Academic literature on the topic 'Politics 1969-1973'
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Journal articles on the topic "Politics 1969-1973"
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Yee, David. "Shantytown Mexico:The Democratic Opening in Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl, 1969–1976." Americas 78, no. 1 (January 2021): 119–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.2.
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The article analyzes political conflict in Mexico through a powerful social movement that erupted in the massive shantytown of Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl between 1969 and 1973. In the summer of 1969, after decades of abysmal living conditions, the residents of Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl (Neza) launched a payment strike to demand the federal government expropriate the land from private land developers, with the intent to gain urban infrastructure and formal property titles. The rebellion that plunged Ciudad Neza into a state of perpetual strife reflects a juncture in Mexican history when the urban shantytown emerged as a distinct and influential site for mass politics. This article historicizes Mexico's urban shantytown as a political space where the ruling party's entrenched clientelism contended with embryonic forms of local democracy. Revealing numerous contradictions, this case study is emblematic of how the urban periphery was a precursor to the vibrant yet incomplete democratization that would come to define national politics in Mexico and much of Latin America in the 1980s.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "P. N. Haksar and Indira’s India: A Glimpse of the Domestic Sphere, 1967–1976." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019838640.
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This article presents four episodes from the political period 1969 to 1976 in India, focusing on the views and actions of P. N. Haksar, Principal Secretary and Advisor to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (1967–1973). Unlike the ‘national/international politics’ hitherto under focus from then, that is, the Congress split (1969), birth of Bangladesh (1971) and the JP Movement/Emergency (1974–1975), the aspects under consideration in this article are of subterranean existence. First of these aspects is the provincial reverberations of the Congress split, the case considered here being that of the Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee. Second is the attitude of the Congress Party towards left opposition, the Communist Party of India Marxist (CPI [M]) in West Bengal, as revealed through the anxieties of Governor Shanti Dhavan. The third aspect under consideration is a glimpse of centre–states relations, as shown through New Delhi’s interactions with the EMS Namboodiripad-led and CPI (M)-dominated United Front Government of Kerala. Finally, the article looks at Haksar’s attempts at planning and development for the state of Bihar. Each of these four themes was among the ‘wider range of functions’ that Mrs Gandhi wished to be performed by her Secretariat and to allow us to test how successful each of it was. Each of these provides a context for contemporary issues.
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De Groot, Michael. "Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852698.
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This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.
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Hung, Chang-Tai. "Oil Paintings and Politics: Weaving a Heroic Tale of the Chinese Communist Revolution." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 4 (October 2007): 783–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750700076x.
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“In my entire life I did not produce a single painting that was uppermost in mind to create,” the celebrated painter Dong Xiwen (1914–1973) reportedly lamented on his deathbed. Dong may not have produced the dream piece that he would truly cherish, but he did create, albeit unwillingly, a deeply controversial work of art in his 1953 oil painting The Founding Ceremony of the Nation (Kaiguo dadian) (Figures 1 and 2), for it epitomizes the tension between art and politics in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In this famous piece, Dong portrays Chairman Mao Zedong (1893–1976) in Tiananmen Square on 1 October 1949, with his senior associates in attendance—Liu Shaoqi (1898–1969), Zhu De (1886–1976), Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), Gao Gang (1905–1954), Lin Boqu (1886–1960), and others. They are surrounded by huge lanterns, a Chinese symbol of prosperity, and a sea of red banners that declare the founding of a new nation. When first unveiled in 1953, the painting was widely hailed as one of the greatest oil paintings ever produced by a native artist. In just three months more than half-a-million reproductions of the painting were sold. But the fate of this work soon took an ominous turn, and the artist was requested to make three major revisions during his lifetime. In 1954 Dong was instructed to excise Gao Gang from the scene when Gao was purged by the Party for allegedly plotting to seize power and create an “independent kingdom” in Manchuria. During the Cultural Revolution in the mid-1960s Liu Shaoqi was accused of advocating a “bourgeois reactionary line” and subsequently was purged, and Dong was ordered in 1967 to redo his painting again and erased Liu from the inauguration scene. Then, in 1972, also during the Cultural Revolution, the radicals, commonly labeled the “Gang of Four,” ordered a third revision, namely, that Lin Boqu be eliminated from the painting for allegedly opposing the marriage of Mao and Jiang Qing (1914–1991) during the Yan'an days. By this time Dong was dying of cancer and was too ill to pick up the brush, so his student Jin Shangyi (b. 1934), and another artist, Zhao Yu (1926–1980), were assigned the task. These two artists, afraid of doing further damage to the original piece, eventually produced a replica of the painting, with the ailing Dong brought from the hospital for consultation on his embattled work. Though Dong died the following year, the ill-fated story of The Founding Ceremony of the Nation did not end: in 1979, with the demise of the Gang of Four and the Party's official rehabilitation of Liu Shaoqi, the images of Liu, Gao Gang, and Lin Boqu were restored in the painting. Because Jin Shangyi was on a foreign tour, Yan Zhenduo (b. 1940), a graduate of the Department of Oil Painting at the Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA), was called upon to help reinstall the three leaders.
