Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politicization'
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1
Harris, Devian K. "The Politicization of Climate Change." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/49.
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For decades, rhetoric has been utilized by both politicians and those in the scientific community to convey either support for or denial of the existence of climate change. This study combined two forms of rhetoric in the forms of both framing and politicization to determine which form of rhetoric is most powerful in influencing a person’s attitudes and behavioral intentions. Pro climate change frames are expected to increase support for climate change action, while anti climate change politicization is expected to decrease support for climate change action. The results of this study show that select frames have the intended effect of influence on increasing support for climate change measures. Surprisingly, the results also show that politicization that questions the science of climate change has the power to both increase and decrease support for attitudinal measures with regard to climate change.
2
Smyth, James. "Popular politicization in Ireland in the 1790s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272609.
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Höllerer, Markus, and Renate Meyer. "Constructing domains of corporate social responsibility: a politicization of corporations at the expense of a de-politicization of society?" Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781784716875.
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Using annual reports of Austrian listed corporations between 1990 and 2005, we analyze how corporations theorize their social and societal responsibilities. We empirically illustrate that these organizations not only evoke several distinct domains of corporate responsibility, but also assign themselves and others specific positions in the social matrix of relevancy and power - which in turn gives rise to a distinct pattern on the field level. We discuss various features and implications of what we describe as a politicization of individual corporations at the price of a relocation of politics away from recognized and firmly institutionalized arenas of collective interest representation (i.e., the polity) as well as a broad-scale de-politicization of society.
4
Rovner, Joshua Randall. "Intelligence-policy relations and the problem of politicization." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46633.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.Includes bibliographical references (p. 399-414).
A growing literature in international relations theory explores how domestic institutions filter and mediate international signals. The study of intelligence-policy relations fits naturally into this mold, because intelligence agencies are specifically designed to collect and interpret information about the international environment. This study provides a general framework for theorizing about intelligence-policy relations by exploring how leaders respond to new intelligence estimates. In addition to providing a deductive characterization of the intelligence-policy problem, the dissertation presents a model of politicization, defined as the manipulation of estimates to reflect policy preferences. When leaders commit themselves to controversial policies, they have strong domestic political incentives to put pressure on intelligence agencies to publicly support their decisions. Intelligence agencies control secret information and presumably have access to sources that are unavailable elsewhere. For this reason, the use of intelligence for policy advocacy is a uniquely persuasive kind of policy oversell. The dissertation tests the model in a series of pair-wise comparisons. The first pair of cases explains why the Johnson administration first ignored and later politicized intelligence on Vietnam. The second pair explains why, despite their differences, the Nixon and Ford administrations both ended up politicizing intelligence on the Soviet strategic threat. The last pair of cases compares the U.S. and British responses to intelligence before the recent war in Iraq. The results of the study show that domestic variables identified in the oversell model strongly affect the likelihood of politicization. Organizational and individual-level explanations are less satisfying.
by Joshua Rovner.
Ph.D.
5
Gonzalez, Jonathan Amado. "The Nation's Shadow: The Politicization of Fryderyk Chopin." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1595844478422561.
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Bird, Stephen. "The politicization of Voltaire's legacy in nineteenth-century France." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265855.
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Dobbs-Kramer, Andrew. "A Legacy of Corruption and Politicization: Mexico’s Police Problem." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1140.
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When former President Calderón declared war on the cartels in 2006, Mexico was plunged into insecurity, and the government has been trying to reassert control of the security situation ever since. While the situation has improved, the fight will not be over until the police are in control of the streets. Historical and structural problems have plagued the police, forcing the military to play a central role in internal security operations. While a number of positive reforms have been implemented in recent years, there is still much work to do. This paper will examine some of these past reforms and their effects. Current tactics as well as potential reforms and strategies for the future will also be discussed, with a focus on the police reassuming the central role in internal security.
8
Hepworth, Nathan Henry. "For God and Country: The Politicization of English Martyrology." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1313587275.
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Waples, Debra L. "The International olympic committee and the politicization of sport /." Genève : D. L. Waples, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355860439.
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Chui, Wing-tak Ernest. "Political participation in Hong Kong the politicization of social workers /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1988. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3197532X.
