Journal articles on the topic 'Politicians'
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1
Halmburger, Anna, Anna Baumert, and Tobias Rothmund. "Seen one, seen ‘em all? Do reports about law violations of a single politician impair the perceived trustworthiness of politicians in general and of the political system?" Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 448–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.933.
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By bringing together a sophisticated conceptualization of political trustworthiness (integrated model of trust) with theorizing from information processing (trait inferences, inclusion-exclusion model), our research aimed at investigating the impact of a politician’s unlawful behavior on political trust. In four experimental studies, we investigated how laypersons draw inferences from media reports about a politician’s law violation to the trustworthiness of (a) that politician, (b) politicians in general, and (c) the political system as a whole. Participants who read a bogus newspaper report about a violation of law (child pornography or financial fraud) ascribed lower integrity, benevolence, and competence to the respective politician compared to those in a control condition (Study 1, 3, & 4). The perceived trustworthiness of politicians in general and the political system was also found to be decreased in one study (Study 2), which did not include items asking for the trustworthiness of the law-violating politician. By contrast, two studies including such items revealed only indirect effects through the perceived trustworthiness of the politician in question (Study 3 & 4). Our results suggest that law violations negatively affect the responsible politicians. In line with the inclusion-exclusion model, the impact from the wrongdoing of one politician to all politicians or the political system seems to be highly influenced by boundary conditions.
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Sikorski, Christian von, and Mark Ludwig. "The effects of visual isolation on the perception of scandalized politicians." Communications 43, no. 2 (June 26, 2018): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2017-0054.
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Abstract In their depictions of scandalized politicians, journalists frequently use news images that highlight the (alleged) isolation of politicians. To test how this way of portraying political actors affects a recipient’s attitudes and his/her guilt perception toward such a scandalized politician an experiment was conducted. All participants were exposed to the identical textual information. However, the visual information (degree of isolation) was systematically altered. A multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) showed that participants – exposed to a visual highlighting the isolation of the politician – evaluated the politician in a significantly more negative way and rated other recipients’ perceptions of the politician’s level of guilt to be higher.
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Volek, Martin. "Zveřejnit či nechat skryté: Jak čtenáři Blesku zdůvodňují politickou relevanci informací o soukromí politiků." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.1.52.
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Politicians as public persons are under increasing review by both the media and the general public. This review focuses not only on acts in public office, both official and unofficial, but also on the behavior of politicians in private life that could, in a real or imagined way, influence their performance in public office. This paper presents the perceptions of the boundaries between the public and private lives of politicians by readers of the most popular Czech tabloid, Blesk. The qualitative analysis based on in-depth interviews and a focus group with readers presents arguments that readers use to categorize information about politicians into that that belongs in the public domain and should be therefore published, and that that belongs to the private sphere and should not be published. In the readers’ views, citizens have the right to know about a politician’s private life, such as information that reflects a politician’s character and about possible influences from their private life on their performance in public office. The readers also consider how it feels for a politician to be a private person in public office under public scrutiny. These readers then often advocate the right of a politician to have his privacy respected, since these readers themselves would not be pleased to be under such a high level of public scrutiny regarding their own lives. It seems that the readers’ arguments are largely based on their personal history. We finally suggest that research on political participation would be enriched by including the perspective of everyday life experiences of the general public.
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Böhmer, Kristina. "Does hatred rule political communication on social media? How do politicians talk about the EU on Facebook, and how do their followers react?" Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0021.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the communication of four Slovak political leaders about the European Union’s agenda on Facebook and their followers’ interactions. As cognitive authorities of their followers, politicians directly impact public perception of current news by providing their own opinions and views. The paper studies the politicians’ followers’ engagement through manual qualitative sentiment analysis. The results suggest that while moderate Facebook users who support the EU are not active and do not show their support openly, users who condemn the EU express their negative sentiments regardless of the politician’s sentiment in the post. If a politician praises the EU, the followers criticise it. If a politician criticises the EU, followers agree with them. That leads us to the conclusion that social media dynamised the concept of cognitive authority.
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Alexeyev, A. B. "The Political Marginalization as a Communicative Strategy of Power Domination in Political Discourse." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 20, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2022-20-1-96-111.
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The article is dedicated to the study of political marginalization viewed as a communicative strategy, aimed at retention or attainment of political power. Political discourse, despite the perceptible tendency towards personalization of the political communication particularly noticeable in politainment, is defined as a predominantly institutional type of discourse in which the dyad ‘agent – client’ plays an important role. From the traditional standpoint of view, it is believed that agents have discursive power while clients have none. However, as the undertaken research shows, it is quite difficult to draw a distinct line between agents and clients in political discourse. The point is that using the strategy of marginalization, politicians can present themselves as non-politicians (i.e. non-agents), untypical (atypical) politicians, for example women politicians, politicians holding on to minority political views, etc. At the same time, the strategy in question is most likely unrestricted by political forms of marginalization in the sense that it can correspond to the politician’s search for selfidentification with marginal social groups whose rights are infringed upon, including national minorities and LGBT. Furthermore, even those social groups which, in fact, have long ceased to be marginal in the Western world (e.g. women) can be exploited by marginal politicians who prefer to characterize them as people who are not enjoying equal rights with elite, privileged representatives of the society (e.g. men). Thus, the study of marginalization presupposes the analysis of the complex structure of social relationships, unveiling manipulative aspects of marginalization (NB: the politician’s self-representation as the non-politician should almost always be considered as an instance of manipulation) and exploration of linguopragmatic aspects of marginalization.