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ASHENMILLER, JOSHUA. "The Alaska Pipeline as an Internal Improvement, 1969-1973." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 3 (August 1, 2006): 461–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.3.461.
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Over four years after oil companies first applied for a permit, Congress authorized the Alaska Oil Pipeline in November 1973. Running from the Arctic Ocean to the Pacific,the pipeline crossed 600 miles of federal land, which made it a "major action significantly affecting the environment," thus triggering an environmental impact statement under the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). Standard accounts tell of revolutionary environmental laws running into the economic reality of the 1970s. What has been lost in the telling is that the pipeline approval offered Congress an opportunity to investigate the wisdom of a proposed internal improvement. The pipeline controversy was not just the first battle of the environmental decade. It also continued nearly two centuries of debate over internal improvements, public financing of private investments, federal incorporation, monopoly charters, and national security. The pipeline approval was as much a decision about political economy as it was an environmental policy decision.
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Kopstein, Jeffrey. "The GDR: Internal and External Constraints." German Politics and Society 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782486172.
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Gareth Pritchard, The Making of the GDR: From Anti-Fascism to Stalinism, 1945-1953 (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2000)M.E. Sarotte, Dealing with the Devil: East Germany and Ostpolitik, 1969-1973 (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001)
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Shanmugam, Bala. "Socio-Economic Development Through the Informal Credit Market." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1991): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010659.
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While a number of in-depth studies have been carried out on the role of the formal financial market (Gurley and Shaw, 1955; Patrick, 1966; Porter, 1966; Goldsmith, 1969; McKinnon, 1973; Shaw, 1973, to mention a few), the informal or unorganized financial sector has largely been neglected. While discussions about the operations of the informal market were popular about 20 years ago (Geertz, 1962; Ardener, 1964; Anderson, 1966; Kurtz, 1973) they have gradually been relegated to the side-lines and this is despite the fact that the said market is neverthel ess of significant size and importance (as will be illustrated elsewhere in the paper).
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St John, Ronald Bruce. "End of the Beginning: Libya and the United States, 1969-1973." Diplomacy & Statecraft 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2021.1883863.
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McCormick, Gladys. "The Last Door: Political Prisoners and the Use of Torture in Mexico's Dirty War." Americas 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2016): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.80.
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In December 1969, former President Lázaro Cárdenas sent a letter to political prisoners in the Lecumberri federal penitentiary in Mexico City, assuring them that he would continue to lobby for their release. In October 1973, Michoacán university students marching in front of the state government building in Morelia held up placards demanding the release of political prisoners. On June 29, 1974, Lucio Cabañas, guerrilla leader of the Partido de los Pobres (Party of the Poor) in the mountains of Guerrero, released a communiqué in which the group's first demand was the release of political prisoners. In its founding document from March 1973, the Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre (LC-23S), an urban-based guerrilla group responsible for more than 60 direct-action operations, made it clear that political prisoners were one of the costs of carrying out a revolution and, as such, would not distract from its broader mission. These are just some of the references to the imprisonment of activists during the height of what is considered Mexico's dirty war. Taken together, the many references to political prisoners suggest that being held captive by the state was a common threat and, in some cases, a reality in the lives of those challenging the authoritarian government in the 1960s and 1970s.
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Linke, Uli. "Manhood, Femaleness, and Power: A Cultural Analysis of Prehistoric Images of Reproduction." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 4 (October 1992): 579–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018004.
