions. The report briefly outlines some of the main international legal instruments and approaches involved in cultural heritage protection in section 2. Cultural heritage protection is carried out by national cultural heritage professionals, international bodies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well as citizens. States and intergovernmental organisations may support cultural heritage protection, either bilaterally or by supporting international organisations. The armed forces may also include the protection of cultural heritage in some operations in line with their obligations under international law. In the third section, this report outlines broad lessons on the institutional capacity and politics underpinning cultural protection work (e.g. the strength of legal protections; institutional mandates; production and deployment of knowledge; networks of interested parties); the different approaches were taken; the efficacy of different approaches; and the interface between international and local approaches to heritage protection.
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Alesina, Alberto, and Marco Tabellini. The Political Effects of Immigration: Culture or Economics? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w30079.
Fernández, Raquel, Sahar Parsa, and Martina Viarengo. Coming out in America: AIDS, Politics, and Cultural Change. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25697.
Acemoglu, Daron, and James Robinson. Non-Modernization: Power-Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w29007.