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Fino, Edita, Michela Menegatti, Alessio Avenanti, and Monica Rubini. "Reading of ingroup politicians’ smiles triggers smiling in the corner of one’s eyes." PLOS ONE 19, no. 4 (April 18, 2024): e0290590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0290590.
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Spontaneous smiles in response to politicians can serve as an implicit barometer for gauging electorate preferences. However, it is unclear whether a subtle Duchenne smile–an authentic expression involving the coactivation of the zygomaticus major (ZM) and orbicularis oculi (OO) muscles–would be elicited while reading about a favored politician smiling, indicating a more positive disposition and political endorsement. From an embodied simulation perspective, we investigated whether written descriptions of a politician’s smile would trigger morphologically different smiles in readers depending on shared or opposing political orientation. In a controlled reading task in the laboratory, participants were presented with subject-verb phrases describing left and right-wing politicians smiling or frowning. Concurrently, their facial muscular reactions were measured via electromyography (EMG) recording at three facial muscles: the ZM and OO, coactive during Duchenne smiles, and the corrugator supercilii (CS) involved in frowning. We found that participants responded with a Duchenne smile detected at the ZM and OO facial muscles when exposed to portrayals of smiling politicians of same political orientation and reported more positive emotions towards these latter. In contrast, when reading about outgroup politicians smiling, there was a weaker activation of the ZM muscle and no activation of the OO muscle, suggesting a weak non-Duchenne smile, while emotions reported towards outgroup politicians were significantly more negative. Also, a more enhanced frown response in the CS was found for ingroup compared to outgroup politicians’ frown expressions. Present findings suggest that a politician’s smile may go a long way to influence electorates through both non-verbal and verbal pathways. They add another layer to our understanding of how language and social information shape embodied effects in a highly nuanced manner. Implications for verbal communication in the political context are discussed.
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Krause, George A. "Representative democracy and policy-making in the administrative state: is agency policy-making necessarily better?" Journal of Public Policy 33, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x13000044.
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AbstractThis study focuses on how voters and politicians rationally select a preferred policy-making venue (Politician or Agency), and its implications for the principal-agent relationship between voters and politicians in a representative democracy. This study allows for incomplete information, as well as solving for the comparative static conditions pertaining to the extent that a politician's policy-making venue choices mirror those preferred by a representative voter. The comparative static results highlight when a politician (1) chooses the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (Active or Passive Political Responsiveness); (2) is able to choose freely either policy-making venue without committing agency loss (Political Discretion); and (3) willing to deviate from the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (Political Shirking). In contrast to the study by Spence, this study analytically demonstrates that one cannot infer that the benefits accrued from agency policy-making will necessarily exceed those from electoral institutions.
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ICHINO, NAHOMI, and NOAH L. NATHAN. "Crossing the Line: Local Ethnic Geography and Voting in Ghana." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 344–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000664.
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Theories of instrumental ethnic voting in new democracies propose that voters support co-ethnic politicians because they expect politicians to favor their co-ethnics once in office. But many goods that politicians deliver to voters are locally nonexcludable in rural areas, so the local presence of an ethnic group associated with a politician should affect a rural voter's assessment of how likely she is to benefit from that politician's election. Using geocoded polling-station–level election results alongside survey data from Ghana, we show that otherwise similar voters are less likely to vote for the party of their own ethnic group, and more likely to support a party associated with another group, when the local ethnic geography favors the other group. This result helps account for the imperfect correlation between ethnicity and vote choice in African democracies. More generally, this demonstrates how local community and geographic contexts can modify the information conveyed by ethnicity and influence voter behavior.
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Dan, Viorela, and Florian Arendt. "Visual Cues to the Hidden Agenda: Investigating the Effects of Ideology-Related Visual Subtle Backdrop Cues in Political Communication." International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 1 (July 9, 2020): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220936593.
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Politicians’ reticence to communicate their views clearly increases the information asymmetry between them and the electorate. This study tested the potential of subtle ideological cues to redress the balance. By spotlighting visual rather than the already much-examined verbal cues, we sought to contribute to building theory on cue effects. Specifically, we aimed to determine whether the effects from the literature on verbal cues could also be shown for visual ones. We used an experiment ( N = 361) to test the effects of subtle backdrop cues (SBCs), that is, of visual cues to ideology embedded in the background of political images. We manipulated photos of a fictitious politician to include liberal or conservative SBCs. We embedded these images in Twitter posts and tested whether they influenced perceptions of the politician’s ideology and the intention to vote for him. We analyzed the relationship between exposure to SBCs, the politician’s perceived political ideology, and voting intention—including the study of conditional effects elicited by cue awareness and ideological consistency between the depicted politician and participant. The conditional process analysis suggested that SBCs mattered, as they influenced citizens’ perceptions of a politician’s political ideology, and consequently, voting intention. These effects were moderated by cue awareness and ideological consistency. We concluded that SBCs can elicit substantial effects and that their use by politicians is paying off.