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Kale, Nulufer. "The Politicization Of Gender: From Identity Politics To Post-identity." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613815/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis study is to understand the significance of today&rsquos feminist politics in Turkey for post-identity politics. When it is considered that identity politics is being widely practiced today, whereas there is still much vagueness regarding the ways of doing post-identity politics, in order to achieve the aim of this study it becomes necessary to make a critique of identity politics and to reveal post-identitarian tendencies through this critique of identity-based political mobilization. In this study, feminist identity politics is analyzed and criticized from the perspective of Judith Butler, who is a poststructuralist feminist questioning identity and its relation to gender politics. These issues are questioned through qualitative research method and semi-structured in-depth interviews are used as the data gathering technique. Five in-depth interviews were conducted with women who consider themselves feminist. The interviews aim at providing individual narrations of the participants to be exposed to deconstruction later on through the analysis process. Therefore, participants are not asked direct and categorical questions about their ideas on specific issues
instead, they are encouraged to talk about how they perceive the gendered world around them and how they respond to it and how these ideas are transferred to the political arena. It was found that the participants perceived sex, gender and sexuality in a dualistic framework to a certain extent and this relative fluidity enables them to realize the importance of doing post-identity politics, but they do not have a tendency to transfer this to the political arena in the near future.
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Chui, Wing-tak Ernest, and 徐永德. "Political participation in Hong Kong: the politicization of social workers." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197532X.
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Nichols, Todd Lawrence. "The Iraq War and the politicization of the U.S. military." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709114.
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Millman, Eric. "Substantive Due Process and the Politicization of the Supreme Court." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1905.
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Substantive due process is one of the most cherished and elusive doctrines in American constitutional jurisprudence. The understanding that the Constitution of the United States protects not only specifically enumerated rights, but also broad concepts such as “liberty,” “property,” and “privacy,” forms the foundation for some of the Supreme Court’s most impactful—and controversial—decisions.
This thesis explores the constitutional merits and politicizing history of natural rights jurisprudence from its application in Dred Scott v. Sandford to its recent evocation in Obergefell v. Hodges. Indeed, from slavery to same-same sex marriage, substantive due process has played a pivotal role in shaping our nation’s laws and destiny: But was it ever intended to?
This paper first examines the legal arguments in favor of substantive due process to determine whether the judiciary was designed to be the “bulwark” of natural as well as clearly scribed law. Then, employing a novel framework to measuring judicial politicization, the thesis tracks the doctrine’s application throughout its most prominent case studies. Often arriving at nuanced conclusions, we observe that the truth is more often painted in some gradation of grey than in black or white.
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Matzko, Paul. "No Uncertain Trumpet: Carl McIntire and the Politicization of Fundamentalism." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/85140.
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HistoryM.A.
Cold War era preacher Carl McIntire played a significant role in the politicization of fundamentalism during the 1930s, '40s, and '50s. His libertarian political philosophy was shaped by the denominational politics in the Presbyterian Church of America during the fundamentalist - modernist controversy.
Temple University--Theses
16
Scribner, Campbell. "Engaging elegance the politicization of the New Yorker, 1934-1946 /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/669.
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Orehek, Matt. "Politicization and the Intelligence-Policymaker Relationship: A Comparison of the Kennedy and Trump Administrations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1602.
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The American public’s wellbeing rests on the ability of policymakers to enact informed policy. In order for policymakers to be productive in the forging of policy, they must be presented with unbiased intelligence analysis. Thus policymakers must maintain a healthy relationship with the intelligence community in order to receive accurate intelligence reports. Avoiding politicization is paramount to maintaining a healthy intelligence-policymaker relationship. Throughout the past half-century, American politicians and members of the U.S. intelligence community have sought to minimize their own political opinions when dealing with matters of national security. This thesis explores and describes the relationship between intelligence and policymaking, and examines closely how politicization of national security matters strains that relationship. It will focus on two case studies; the first concerning the Kennedy administration and the second the Trump administration. I address hostile intra-administration relations within the Kennedy administration and relate those complications to the current tensions between Trump and his intelligence services. It is concluded that for executives, the use of confidants to conduct foreign policy negotiations and to deliberate on national security matters generates resentment and distrust from intelligence agencies. Associating with the Russian government is also a major factor leading to rifts in this relationship. For the intelligence community, biased analysis, leaks, and undermining policy positions all contribute to decreases in policymaker’s confidence in their work. These forms of politicization hamper healthy intelligence-policymaker relations and lead to ineffective policy initiatives. President Trump must work with his intelligence community to curb these forms of politicization if he is to have a successful and productive presidency.
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Wohlfarth, Patrick C. McGuire Kevin T. "The tenth justice? consequences of politicization in the solicitor general's office /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,486.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
19
羅燕 and Yan Luo. "Politicization and depoliticization of education in the People's Republic of China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31244579.
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Moylan, Mary-Beth. "The Politicization of Maternal Care: The Lawrence Textile Strike of 1912." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1374056222.
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Gupta, Ananya. "The Politicization of Water: Transboundary Water-Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin159016833466416.
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Pearce, Lonni Dee. "Making change: The role of rhetoric in the politicization of consumption." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280492.