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Ideologies of reproduction are social facts, collective representations, of the dramatic ways in which human beings construct and appropriate gender for the imaging of social reality. Such symbolic universes are often centered on the body (Foucault 1980; Martin 1989; Turner 1984; Douglas 1973). As a template of cultural signification, the body becomes a model through which the social order can be apprehended. For instance, gender hierarchies are sometimes envisioned by means of an anatomical or physiological paradigm (Needham 1973; Hugh-Jones 1979; Theweleit 1987). However, the operation of societal power is generally focused on women's bodies and bodily processes. Women, according to a widespread (and controversial) paradigm, are grounded in nature by virtue of the dictates of their bodies: menstruation, pregnancy, birth (Lévi-Strauss 1966, 1969; Ortner 1974; Ardener 1975; Mac-Cormack and Strathern 1986).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politics 1969-1973"
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McIntyre, Anthony. "A structural analysis of modern Irish republicanism : 1969-1973." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287358.
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Ekwealor, Chinedu Thomas. "United Nations Security Council Resolutions in Africa : the conundrum of state and human insecurity in Libya." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/9712.
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Both interventionist and anti-interventionist scholars have advanced the view that the 2011 Libyan conflict probes the need to establish an international organisation to settle disputes between nations with a view to maintaining international peace and security. Ironically, 67 years after the founding of the United Nations, post-colonial African states remain deeply troubled and affected by conflicts that are often exacerbated by United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions. The 2011 Libyan conflict was not a war for democracy; rather, it represented and demonstrated clearly the asymmetrical relations between Africa and Europe. This study therefore, is anchored on the thesis that the Western Countries—especially Britain and France—within the UNSC ignore the values that are embodied in the Treaty of Westphalia which established state sovereignty. Some Permanent five (P5) members of the UN were typically insensitive to Libya’s sovereignty and to the creed of democracy and this inevitably undermined the national security of the state in favour of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ clause.
The outsourcing of the UNSC’s mission, among other things, in Libya to ensure ‘international peace and security’ to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was a critical reason for the loss of human lives and values in the 2011 Libyan pogrom. The introduction of a no-fly zone over Libya and the use of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) contained in UNSC Resolution 1973 clearly stoked the conflict in Libya in order to further the political and pecuniary interests of some of the P5 members. The involvement of NATO and the attendant bombing campaign in Libya served to undermine the militarily weak continent of Africa in its effort to broker peace under the umbrella of the African Union (AU). In order to secure these political and economic interests, the NATO jet bombers declared war against a sovereign UN member state and openly participated in the eventual overthrow and death of the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi.
In essence, this study underscores that the use of Responsibility to Protect in Libya was orchestrated at the highest level of international politics to justify external interference and ultimately, to secure regime change in Libya.
The net effect of the outcome of the 2011 Libyan conflict is the post-war imperial control of Libya’s natural resources facilitated by the National Transition Committee established by these imperial forces. The extent of the damage caused by the UN-backed NATO intervention in Libya is also the result of the collective failure of the African Union to assert itself in the Libyan situation.Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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Turner, Sean Matthew. "Containment and engagement: U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/48391.
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This study argues that despite the basic inertia in U.S. China policy during the Kennedy and Johnson years, the period nonetheless witnessed a fundamental evolution in the strategic presumptions underlying Washington’s approach to the China “problem.” By increments, U.S. policymakers began to seriously question the wisdom of a policy predicated on the idea that the containment of the People’s Republic of China necessitated its political and economic isolation. Inversely, a basic consensus emerged in interested corners of the U.S. foreign policy bureaucracy that considered attempts to engage the Chinese—on levels bilateral and multilateral, official and unofficial—could serve to socialise China’s revolutionaries, thereby facilitating a reduction in Sino-American tensions and paving the way to a bilateral rapprochement. Critically, in this analysis “engagement” was seen as a means of enhancing, rather than simply supplanting, the larger effort to contain China. The dynamics involved in the emergence of this consensus are manifold and complex, and cannot be properly understood without close reference to changes in both the international strategic environment and the domestic political context through the 1960s. At the heart of this process, however, were advocates of policy moderation within the U.S. bureaucracy, mediating external pressures for policy movement, and championing the case for a more conciliatory approach to Sino-American relations. The growing acceptance of what was sometimes articulated as “containment without isolation”—shorthand for a policy framework that implicitly rejects the either/or choice between containment and engagement—found expression in, and was in turn fostered by, basic adjustments in Washington’s posture toward Mao’s China. By the end of 1968 senior U.S. officials had repeatedly signalled that Washington was reconciled to the reality of a Communist-controlled mainland China, and would in fact welcome expanded efforts toward bilateral accommodation and even cooperation. These postural shifts may not have been matched by concrete policy changes, yet they remain significant. In the most immediate sense, the less provocative posture toward China enhanced Washington’s capacity to communicate U.S. intent to China’s leadership, thereby helping avert a direct Sino-American conflict in the 1960s, even as the two sides pursued antithetical objectives in the Asian region. In a longer-term frame of reference, the more flexible posture adopted in the 1960s played an important role in challenging the domestic politicisation of China policy, while establishing a rhetorical framework and conceptual foundation for more substantive policy movement. In the course of tracing these developments, this study also provides new interpretative insights on a number of specific issues pertaining to U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson years, including the policy preferences, relationships, and roles of key U.S. officials in shaping the policy process; the impact of domestic politics, alliance politics, and various Cold War strategic concerns on policy outcomes; the question of how to deal with China’s nuclear development; and the manner in which major China-related events and developments in the 1960s—such as the failure of Mao’s Great Leap Forward, the 1962 Taiwan Strait crisis, the Sino-Indian border war, China’s involvement in Vietnam, and the Cultural Revolution— were interpreted by U.S. officials, and, in turn, shaped understandings of and responses to the China problem.http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1330812
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008
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Turková, Kateřina. "Svaz Cikánů-Romů (1969-1973). Možnosti přístupu ke studiu historie Svazu Cikánů-Romů na příkladu analýzy činnosti krajského výboru Svazu v Západočeském kraji." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313018.