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Faccio, Mara, and David C. Parsley. "Sudden Deaths: Taking Stock of Geographic Ties." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 44, no. 3 (June 2009): 683–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109009990068.
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AbstractAnalysis of a worldwide sample of sudden deaths of politicians reveals a market-adjusted 1.7% decline in the value of companies headquartered in the politician's hometown. The decline in value is followed by a drop in the rate of growth in sales and access to credit. Our results are particularly pronounced for family firms, firms with high growth prospects, firms in industries over which the politician has jurisdiction, and firms headquartered in highly corrupt countries.
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Clarke, Edward J. R., Anna Klas, Morgana Lizzio-Wilson, and Emily J. Kothe. "Partisan bias in responses to sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 706–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.6371.
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Across two studies, we tested whether evaluations of sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians are made in a partisan biased manner. First, we investigated the likelihood a sexual misconduct allegation made by a female staffer was perceived as legitimate by Democratic and Republican participants when the accused politician’s party affiliation was aligned (versus unaligned) with the participant’s own affiliation (Study 1). We also tested whether partisan bias was conditional on the strength of the participant’s expressive partisanship (Study 2). In Study 1, 182 Democratic and 159 Republican affiliates (N = 341), recruited via Amazon Mechanical Turk, were randomly allocated to one of three conditions (Democratic, Republican, or unaffiliated accused politician). Findings indicated that Republican participants were less likely than Democrats to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation as legitimate, irrespective of the politician’s party affiliation. Nonetheless, participants were not more likely to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation against an unaligned politician as more legitimate than against a politician of their own party. However, in a replication of Study 1 with a larger sample (301 Democratic and 301 Republican affiliates), Republicans (but not Democrats) demonstrated partisan bias in judgements of the legitimacy of misconduct allegations. Expressive partisanship did not moderate this partisan effect.
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Gasanov, Bogdan. "Image Actualization of the First Lady Within the Framework of Image Stereotyping of the President in the Media (Exemplified by the 43rd and 45th US Presidents and Their Wives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 3 (July 21, 2021): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v100.
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This article aims to reveal the specifics of the actualization of the family image within the framework of image stereotyping of a politician in mass media. For several decades, mass media discourse has been paying special attention to the personal lives of political leaders and opinion leaders, satisfying the needs of readers eager to learn what they are like in everyday life and personal relationships. This study provides a definition of the concept of a politician’s communicative behaviour, shaping his speech portrait, which is to a large extent formed through the media. The speech portrait is made up of the politician’s rhetoric (either conservative or liberal) implemented in public speeches. At the same time, a politician’s image often depends on mass media, more precisely, on their attitude towards him/her, the narration about the politician’s family playing an important role in this. The empirical material of this study includes newspaper articles of the English-language periodicals The Guardian and Politico from 2009–2020, writing about the presidents Donald Trump and George W. Bush and their family members. These periodicals are of interest due to their political orientation, within the framework of which the images of these politicians and their family members are shaped. Turning to comparative analysis, the author identified the relationship between a politician’s image and the representation of his family members in the press. In addition, discourse analysis was used, logically supplemented with linguoculturological and sociopragmalinguistic modelling of communicative interaction. The research found that mass media discourse presents the politicians’ family life through the representation of their wives, often with gender stereotyping. Moreover, there is a clear process of delimiting the spouses in newspaper discourse, i.e. the image of a politician does not always affect the image of his wife, which means that they are viewed independently from each other.
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Ceron, Andrea. "Intra-party politics in 140 characters." Party Politics 23, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816654325.
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Scholars have emphasized the need to deepen investigation of intraparty politics. Recent studies look at social media as a source of information on the ideological preferences of politicians and political actors. In this regard, the present article tests whether social media messages published by politicians are a suitable source of data. It applies quantitative text analysis to the public statements released by politicians on social media in order to measure intraparty heterogeneity and assess its effects. Three different applications to the Italian case are discussed. Indeed, the content of messages posted online is informative on the ideological preferences of politicians and proved to be useful to understand intraparty dynamics. Intraparty divergences measured through social media analysis explain: (a) a politician’s choice to endorse one or another party leader, (b) a politician’s likelihood to switch off from his or her parliamentary party group; and (c) a politician’s probability to be appointed as a minister.
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Renner, Anna-Maria, and Lena Masch. "Emotional woman – rational man? Gender stereotypical emotional expressivity of German politicians in news broadcasts." Communications 44, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2017-0048.