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Working Assets, a long-distance phone service company, often markets its services by telling customers that buying the company's products/services will contribute to social progress ("Help save rainforests, defend reproductive freedom and house the homeless while you save money on long distance calls"). This claim is based on the company's philanthropic and political practices, such as donating 1% of its long distance revenue to "progressive" nonprofit organizations, and alerting customers to current political, environmental, and social issues in its monthly mailings and through email. Working Assets' rhetorical representations of itself, its customers, and the act of consumption epitomize one moment in a dialectical process that is redefining economic, social, and political boundaries in the contemporary U.S. In this project, I term this process the "politicization of consumption" and define it as rhetorical practices that represent consumption as an exercise of social or political power. This project analyzes Working Assets' marketing rhetoric, as well as other samples of marketing texts that merge consumption with citizenship, for internal and external tensions that demonstrate ways that the politicization of consumption influences and is influenced by U.S. post-Fordist capitalism. Analyzing a variety of texts using Marxist dialectical inquiry as a theoretical framework and the concept of post-Fordism as a historical framework reveals the role of rhetoric in social and cultural production and reproduction and, more specifically, in redefining notions of "consumption" and "citizenship" in the contemporary U.S. This project concludes that, while the rhetoric of Working Assets and other companies that market "civic consumption" largely support capitalist structures, this rhetoric also cracks open the always already political nature of consumption, offering critical scholars opportunities for exposing the contradictions of capitalism.
23
Duffin, P. A. "The political allegiance of the Cornish gentry c1600-c1642." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234555.
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Noyes, Allison L. "Foreign policy making and perspective : neoconservative ideology and the politicization of intelligence /." Connect to online version, 2005. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2005/102.pdf.
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Fecteau, André. "An Identity and an Uprising: The Politicization of Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/33391.
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Historically, political mobilization within the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa for homeland politics has been minimal. Yet, since 2011, its members have taken part in a wide range of activities with the hope that they could contribute to the Egyptian uprising and shape the new political environment that arose from it. What compelled them to do so, and why only since 2011? Rooted in both the literatures on diaspora and transnationalism, this thesis argues that there were two simultaneous processes behind their mobilization. First, their sense of belonging to Egypt led some individuals within the Ottawa community to give a new political aspect and meaning to their Egyptian identity, and second, a series of events linked to the Egyptian uprising acted as catalysts to turn these identity-related feelings into action, which subsequently created new rifts within the community.
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Arfiansyah, M. "The politicization of «shari'ah»: behind the implementation of «shari'ah» in Aceh-Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=87001.
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This thesis studies the political factors of the implementation of shari'ah law to end a long and bloody conflict in Aceh, Indonesia. It argues that the Indonesian government did not mean to separate the secularist Gerakan Aceh Merdeka ('Free Aceh Movement' or GAM) from the Acehnese civilians, who are predominantly traditional Muslims and whose culture has been assimilated with Islamic teaching since the twelfth century, by granting the implementation of Islamic law in the region.This thesis provides an alternative explanation for the development of shari'ah as a resolution to the conflict in the region. Contrasting existing explanations about the implementation of shari'ah in modern politics in Aceh, this study analyzes more closely the reasons that the Indonesian government was so willing to grant the implementation of shari'ah in Aceh. It is important to note that shari'ah was part of a larger concession granting regional autonomy in order to end the three-decades of conflict in the region. Aside from analyzing the sources of the conflict that led to the emergence of two different rebellions in Aceh (the first was a religious movement and the second was a secular ethno-nationalist revolt), this thesis will investigate the Indonesian government's motivations for granting shari'ah to the Acehnese within the secular legal system of Indonesia. This thesis will analyze the Indonesian political situation from 1997 to 1999, which led to the granting of special autonomy and additionally shari'ah to the Acehnese government. This study will also analyze the importance and the development of shari'ah in the region beginning with its initial granting in 1999 until its comprehensive implementation. The analysis is focused on two fundamental elements, Qanun (Islamic pieces of legislation) and the Shari'ah Courts of Aceh. Most importantly, and running through both elements, this thesis will show how shari'ah was used politically by Indonesian nationalists and GAM, although both sides bore ideologies that were predominantly secular.