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In the years 1969 - 1973 the Roma organization called The Union of Gypsies-Roma formed a part of the National Front and Roma could partly contribute through this organization to the execution of the policy targeted against themselves. This study surveys the activities of The Union of Gypsies-Roma in the West Bohemian Region and reconstructs the work of its regional board and the affiliated economic facility Névodrom seated in Pilsen. It describes the operations of this organization in the residential and social-medical sphere as well as schooling, education, culture and sport, informs about its cooperation with state authorities and organizations united in the National Front. Based on the analysis of the documents relating to the activities of the Union in the West Bohemian Region the study unveils also some internal mechanisms of the organization as a whole (methods of the formation of the organizational structure, recruitment of the members). The concluding part of the work contributes to the knowledge concerning the dissolution of the Union and its consequences, provides a reflection of the significance of The Union of Gypsies - Roma by some of its representatives and it also briefly investigates the analogies of the activities of the Union and activities of Roma activists in the political and...
Books on the topic "Politics 1969-1973"
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Stuchlíková, Jarka. Indiáni, politici, plukovníci: Život česke rodiny v Chile, 1969-1973. Praha: Panglos, 1997.
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El fenómeno insurreccional y la cultura política, 1969-1973. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina, 1986.
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Sarotte, M. E. Dealing with the devil: East Germany, détente, and Ostpolitik, 1969-1973. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001.
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Imām, ʻAbd Allāh Abū. Jaʻfar Numayrī wa-al-ṣirāʻ ḥawla al-sulṭah 1969 M-1973 M. [Saudi Arabia]: ʻA. A. Abū Imām, 1990.
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Imām, ʻAbd Allāh Abū. Jaʻfar Numayrī wa-al-ṣirāʻ ḥawla al-sulṭah, 1969-1973 M. [Saudi Arabia]: ʻA.A. Abū Imām, 1990.
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Nahmías, Gustavo J. La batalla peronista: De la unidad imposible a la violencia política : Argentina, 1969-1973. Buenos Aires: Edhasa, 2013.
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United States. Department of Defense. Historical Office, ed. Melvin Laird and the foundation of the post-Vietnam military, 1969-1973. Washington, D.C: Historical Office, Office of the Secretary of Defense, 2015.
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Christlich-Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Germany : West). Bundesvorstand, ed. Barzel: Unsere Alternativen für die Zeit der Opposition : die Protokolle des CDU-Bundesvorstands 1969-1973. Düsseldorf: Droste, 2009.
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Flawed giant: Lyndon Johnson and his times, 1961-1973. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
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MAPU, o, La seducción del poder y la juventud: Los años fundacionales del partido-mito de nuestra transición, 1969-1973. Chile: Ediciones Universidad Alberto Hurtado, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Politics 1969-1973"
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Haslam, Jonathan. "SALT’S Side–Effects, 1973–74." In The Soviet Union and the Politics of Nuclear Weapons in Europe, 1969–87, 42–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20010-8_4.
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"16. The Politics of Technological Dissent under Nixon, 1969–1973." In In Sputnik's Shadow, 287–310. Rutgers University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36019/9780813545141-021.
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Griffiths, Craig. "‘It Is Not the Homosexual Who Is Perverse’." In The Ambivalence of Gay Liberation, 57–92. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868965.003.0003.