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Abstract Drawing on literature about the different television coverage of male and female politicians and gender-specific leadership behavior, differences in the visibility of female and male politicians’ emotions on television can be assumed. These assumptions are particularly relevant when considering studies on the effects of politician’s emotional displays on voters’ assessments. In order to examine the prevalence of female and male politicians’ emotions, we conducted a visual media content analysis of about 1,000 video sequences based on a sample of 66 news broadcasts. Since this comprehensive sample includes video sequences of German politicians holding various positions within the political system, it enables us to draw generalizable conclusions on the televised emotionality of leading politicians. We find that female politicians’ emotions can be seen more frequently on television than male politicians’ emotions. Moreover, female politicians’ positive emotions are shown more frequently than those of male politicians.
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Peterson, Erik, and Gabor Simonovits. "Costly Values: The Limited Benefits and Potential Costs of Targeted Policy Justifications." Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, no. 2 (2017): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.3.
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AbstractCan politicians use targeted messages to offset position taking that would otherwise reduce their public support? We examine the effect of a politician’s justification for their tax policy stance on public opinion and identify limits on the ability of justifications to generate leeway for incongruent position taking on this issue. We draw on political communication research to establish expectations about the heterogeneous effects of justifications that employ either evidence or values based on whether or not constituents agree with the position a politician takes. In two survey experiments, we find small changes in support in response to these types of messages among targeted groups, but rule out large benefits for politicians to selectively target policy justifications toward subsets of the public. We also highlight a potential cost to selective messaging by showing that when these targeted messages reach unintended audiences they can backfire and reduce a candidate’s support.
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Pedersen, Rasmus T. "Politicians Appear More Competent When Using Numerical Rhetoric." Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, no. 2 (2017): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.7.
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AbstractPolitically relevant numbers often have very limited effects on the policy attitudes of ordinary citizens, which make the widespread use of numbers by politicians somewhat puzzling. This paper argues that politicians’ numerical rhetoric may function as a voter heuristic and that the use of numbers by politicians therefore has a positive impact on voters’ perceptions of these politicians. A survey experiment confirms that even when numbers do little to move voters’ policy positions, numbers do have the effect of making politicians appear more competent. As a consequence, numerical rhetoric can in some cases increase electoral support for a politician.
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Clementson, David E. "Why Won’t You Answer the Question? Mass-Mediated Deception Detection After Journalists’ Accusations of Politicians’ Evasion." Journal of Communication 69, no. 6 (December 2019): 674–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz036.
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Abstract Journalists often accuse politicians of dodging questions. Truth-default theory (TDT) predicts that when journalists serve as de facto deception detectors, the audience will process the messaging through a cognitive sequence that lowers the perceived trustworthiness of the politician. Conversely, the public’s perception of the media as being generally hostile and biased in their reporting could make a journalist’s allegation of evasion enhance the politician’s credibility. We constructed political TV interviews in which a journalist falsely accused a politician of evasiveness. Consistent with serial multiple mediation as proposed by TDT, in Study 1 (N = 210 U.S. voters) a journalist’s allegation triggered suspicion, which increased perceived dodging, resulting in voters distrusting the politician. Absent a journalist’s allegation, however, people remained in their truth-default state toward the politician. Study 2 (N = 429) replicated the Study 1 results, and conditional process modeling revealed that the effect was moderated by rumination.
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عزيز, أ. م. د. رشا عبد المنعم. "Marina Oswald & Kathleen Wade: Wives Involved in a Political Ambition." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 1, no. 7 (November 25, 2019): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v1i7.980.
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“I’m no psychiatrist, but if you ask me, politicians in general are pretty insecure people” (O’Brien, 1994, p. 97). This quotation describes politicians as insecure people, and the word “insecure” has more than one implication. It may mean that politicians are insecure to themselves or to people around them. It can also mean that politicians’ actions are not trustworthy. This description indicates that one must fear or be aware of politicians in general. A politician’s wife may need also to have this caution. According to such description, does a politician’s wife feel happy or secure with her husband? This paper will focus on the life of two wives. The first one is Marina Oswald in Don Delillo’s novel Libra (1988), and Kathleen Wade in Tim O’Brien’s novel In the Lake of the Woods (1994).The main blame would be on husbands; however, this paper will explain the role of the wives as well. The absence of real communication, besides the extreme political expectations of the two husbands, leads to ending the two marriages unsuccessfully.
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ŚWIĄTEK, IWONA, MAGDALENA ŻEMOJTEL-PIOTROWSKA, and JAROSŁAW PIOTROWSKI. "The Importance of Material Status for Electoral Chances and Perception of Politician: Delegitimization of Wealth as Post-transition Specificity?" Journal of Education Culture and Society 4, no. 2 (January 10, 2020): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20132.361.374.
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In presented research the impact of a politician’s economic status on his/her assessment and electoral chances was tested. In study 1 (N= 90) a politician with a high status was as-sessed as less moral and more competent than a low-status politician. In study 2 (N = 120) participants from Ireland and Poland were compared. Irish participants assessed a low--status politician as more moral and competent than the high-status one, whereas Polish participants assessed a high-status politician as more competent than the low-status one. Polish subjects generally assessed politicians’ morality lower than the Irish. The results sug-gest higher legitimization of wealth among Polish participants than the Irish, contrary to predictions. These results are discussed in reference to the system justification theory (Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004) and legitimating myths (Jost, & Kay, 2003)
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Arsad, Nur Farazilla Mohd, Mohd Shahnawi Muhmad Pirus, and Nur Nasliza Arina Mohamad Nasir. "A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THE KEY STEREOTYPING ELEMENTS THE MALAYSIAN JOURNALISTS WRITE AGAINST A FEMALE POLITICIAN." Asian People Journal (APJ) 6, no. 2 (October 30, 2023): 166–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/apj.2023.6.2.569.