Cette thèse explore les facteurs politiques derrière l'application de la shari'ah visant à mettre fin au long conflit dans la région de l'Aceh, en Indonésie. Nous soutenons que le gouvernement indonésien n'a pas souhaité diviser le mouvement laïque Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (« mouvement pour un Aceh libre » ou GAM) et les civils acehnais, ce dernier composé en majorité de Musulmans et associé d'emblée tant à l'enseignement islamique depuis le 12e siècle de notre ère qu'à l'introduction de la shari'ah dans la région d'Aceh. fr
Cette thèse propose une nouvelle explication à l'adoption graduelle de la shari'ah comme cadre de résolution du conflit dans la région d'Aceh. S'inscrivant en contraste avec les explications existantes sur l'introduction de la shari'ah dans le contexte politique moderne d'Aceh, cette étude analyse les raisons qui ont poussées le gouvernement indonésien à donner le feu vert à l'adoption de la shari'ah dans la région d'Aceh. Notons que la shari'ah faisait partie d'une plus large concession accordant l'autonomie régionale à Aceh comme condition de règlement du conflit entre Aceh et le gouvernement central qui perdurait alors depuis trois décennies. En plus d'analyser les sources du conflit qui a mené à l'émergence des deux différentes rébellions d'Aceh (la première de nature religieuse, la seconde ethno nationaliste), cette thèse explore les motivations du gouvernement indonésien d'accepter l'adoption de la shari'ah à l'intérieur du système juridique indonésien. La période de l'histoire politique indonésienne couverte par cette étude s'étend de 1997 à 1999, soit jusqu'à l'octroi de l'autonomie politique au gouvernement acehnais et à l'adoption de la shari'ah comme cadre de résolution des conflits. Cette thèse analyse également le développement de la shari'ah dans la région, de son autorisation par le gouvernement central en 1999 jusqu'à son adoption effective. L'analyse examine essentiellement deux éléments fondamentaux, soient le Qanun (lois islamiques) et les cours shari'ah Aceh, pour démontrer comment deux groupes laïques, les nationalistes indonésiens et le GAM, ont utilisé la shari'ah pour leur stratégie politique. fr
27
Elhag, Ahmed Hasaballa. "The medium and the message : Edward Bond and the politicization of art." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253130.
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Wallace, Sara. "Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the al-Aqsa Intifada." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1111151051.
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Dutt, Sagarika. "The politicization of the United Nations specialized agencies - a case study of UNESCO." Thesis, University of Kent, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.279876.
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Levy, H. "The peripheral media : alternative coverage and the politicization of inequality in contemporary Brazil." Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/19933/.
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Since the 2013 nationwide protests in Brazil, the coverage of social issues by the country’s alternative media has reached unprecedented levels of notoriety. Media producers have laid bare the consequences of inequality, as seen in bad public services, crime and violence among the poorest, and episodes of class prejudice in the country’s biggest cities. This thesis aims to set new parameters to analyse the coverage of this alternative media scene, based on a framework called the peripheral media. It investigates the contribution that this amalgam of small media outlets can make to the politicization of inequality in Brazil. With limited infrastructure, could producers create a different type of politicized awareness based only on their discourse? How could the alternative media thus open a path to a more democratic media environment? This research has invested in interviews with media producers based across the country, and in a frame analysis of their content, to find common strategies used to raise the awareness of an indifferent mainstream society regarding inequality. Evidence has shown producers transforming past mainstream stereotypes, as well as acting to reframe crime as political events and to deconstruct the trivialisation of everyday inequality. This thesis contends that the alternative media’s strength lies more in its ability to create counterhegemonic discourses than otherwise thought, also suggesting that media democratisation could come increasingly from the margins of society.
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Cormaic, Aodhán Mac. "Ministers and 'can do' officials : modes of politicization in the Irish civil service." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678945.
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The thesis examines how the traditional dual role of the civil servant as both policy advisor and policy implementer may have been reprioritized, with the latter element of the dual role now receiving greater priority. The research, involving interviews with retired Secretaries General and retired Ministers, explores this issue in the context of the politicization of the civil service, an issue that has been extensively written about in other jurisdictions. Data collected during the interviews is examined in the context of two theoretical approaches; the Interpretive Approach to understanding politico-administrative relations and the Public Service Bargain framework. The thesis looks at the role of the 'can do' official in the politico-administrative relationship in Ireland to see if officials with a 'can do' attitude are being favoured by Ministers and whether, as has been claimed in the case of the British civil service, this leads to arguments which are not politically acceptable being suppressed prior to the submission of policy options to Ministers. It shows how the role of the civil servant is of importance to democratic legitimacy due to his/her potential willingness to participate in the consensus-reaching process and, in the process, promote his/her own self-interest rather than that of the public in general. The research explores with Ministers and civil servants alike the nature of their interaction and draws conclusions as to its impact on the policy-making process. In this context, therefore, and using the interaction between Ministers and 'can do' officials as a starting point, the thesis seeks to answer the following questions: • What, if any, evidence is there of politicization within the Irish civil service and what is the nature of this politicization?
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Kuhn, Brian M. "The End of the Earmark Era: The New Politicization of Federal Agency Spending." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510834473511441.