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This chapter explores the complex transition from ‘homophile’ to ‘gay’ politics in the early 1970s, particularly focusing on conflicts over Rosa von Praunheim’s film, It Is Not the Homosexual Who Is Perverse, but the Society in Which He Lives—screened on national television in January 1973. The chapter demonstrates that homosexual politics, especially in this early period of gay liberation, between 1969 and 1973, were exceedingly fraught, and cannot be reduced to a simple story of generational conflict between ‘reformist’ or ‘integrationist’ homophiles versus ‘leftist’ or ‘radical’ gays. These debates were not just about what homosexuals thought and felt about wider society, but were informed by what that society thought and felt about them. Through the case study of the furore over Praunheim’s film, this chapter therefore also reveals the ambivalence of the wider public and the liberal media to the early claims of gay liberation.
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Hobson, Emily K. "Beyond the Gay Ghetto." In Lavender and Red. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520279056.003.0002.
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Between 1969 and 1973, gay liberationists began to define radical alliances as central to sexual liberation. Gay men drew on Black radicalism, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and other causes to analyze anti-gay oppression and to draw analogies between sexuality and race. They pursued solidarity with the Black Panther Party and defined gayness as a means to resist U.S. militarism. They also distinguished leftist gay liberation from a different politics termed gay nationalism, as by opposing a gay nationalist scheme to colonize California's Alpine County — a project gay leftists argued would replicate capitalism, imperialism, and anti-gay oppression. In contrast to such proposals, Bay Area gay radicals organized gay solidarity with a multiracial and socialist left.
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Thornton, Richard C. "China in a Tri-Polar World, 1969-1973." In China: A Political History, 1917-1980, 341–60. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429048555-13.
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Swyngedouw, Erik, and David Harvey. "Introduction to David Harvey." In Divided Cities. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192807083.003.0008.
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David Harvey is one of the few global public intellectuals whose lifelong political and academic mission is the search for a more genuinely humanizing geography of everyday urban life. His relentless and thought-provoking engagement with the realities and contradictions of contemporary capitalist urbanization has long inspired those seeking to fight for an urban life free from the practices of social, political, and racial exclusion and the divisions that have been the hallmark of modern urbanization throughout the world. Harvey is one of the urban geographers whose intellectual influence has reached most widely across disciplines. With a Ph.D. in Geography from Cambridge University, he embarked on a lifelong intellectual and political trajectory that has transformed the ways in which urban theorists approach the capitalist city and in which activists seek urban, social, and political change. Already noted for the landmark publication in 1969 of Explanation in Geography, his epistemological and political attention soon turned to a more radical and Marxist understanding of the urban. This epistemological shift coincided with his transatlantic migration to the Johns Hopkins University, where he taught Marxist urban theory for the next fifteen years or so. The deep injustices that had just come to the boil in rioting US cities, combined with a rediscovery of the power of historical materialist Marxist analysis, resulted in the publication of Social Justice and the City (1973). Harvey’s theorization of the city, deeply embedded in the original writings of Marx, also draws on the radical urban theories and politics pioneered by Henri Lefebvre. For Harvey, cities are—and have always been—highly differentiated spaces of activity, excitement, and pleasure. They are arenas for the pursuit of unoppressed activities and desires, but also ones replete with systematic power, danger, oppression, domination, and exclusion. Exploring the tensions between this dialectical twin of emancipation and disempowerment has been at the centre of Harvey’s theoretical and political concerns. Questions of justice cannot be seen independently from the urban condition, not only because most of the world’s population now lives in cities, but above all because the city condenses the manifold tensions and contradictions that infuse modern life.
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Hennessey, Thomas, Máire Braniff, James W. McAuley, Jonathan Tonge, and Sophie A. Whiting. "The UUP during the Troubles, 1969–1998." In The Ulster Unionist Party, 9–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794387.003.0002.
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The opening chapter examines the UUP during the Troubles from 1969 until 1998. The era posed numerous political problems for the Party, in addition to the direct impact of violence upon many members. The 1973 power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement had divided the UUP under Faulkner but its collapse in 1974 and the restoration of direct rule, later accompanied by participation in a scrutiny-only Northern Ireland Assembly, helped restore internal unity. Unionist unity extended amid strident but fruitless opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which gave the Irish government a consultative role on Northern Ireland. The chapter considers the quiet integrationist approach of James Molyneaux and his contribution to the 1993 Downing Street Declaration, before analysing the unravelling of the Molyneaux strategy, with the British Government producing the strongly all-Ireland Framework Documents in 1995. The departure of Molyneaux and election of David Trimble as UUP leader in 1995 are assessed.