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Abstract: The representation of female politicians in media is an ongoing issue that reflects the larger problem of gender imbalance in politics and the media. The representation of women in political leadership roles and in media coverage of politics is improving along with recent awareness on this issue. Thus, this study aims to investigate the key stereotyping elements on Malaysian journalists who write against a female politician. This study employed a qualitative method with semi-structured interviews to extract information by interviewing 11 Malaysian journalists. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the findings. Based on the findings, Malaysian journalists develop the key stereotyping elements in writing against female political leaders based on their respective reporting styles. Besides, most informants in this study realise and acknowledge that female politicians are being underrepresented. This has become one of the key stereotyping elements that Malaysian journalists practice when writing about female politicians. It is not surprising that the informants acknowledge that men always have the upper hand, especially in politics. Hence, one of the key stereotyping elements that Malaysian journalists write against female politicians is revolved on the male dominance and male confidence in politics. Lastly, nature of politics is identified as one of the key stereotyping elements that Malaysian journalists write against female political leaders. This stems from the mixed reactions from the politicians regardless of gender and the fact that politicians are politicians.
Keywords: Media; Stereotyping Elements; Malaysian Journalists, Female Politician; Qualitative Study
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SCHNAKENBERG, KEITH E., and IAN R. TURNER. "Signaling with Reform: How the Threat of Corruption Prevents Informed Policy-making." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (April 16, 2019): 762–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000169.
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Lobbying is a potential source of corruption but is also a valuable source of information for policy-makers. We analyze a game-theoretic model that shows how the threat of corruption affects the incentives of noncorrupt politicians to enlist the help of lobbyists to make more informed decisions. Politicians face a dilemma because voters cannot always tell whether a politician allows access to lobbyists to solicit corruption or to seek information. Thus, a noncorrupt politician may deny access to lobbyists to signal that she is noncorrupt even though doing so impedes her ability to make good policy. This signaling may decrease the welfare of the voters depending on the value of the lost policy information relative to the value of screening out corrupt politicians.
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GROSSMAN, GUY, and KRISTIN MICHELITCH. "Information Dissemination, Competitive Pressure, and Politician Performance between Elections: A Field Experiment in Uganda." American Political Science Review 112, no. 2 (February 1, 2018): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000648.
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Politicians shirk when their performance is obscure to constituents. We theorize that when politician performance information is disseminated early in the electoral term, politicians will subsequently improve their performance in anticipation of changes in citizens’ evaluative criteria and possible challenger entry in the next election. However, politicians may only respond in constituencies where opposition has previously mounted. We test these predictions in partnership with a Ugandan civil society organization in a multiyear field experiment conducted in 20 district governments between the 2011 and 2016 elections. While the organization published yearly job duty performance scorecards for all incumbents, it disseminated the scorecards to constituents for randomly selected politicians. These dissemination efforts induced politicians to improve performance across a range of measures, butonly in competitive constituencies. Service delivery was unaffected. We conclude that, conditional on electoral pressure, transparency can improve politicians’ performance between elections but not outcomes outside of their control.
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Choi, Insu, and Woo Chang Kim. "Detecting and Analyzing Politically-Themed Stocks Using Text Mining Techniques and Transfer Entropy—Focus on the Republic of Korea’s Case." Entropy 23, no. 6 (June 9, 2021): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e23060734.
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Politically-themed stocks mainly refer to stocks that benefit from the policies of politicians. This study gave the empirical analysis of the politically-themed stocks in the Republic of Korea and constructed politically-themed stock networks based on the Republic of Korea’s politically-themed stocks, derived mainly from politicians. To select politically-themed stocks, we calculated the daily politician sentiment index (PSI), which means politicians’ daily reputation using politicians’ search volume data and sentiment analysis results from politician-related text data. Additionally, we selected politically-themed stock candidates from politician-related search volume data. To measure causal relationships, we adopted entropy-based measures. We determined politically-themed stocks based on causal relationships from the rates of change of the PSI to their abnormal returns. To illustrate causal relationships between politically-themed stocks, we constructed politically-themed stock networks based on causal relationships using entropy-based approaches. Moreover, we experimented using politically-themed stocks in real-world situations from the schematized networks, focusing on politically-themed stock networks’ dynamic changes. We verified that the investment strategy using the PSI and politically-themed stocks that we selected could benchmark the main stock market indices such as the KOSPI and KOSDAQ around political events.
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Helfer, Luzia, and Peter Van Aelst. "Why politicians react to media coverage." Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19002.hel.