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Ebinger, Falk, Sylvia Veit, and Nadin Fromm. "The Partisan-Professional-Dichotomy revisited: Politicization and Decision-Making of Senior Civil Servants." Wiley, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/padm.12613.
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Politicization has an ambivalent reputation among public administration scholars. While considered an effective instrument to safeguard political control over ministerial bureaucracy, partisanship of senior civil servants is likewise associated with patronage and deemed detrimental to professionalism and meritocracy. To scrutinize this contradiction, the article examines how a party¿political background of senior civil servants influences their decision-making behavior. Two theoretically derived conceptions of loyalty are put therefore to the test: responsiveness and responsibility. Effects are captured by using vignette technique in 40 in-depth interviews with former senior civil servants from ministerial departments at federal and state level in Germany. The results are surprising insofar as they reveal that politicized senior civil servants neither act more responsive nor less responsible than their non-politicized peers. These findings challenge common assumptions and call for a more refined analysis of the conditions under which politicization leads to negative effects.
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Mickovski, Kiril <1992>. "LGBT RIGHTS: how politicization of LGBT issues leads to violence against sexual minorities." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18903.
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The purpose of this research is to, through examining historical occurrences and contemporary politicization of LGBT issue, identify good practices in combating the cultural and institutional violence against sexual minorities Considering its of paramount importance for discussing contemporary LGBT issues, the first chapter discusses the Stonewell movements in the 1970s, as well as prior organizations called the homophiles, which paved the way in combating issues regarding hate crime laws and sodomy laws that present a concerning elements from legislative part of many LGBT movements in the 21st century Subsequently, the second chapter continues the research on the state of sexual minorities in regards to the evolution of Europe legislature in treating instruments to tackle sexual orientation as a discriminatory offence. Furthermore, I will try to explain the complexities and the advancement of the court cases promulgated by the ECJ and ECtHR as a benchmark jurisprudence in combating discrimination based on gender or sex. My research will expose the European broad legal anti-discrimination strategy, its vagueness in relation to active and passive discrimination along with the hierarchical position of gender or sex compared to other grounds for discrimination. In the last chapter, my paper tries to make an assessment with other countries ideological struggle against LGBT rights in Russia, Poland and the Balkans when it comes these countries tendencies in particular when it comes to breaking norms in front of supranational institutions such as the Council of Europe and the ECtHR.In conclusion I will try to expose in the dichotomy of implementing European norms and legislature to aspiring countries that try to integrate into EU, but taking into account their differential cultural and social context. in the larger context of the lgbt struggle against politicization of LGBT issues Finally, I will try to answer the research question: what is the role of the LGBT activist groups and supranational organizations such as the ECJ or the ECtHR in creating precedence when in comes to combating the cultural and institutional violence over sexual minorities in regards to grounds of discrimination such as sex or gender in the EU.
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Sarkar, Abhijit. "Beyond famines : wartime state, society, and politicization of food in colonial India, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d9ed9566-5baa-42b0-83a7-3d1f6909cf59.
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This thesis explores the origin of one of the most engrossing concerns of the post-colonial Indian state, that is, its extensive, intricate, and expensive feeding arrangements for the civilians. It tracks the colonial origin of the post-colonial welfare state, of which state-management of food is one of the most publicized manifestations. This thesis examines the intervention of the late colonial British state in food procurement and distribution in India during the Second World War, and various forms of such intervention, such as the introduction of food rationing and food austerity laws. It argues that the war necessitated actions on the part of the colonial state to secure food supplies to a vastly expanded British Indian Army, to the foreign Allied troops stationed in India, and to the workers employed in war-industries. The thesis brings forth the constitutional and political predicaments that deprived the colonial central government's food administration of success. It further reveals how the bitter bargaining about food imports into India between the Government of India and the War Cabinet in Britain hampered the state efforts to tackle the food crisis. By discussing the religious and cultural codes vis-à-vis food consumption that influenced government food policies, this thesis has situated food in the historiography of consumption in colonial India. In addition to adopting a political approach to study food, it has also applied sociological treatment, particularly while dealing with how the wartime scarcity, and consequent austerity laws, forced people to accept novel consumption cultures. It also contributes to the historiography of 'everyday state'. Through its wartime intervention in everyday food affairs, the colonial state that had been distant and abstract in the perception of most common households, suddenly became a reality to be dealt with in everyday life within the domestic site. Thus, the macro state penetrated micro levels of existence. The colonial state now even developed elaborate food surveillance to gather intelligence about violation of food laws. This thesis unravels the responses of some of the political and religious organizations to state intervention in quotidian food consumption. Following in this vein, through a study of the political use of famine-relief in wartime Bengal, it introduces a new site to the study of communal politics in India, namely, propagation of Hindu communal politics through distribution of food by the Hindu Mahasabha party. Further, it demonstrates how the Muslim League government's failure to prevent the Great Bengal Famine of 1943-44 was politically used by the Mahasabha to oppose the League's emerging demand for the creation of Pakistan.