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Gopinath, Sumanth. "“Departing to Other Spheres”." In Rethinking Reich, 19–52. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190605285.003.0002.
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Steve Reich’s Four Organs (1970) is a watershed work in the history of musical minimalism, famously causing an uproar at Carnegie Hall on January 18, 1973. Scholars have typically discussed the work’s technical details and have avoided drawing a wider intertextual circle around it to encompass contemporaneous auditory cultures and contexts. Filling this lacuna, this chapter offers a historically plausible reading of the piece, in part by identifying linkages to 1960s US/UK pop/rock and soundtracks for film and television and by attending to the composition’s peculiar instrumentation, its rhythmic-metrical patterns, and its narrative trajectory. What emerges is a fresh interpretation of Four Organs: the work narrates a form of subjective sublimation charged with psychedelic sound imagery, effecting that sublimation through a semblance of bodily and planetary departure—and, as such, suggests racial-political resonances with the US space program during the Cold War, including the previous year’s Apollo lunar landing in 1969.
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Akers, Eugene J. "Technology Diffusion in Public Administration." In Handbook of Research on Public Information Technology, 339–48. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-857-4.ch033.
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The ability to understand the salient aspects of innovations, as perceived by the members of a social system, is essential to the success of planned change. The diffusion of information technology in the public sector provides the opportunity to apply the appropriateness of diffusion theory in a combined context of information technology and public policy innovation. Past studies support the salience of diffusion theory and the adoption of information technology (Attewell, 1992; Brancheau & Wetherbe, 1990; Chau & Tam, 1997; Cooper & Zmud, 1990; Damanpour, 1991; Fichman, 1992; Swanson, 1994; Tornatzky & Fleischer, 1990). Other studies suggest that existing theory in public policy adoption adequately provide a framework to guide research in technology adoption in the public sector (Akers, 2006; Berman & Martin, 1992; Berry, 1994; Berry & Berry, 1990; Glick & Hays, 1991; Gray, 1973; Hays, 1996; Hwang & Gray, 1991; Mintrom, 1997; Rogers, 1962; True & Mintrom, 2001; Walker, 1969; Welch & Thompson, 1980) However, there is little research that combines both frameworks for understanding the adoption of information technology in public organizations or within political subdivisions. Using classical diffusion theory, information technology adoption, and public policy adoption theory, there is sufficient contextual relevance of these theories to guide research in the adoption of public information technology in public organizations and political subdivisions.
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Wurster, Charles F. "EDF, Barely an Organization, Getting Its Act Together." In DDT Wars. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190219413.003.0010.
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The late 1960s and early 1970s was a world of increasing political unrest on many fronts. In January 1969, Richard Nixon replaced Lyndon Johnson as president. Public support for the war in Vietnam was diminishing and there were widespread antiwar demonstrations. Environmental awareness and concerns were rapidly increasing. Air and water pollution were increasingly severe. A huge oil spill dumped 100,000 barrels of crude oil onto the beaches of Santa Barbara, California. The Cuyahoga River in Ohio caught fire. Students buried automobiles on college campuses. Lake Erie could no longer support fish. The great whales were being killed in record numbers. People were apprehensive about pesticides. The Bald Eagle, national symbol, was disappearing. The first Earth Day was launched in 1970. Responding to this public outcry, the National Environmental Policy Act passed Congress almost unanimously and became law on January 1, 1970; the Clean Air Act became law in 1970, the Clean Water Act in 1972, and the Endangered Species Act in 1973; and the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act was rewritten in 1972. Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring had appeared in 1962 and generated a sizable public reaction, but pesticide policies had changed very little by 1970. This was the milieu in which EDF sought to pursue its goals of a national ban on DDT and the development of environmental law. Reaching those goals would require a much more substantial organization than EDF was in 1969; at that time it was little more than a board of trustees with plenty of ideas but no staff, no office, and almost no money. Most of those trustees were going about their normal lives with EDF concerns more like a hobby than a profession. Their dedication was strong and very real, but a strategic game plan was barely in sight. There were additional impediments when compared with today’s world. Forty-five years ago communications barely resembled what we have now. Most television sets were black-and-white with small screens and large bulky bodies, although color TV was arriving slowly. There were no computers or cell phones.
Conference papers on the topic "Politics 1969-1973"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.