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Abstract Why do politicians react to some stories in the news and ignore others? We attempt to answer this question by integrating the micro-level politician perspective with a macro-level country approach. Using a unique experimental approach, we test when politicians in the Netherlands and Switzerland (N = 80) take political action based on a (fictional) news report. We find that all politicians react more to negative coverage, but not if the information is merely presented as investigative reporting. Results also reveal a systematic variation that we ascribe to two key differences in the electoral systems. In The Netherlands, with its large single voting district, politicians react to news reports covering issues they are specialized in. In Switzerland, where between-party competition is more important, politicians are more likely to capitalize on the party’s profile. Overall, this study shows when and how politicians react to news coverage also depends on the institutional context.
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Yushkina, N. A. "Public politicians electoral potential in social media." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 2, 2022): 188–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2022-1-188-196.
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The object of the study are representatives of Russian political elite and their electorate in social networks. The aim of the study is to assess the impact on the electoral potential of politicians of their online communications with their audiences. The main quantitative indicators of the presence and activity of the Russian public politicians on Facebook, Instagram and Youtube, successful interaction forms between government representatives and the society, indexes of popularity, activity, audience loyalty, as well as visual features of the accounts’ content were analysed. Feedback in the accounts of current politicians was assessed, including containing critical discourse. According to the results of the study, the author concluded that the creation of a full-fledged feedback channel with a potential electorate positively affects the image of a public politician, allows reducing the feedback amount with negative comments, is a successful interaction form between a politician and the electorate and increases his electoral potential. However, the Russian politicians are not sufficiently prepared to establish communication with the potential electorate via social media.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Georgy Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin. "A Political Theory of Populism *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, no. 2 (February 13, 2013): 771–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjs077.
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Abstract When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest politician seeking reelection chooses “populist” policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests respond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the politician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies.
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Askola, Heli. "Taking the Bait? Lessons from a Hate Speech Prosecution." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 01 (September 23, 2014): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2014.15.
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AbstractThis article uses one case study to explore the use of criminal hate speech provisions against populist politicians. In a high-profile Finnish case, a populist politician was found guilty of hate speech after a four-year criminal process. Though the prosecution was ultimately successful, the various problems with the case helped boost the political popularity of the accused who was turned into a well-known public figure and member of Parliament. The case might thus be seen to warn against tackling populist politicians by means of criminal law. However, further analysis of the political context and a comparison with the Dutch prosecution against anti-immigration politician Geert Wilders complicate this conclusion. This article examines the consequences of hate speech prosecutions of politicians and sheds light on the conditions under which they can achieve (some of) their aims. The case also has lessons for other jurisdictions about when hate speech prosecutions of politicians are likely to be successful in terms of countering prejudice and disempowering those who spread it for electoral purposes.
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Fong, Christian, Neil Malhotra, and Yotam Margalit. "Political Legacies: Understanding Their Significance to Contemporary Political Debates." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 03 (April 10, 2019): 451–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000209.
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ABSTRACTPoliticians bequeath an important legacy after they leave office: the public’s memories of their time in office. Indeed, the media often discuss legacy concerns as a key motivation of politicians. Yet, there has been little empirical analysis of how politicians’ legacies are interpreted and used by the mass public. Analyzing millions of comments from online discussion forums, we show that citizens frequently mobilize memories of past politicians in their discussions of current events. A randomized survey experiment rationalizes such invocations of past politicians: they bolster the persuasiveness of contemporary arguments—particularly bad ones—but only when made in the context of a policy domain specifically associated with a past politician. Our findings suggest that politicians have a strong interest in cultivating a positive, broad, and enduring legacy because memories of them influence policy debates long after they leave office.
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Fisiak, Marta. "Assessing the Impact of Communications Strategy and Ethical Positioningon the Resilience of a Political Career Facing Scandal: Critical Analysis of Sexual Scandals within American Politics." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.11.
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Throughout the evolution of public political discourse we have repeatedly seen the effects of scandals on the careers of many politicians. Although the cultural and societal norms that have traditionally dictated the results of such scandals have changed dramatically within the last two centuries, I believe that the aftermath of these scandals may be better understood by analyzing and comparing the politician’s previously established public image to the scandal at hand. I will argue that a negative impact only occurs if and when there is a clear contradiction of character that presents the politician as a deceitful or hypocritical person in the media sphere and therefore the eyes of the public.
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Bauer, Paul C., Alejandro Ecker, Michael Imre, Camille Landesvatter, and Sonja Malich. "Who tweets, and how freely? Evidence from an elite survey among German politicians." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205316802211442. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221144237.
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Twitter has become one of the primary platforms for politicians to interact with the public. Consequently, research into politicians’ Twitter usage has proliferated with attempts at measuring increasingly complex concepts such as ideology or policy attitudes. So far, many of these studies either implicitly or explicitly assume that politicians’ Twitter accounts are operated by politicians themselves and that politicians are free to present their “true” attitudes and positions. We conducted an elite survey in Germany and present evidence that these assumptions only partially hold true. In our sample, only around a third of Twitter accounts are operated by the corresponding politician alone. In our view, this is a conservative estimate and should further decrease as political elites’ social media strategies professionalize over the coming years. We also find that most politicians state that there are no party guidelines regarding Twitter and that their tweets are not checked by a central authority in the party. We discuss the implications of our findings for research on social media in general.