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El, Kahal Sonia. "The global political economy, politicization and consensus in international organization : the case of UNESCO." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294417.
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Maksic, Adis. "Mobilizing for Ethnic Violence? Ethno-national Political Parties and the Dynamics of Ethno-politicization." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71392.
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On July 12th, 1990 the Serb Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina (SDS BiH) held its founding assembly. Less than five months later, it participated in the November 1990 elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), winning a decisive majority of the vote of ethnic Serbs. Yet, SDS BiH was not an ordinary political party. In the sixteen months that followed the elections, it initiated a series of activities that eroded the power of BiH institutions to which it had been elected. SDS BiH declared its own organs superior to those of BiH and established exclusive control in Serb-majority areas. In early 1992, it united these areas into a single Serb Republic, formed an exclusively Serb armed force, and set out to violently expand the territory that would be incorporated into the new statelet.
This study seeks to advance an understanding of the role of ethno-nationalist agents in the outbreak of violent conflicts fought in the name of ethnic nations by analyzing the activities of SDS BiH on the political homogenization of Serbs in the two years leading up to the 1992 onset of violence in BiH. It incorporates the tools of discourse analysis and the recent findings in the studies of human cognition, identifying the agency of SDS BiH in the power of the Party's discourse to produce affective sensibilities that served its nationalist agenda. It argues that this engineering of affect was crucial for constituting the dispersed individuals of Serb ethnic background as a palpable political group, and preparing them for armed mobilization.
The analysis also argues that ethno-nationalist agency can be properly understood only by considering the case-specific structural factors with which all agents interact. Toward this point, it draws contrast between the agency of SDS BiH and that of the National Movement in the Republic of Georgia, showing that ethnic structures hold a greater explanatory value in the Georgian case. Rather than departing from pre-given ethnic groups, both case studies suggest that conflict analyses should problematize the dynamic interaction between the dominant ethno-nationalist agents and ethnic structures, which produce ethnic groups, ethnic interests and sides to armed conflicts.Ph. D.
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Coplin, Janet C. (Janet Cecile). "The Politicization of Public Education in Nicaragua: 1967-1994, Regime Type and Regime Strategy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279077/.
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Understanding how change occurs in lesser developed countries, particularly in Latin America has been the subject of a prolonged theoretical academic debate. That debate has emphasized economics more that politics in general and predictability over unpredictability in the Latin American region. This paper challenges these approaches. Explaining change requires an examination of the politics of public policy as much as its economic dimensions. Second, change in the Latin American region may be less predictable than it appears. Scholars maintain that change in Latin America occurs when contending elites negotiate it. Their power comes from the various resources they possess. Change, therefore, is not expected to occur as a function of regime change per se. This paper considers the treatment of education policy in Nicaragua during the regimes of the dynastic authoritarianism of Anastasio Somoza Debayle (1967-1979), the revolutionary governments of the Sandinistas (1979-1990), and the democratic-centrist government of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). The central research question is: When regimes change, do policies change? The methodology defines the independent variable as the regime and education policy as the dependent variable. It posits three hypotheses. The right-wing regime of Somoza was expected to restrict both the qualitative aspects and the financing of education; (2) the left-wing regimes of the Sandinistas were hypothesized to have expanded both; and (3) the democratic-centrist regime of Chamorro was expected to have both expanded and restricted certain aspects of education policy. Several chapters describe these regimes' expansive or restrictive education strategies. A comparative analysis of these 26 years demonstrates several variables' effect over time. An OLS regression and a times series analysis specifies the relationship between regime change and percent of GDP each regime devoted to education. Both the statistical and qualitative findings of this study confirm the hypotheses. The study reveals that, as regimes changed, education strategies and policies changed. Such findings challenge some current thought about political behavior with respect to Latin American development in particular and development theory in general.
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Fredriksson, Magnus. "Främlingsfientlighetens politisering : En fallstudie av Sverigedemokraterna." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för lärarutbildning (LUT), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-16613.
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The purpose with this essay is to investigate Swedish political parties who have had or has a restrictive immigration policy containing opinions, that can be classified as xenophobic, and their history and development as a party. The focus in this essay is centred on the politicization that the parties Ny demokrati and Sverigedemokraterna have gone through and the mobilization they have reached. The material that will be handled in this matter are mainly the parties’ political programs that have been published in various forms, but these will be supplemented with secondary sources in the form of previous research, reviews by journalists and other literature. The result have shown that the development from 1970 – 1980´s to today considering these type of organizations is that they have changed in their appearance, in the matter of how they convey their message, and the actual appearance of the party members more than the message itself. The strongest evidence in this matter is Sverigedemokraterna which since the election 2010 has gained entrance in the Swedish parliament as a xenophobic party.