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Lee, Eun-Ju, Soo Youn Oh, Jihye Lee, and Hyun Suk Kim. "Up Close and Personal on Social Media: When Do Politicians’ Personal Disclosures Enhance Vote Intention?" Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 2 (March 12, 2018): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018754911.
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Two experiments investigated how politicians’ personal disclosures on social media might affect individuals’ vote intention. In Study 1 ( n = 240), a male politician’s Facebook posts centering on his private life (vs. impersonal posts highlighting public activities) enhanced U.S. participants’ intention to vote for him, mostly by heightening likability. By contrast, a female politician’s personal Facebook posts lowered perceived competence, and thereby, vote intention among those who considered Facebook ill-suited for relational purposes. Using Twitter, Study 2 ( n = 258) mostly replicated the findings among South Korean participants, confirming bounded benefits of publicizing politicians’ private persona via social media.
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Amin, Muryanto, and Alwi Dahlan Ritonga. "The Differential Effect of Women Politicians' Communication, Efficacy, and Ideology in Building Citizens' Political Satisfaction and Trust: A Case of a Developing Nation." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 9, no. 4 (October 20, 2022): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1375.
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The current study examines the impact of politicians' communication, efficacy, and ideology on citizens’ political satisfaction and trust in the developing nation of Indonesia. Women’s political participation and representation are encouraged worldwide based on their communication skills, strong personalities, and public-oriented ideologies. In this context, the current study assessed the contingent impact of gender (men and women politicians) to investigate the differential impact of their communication, efficacy, and ideology on citizens’ political satisfaction. The data were collected from 590 Indonesian citizens at local administrative units and analyzed using SmartPLS v. 4. Results revealed that women politicians' communication and efficacy impact citizens’ political satisfaction more than men politicians. In contrast, the politician's ideology was indifferent to male and female politicians, revealing no significant differences. The current study reflects the significant role of women in politics in bringing economic development and prosperity to a nation and extends the existing political literature using the resource-based view theory.
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Sun, Pei, Mike Wright, and Kamel Mellahi. "Is Entrepreneur–Politician Alliance Sustainable During Transition? The Case of Management Buyouts in China." Management and Organization Review 6, no. 1 (March 2010): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-8784.2009.00157.x.
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AbstractThis article explores the dynamic interactions between entrepreneurs and politicians in transitional China through the lens of management buyouts. Specifically, we identify two contrasting outcomes of entrepreneur–politician alliances: privatization buyouts by entrepreneurs implying sustainable original alliances and failed management buyouts implying the collapse of the original alliances. Drawing on the rent appropriation literature, we treat Chinese management buyouts as bargaining, clarification, and redistribution of organizational rent between entrepreneurs and the government agencies represented by local politicians. We further develop a model of entrepreneur–politician bargaining that identifies the determinants of varying rent bargaining and management buyout outcomes.
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Shkvorchenko, Nataliia. "Political toxicity in the contrastive perspective (Based on American, British and Ukrainian media discourse)." 26, no. 26 (August 31, 2023): 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2218-2926-2023-26-09.
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This research focuses on the issue of political toxicity in the media discourse of the United States of America, Great Britain and Ukraine. It defines common and distinctive features of semiotization of political toxicity in the media discourse. In political communication, toxicity is understood as a type of interaction between various participants in political discourse, which is characterized by a high degree of aggressive verbal, para- and/or non-verbal behavior and discriminates against the opponent based on race, ethnicity, gender, etc. resulting in such a politician (politicians) being perceived and then defined as toxic. Its purpose is to identify common and different ways and means of semiotization of political toxicity. It is based on methods of associative and identification experiments, computer multimodal analysis, as well as statistical processing of the information received. The study reveals the modes of the toxic effect deployment and the dictums of the politician’s toxic image formation in the their collective, associative-individual, symbolic, and media discourse-portrait. Complex analysis of a politician’s toxic image in different linguistic cultures takes into account the politicians’ behavior as opinion leaders and the coverage of the target audience, to which the effect of their toxic rhetoric extends: one person, a group of people, or the wider community. At the same time, the types of harm resulting from the visualization of the media toxic effect can be aimed at both the psychological states of the addressee and their gender, age, and professional characteristics. The paper determines means of verbal expression of toxicity both by the aggressive-emotional type of the politician and by the socio-cultural features of political struggle in the United States of America, Great Britain, and Ukraine.
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De Campos, Luis M., Juan M. Fernández-Luna, and Juan F. Huete. "Committee-Based Profiles for Politician Finding." International Journal of Uncertainty, Fuzziness and Knowledge-Based Systems 25, Suppl. 2 (December 2017): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218488517400098.