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Straková, Romana. "Politická etnizace Keni a její dopady na současný vývoj." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76525.
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This diploma thesis focuses on the analysis of the "phenomenon" of politicization of etnicity in Kenya, its impacts on temporary situation and future development of the country. Through the analysis of the sources and development of the phenomenon it makes an effort to explain the motives of the post-election violence in 2007 and review the temporary constitutional reform process focused on its impacts on political ethnization and minimalization of the social conflict. However for a long time, Kenya used to be perceived as a politically stable and prosperous African country, where many European tourists spent their holidays, the post-election violence in 2007 harshly damaged the positive international reputation of the country. Fortunately, an agreement between the two main presidential candidates was promptly reached and finally in August 2010 Kenyans peacefully passed the constitutional reform. There are doubts, whether they manage to reconcile the latent grievances of the past and settle ethnic conflicts of the Kenyan society to become a model to other multiethnical countries in Africa.
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Nunes, João. "Rethinking emancipation in critical security studies." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/177aca5b-1155-4b95-8766-35bd37250899.
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Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a comprehensive challenge to dominant conceptions in Security Studies. Security has been approached as a political phenomenon, resulting from political assumptions and having political effects. The politicization of security has been pursued by a number of so-called ‘critical approaches,’ including ‘security as emancipation.’ The latter argues that security consists in removing or alleviating constraints upon the lives of individuals and groups – such as poverty, ill health, or lack of education. This thesis asks two questions: firstly, can the ‘security as emancipation’ approach, in its current formulation, deliver on its claims and promises, in the context of the effort of politicization in Security Studies? And secondly, if it is shown that there are weaknesses, in what ways can the analytical and normative outlook of security as emancipation be strengthened through an engagement with other resources in the literature? Chapters 1 and 2 establish the context in which the merits of security as emancipation must be judged. They conclude that an engagement with this approach must focus on the way it conceives the multiple connections between security and politics. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 pursue this insight, by focusing on the notions of reality, threat and power respectively. In each of these themes, the argument identifies gaps in security as emancipation and suggests theoretical reconsiderations based on an engagement with approaches and ideas – in the critical security literature and in social and political theory – that so far have been neglected or not examined sufficiently by this approach. This thesis aims to re-establish security as emancipation as a valid interlocutor within critical debates about security. It also aims to show that the dialogue between critical approaches is, not only possible, but beneficial to understanding the politicization of security.
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Newton, Jacob Alexander. "The politicization of difference, nationalism and national unity in pre-independent India, Ghana, Nigeria, and Kenya." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ61152.pdf.
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Kyriakidou, Maria. "The feminist movement in Greece (c. 1910 - c. 1936) : from gender to feminist consciousness and politicization." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394282.
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Escobar, Mariana. "Paramilitary power and "parapolitics" : subnational patterns of criminalization of politicians and politicization of criminals in Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/857/.
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The phenomenon of corruption in the context of civil wars is of increasing interest in scholarly literature. Colombia exhibits a particular case in which right-wing paramilitaries from the United Self-Defence of Colombia, strongly supported in drug tra*cking activities, colluded with local politicians and captured the subnational state in many a region, under a phenomenon known as “parapolitics” or the politics of paramilitaries. Unlike the latest generation of armed conflicts in which warlords have sought to deconstruct the state, Colombian paramilitaries levered their strategic interests within the existing institutional framework, backed by local political elites and authorities, and pivoted on patron-client ties. In the context of these alliances, paramilitaries provided politicians with a violent muscle meant to protect electoral processes and maximize votes. In return, politicians protected paramilitary activities and represented the Self- Defence warlords in Congress in order to feed their political, judicial and economic domains. By elucidating the nature of "parapolitics" and by addressing the question of why (conditions), how (mechanisms) and to what purpose (ultimate goal) did the phenomenon emerge in Colombia, I examine in subnational comparative perspective the cases of Sucre and Norte de Santander departments. By building causal paths in historical perspective I substantiate parapolitics in the selected cases as well as variations in the processes and outcomes thereof. Although the cases do not represent the whole universe of "parapolitics", causal paths help building explanatory frameworks that may be generalizable to a larger universe of similar cases.
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Cantor, Guillermo. "Breaking into the public sphere: temporality, context, and innovation in the politicization of Latin American immigrants." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8890.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Sociology. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Witherspoon, Kevin B. Jones James Pickett. "Protest at the pyramid : the 1968 Mexico City Olympics and the politicization of the Olympic Games /." Electronic version:, 2003. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11162003-024645.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2003.Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Mar. 3, 04). Advisor: Dr. James P. Jones, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references.
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Wells, Shannon Leigh. "Deputy ministers and politicization in the government of Canada : lessons learned from the 2006-2007 Conservative transition." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/32133.
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This thesis analyses the 2006-07 Conservative transition in the Government of Canada by asking the following: is there evidence of overt partisan politicization of the deputy ministers during this transition? Significantly, there is no evidence of overt politicization. Harper has not forced departure of incumbent deputy ministers, nor has he appointed a significant number of known partisan allies from outside the public service. Instead, Harper has retained the overwhelming majority of deputy ministers who served the previous Liberal government. However, the 2006-07 transition also suggests considerable lateral career mobility of deputy ministers within the highest levels of government. The thesis argues that lateral mobility is explained by the "corporate" governance structure in the government of Canada, according to which deputy ministers are expected to identify with the government's broad policy goals and mobilize support for them. High degrees of lateral mobility during the Conservative transition provide evidence to suggest that a potentially rigid bureaucratic system can be made responsive to the policy priorities of a new government without compromising the professional norms of a non-partisan, career public service.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Mitchell, John "David" F. "NGO insecurity in high-risk conflict zones: the politicization of aid and its impact on “humanitarian space”." Diss., Kansas State University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/34145.
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Doctor of PhilosophySecurity Studies Interdepartmental Program
Emizet F. Kisangani
Attacks against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in high-risk conflict zones have increased exponentially over the last two decades. However, the few existing empirical studies on NGO insecurity have tended to focus on external factors influencing attacks, with little attention paid to the actions of aid workers themselves. To fill this gap, this dissertation theorizes that aid workers may have contributed to their own insecurity by engaging in greater political action. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to assess the impact of political activity by NGOs on the insecurity of aid workers. The quantitative analyses test the theory at two levels. The first is a large-N country-level analysis of 117 nations from 1999 to 2015 using panel corrected standard errors. The second is a subnational-level statistical analysis of four case studies: Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and Colombia from 2000 to 2014. Both the country- and provincial- level analyses show that the magnitude of aid tends to be a significant determinant of aid worker security. The qualitative methods of “structured-focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to analyze the four cases. Results show that aid workers are most likely to be victims of politically-motivated attacks while in-transit. Consistent with the quantitative findings, it is speculated that if workers are engaged in a large-scale project over an extended period of time, attackers will be able to monitor their daily activities and routines closely, making it easier to orchestrate a successful ambush. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that political statements made by NGOs—regardless of their sectors of activity—have increased insecurity for the broader aid community. These results dispel the myth that humanitarian activity has historically been independent, impartial, and neutral. Several NGOs have relied on this false assumption for security, believing that adherence to core principles has contributed to “humanitarian space.” The results also dispel the popular NGO assumption that targeted attacks are not official tactics of organized militants, but rather the result of criminality or mistaken identity. In fact, the overwhelming majority of aid workers attacked in high-risk conflict zones have been targeted by political actors.
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Cooperstein, Shana. "BLOWING BUBBLES, BURSTING BULLES: AN ANALYSIS OF MANET'S BOY BLOWING BUBBLES AND THE POLITICIZATION OF HOMO BULLA." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216764.
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Art HistoryM.A.
This paper analyzes the political dimensions surrounding visual and literary allusions to soap bubbles. Traditionally, iconographic studies consider soap bubbles within the history of northern Baroque vanitas, attaching to bubbles notions of ephemerality and transience. Building on these interpretations, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century French artists and writers created a complex metaphor for soap bubbles that relied on their impermanence and fragility, as well as their illusory nature. By coupling the earliest conceptual meanings of soap bubbles with their almost imperceptible formal properties, the bubble blower came to symbolize deceivers, or figures creating illusions or delusions. Eventually, this transformed vanitas symbolism became harnessed to political critiques and representative of chimerical assertions of papal authority, calumny, and false promises of liberal reform. I not only describe the alternative meanings associated with soap bubbles in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France, but also I situate Edouard Manet's Les Bulles de savon (1867) within this trajectory. While most scholars interpret Manet's painting and accompanying prints as a continuation of, and legacy to, the Dutch vanitas tradition, I illustrate how the artistic and political milieu in which Manet worked mirrored earlier criticisms employing allusions to bubbles.
Temple University--Theses
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Johnson, Mary M. "The federal government and the politicization of the Canada Council, exploring the fine line between accountability and interference." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ52354.pdf.
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