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One step towards breaking down barriers between citizens and politicians is to help people identify those politicians who share their concerns. This paper is set in the field of expert finding and is based on the automatic construction of politicians’ profiles from their speeches on parliamentary committees. These committee-based profiles are treated as documents and are indexed by an information retrieval system. Given a query representing a citizen’s concern, a profile ranking is then obtained. In the final step, the different results for each candidate are combined in order to obtain the final politician ranking. We explore the use of classic combination strategies for this purpose and present a new approach that improves state-of-the-art performance and which is more stable under different conditions. We also introduce a two-stage model where the identification of a broader concept (such as the committee) is used to improve the final politician ranking.
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Agadjanian, Alexander, Nikita Bakhru, Victoria Chi, Devyn Greenberg, Byrne Hollander, Alexander Hurt, Joseph Kind, et al. "Counting the Pinocchios: The effect of summary fact-checking data on perceived accuracy and favorability of politicians." Research & Politics 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 205316801987035. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019870351.
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Can the media effectively hold politicians accountable for making false claims? Journalistic fact-checking assesses the accuracy of individual public statements by public officials, but less is known about whether this process effectively imposes reputational costs on misinformation-prone politicians who repeatedly make false claims. This study therefore explores the effects of exposure to summaries of fact-check ratings, a new format that presents a more comprehensive assessment of politician statement accuracy over time. Across three survey experiments, we compared the effects of negative individual statement ratings and summary fact-checking data on favorability and perceived statement accuracy of two prominent elected officials. As predicted, summary fact-checking had a greater effect on politician perceptions than individual fact-checking. Notably, we did not observe the expected pattern of motivated reasoning: co-partisans were not consistently more resistant than supporters of the opposition party. Our findings suggest that summary fact-checking is particularly effective at holding politicians accountable for misstatements.
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Markowitz-Elfassi, Dana, Moran Yarchi, and Tal Samuel-Azran. "Share, comment, but do not like." Online Information Review 43, no. 5 (September 9, 2019): 743–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-02-2018-0043.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effect of politicians’ facial attractiveness on their online popularity as reflected in audience engagement with their Facebook posts during the 2015 Israeli election campaign. Design/methodology/approach Using Israel’s 2015 election campaign as the case study, the authors analyzed all messages posted (n=501) on 33 politicians’ official Facebook pages during the week leading to Election Day. Findings The results demonstrate that audiences do engage more with posts of the more facially attractive politicians. These posts generated more shares, more comments and more participants in their discussions – but not more likes – relative to posts of less attractive politicians. These effects became even stronger when the posts were accompanied by one or more visual image, and remained significant even after controlling for other engagement predictors, such as a politician’s gender, seniority or the timing of a post’s publication. Social implications The findings emphasize the importance of attractive looks for politicians. The findings highlight that attractive politicians’ posts attract more attention, allowing them to better spread their ideas. Thus, politicians should aim to post aesthetic images and visuals to promote better engagement with their ideas on social media. Originality/value The study expands our understanding of online presentations of politicians, focusing on the effect of politicians’ facial attractiveness on their online popularity. Recent studies have demonstrated that physically attractive politicians enjoy more and better media attention on television news, but not in non-visual media such as radio and newspapers. This effect has not been examined in the social media environment, a central arena for today’s political debates and one that involves many visual messages.
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Strayhorn, Joshua A. "Plausible deniability." Journal of Theoretical Politics 31, no. 4 (September 23, 2019): 600–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629819875518.
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One explanation for why voters sometimes fail to hold elected officials accountable for corruption is failure to correctly attribute blame. Yet existing theories of how voters attribute responsibility do not consider how voters assessments may be shaped by the possibility that politicians can strategically delegate corrupt activity. This paper develops a formal model of an electoral accountability environment where politicians can pursue malfeasance directly or indirectly, but where ‘rogue agents’ occasionally pursue malfeasance independently. Corruption can arise via multiple pathways, and politicians sometimes possess plausible deniability. In one equilibrium, voters rationally reelect after plausibly deniable corruption due to a non-obvious and novel mechanism. Politicians are also more likely to delegate malfeasance to agents when they anticipate lenience. Voter lenience is non-monotonically related to many parameters, including politician competence, the agent’s malfeasance preferences, and transparency.
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Wan Mohd Ghazali, Wan Norshira, Shafizan Mohamed, Nur Shakira Mohd Nasir, and Kamaruzzaman Abdul Manan. "Personalised Campaigns in Party-Centred Politics: Facebook and Instagram as Arena for Political Communication." IIUM JOURNAL OF HUMAN SCIENCES 1, no. 2 (December 29, 2019): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/ijohs.v1i2.71.
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Social media like Facebook and Instagram place the focus on the individual politician rather than the political party, thereby expanding the political arena for increased personalised campaigning. The need to use social media to communicate a personal image as a politician and to post personalised messages online seems less obvious in a party-centred system of Malaysian politics. Within this framework, the personalised and dialogical aspects of social media may be contradicted with the political parties’ structural communication strategies. The study uses data from content analyses of eight Malaysian politicians’ Facebook and Instagram accounts during the 14th General Election in Malaysia. The study adopts quantitative approach by presenting descriptive and exploratory analyses. The findings show that politicians’ depended more on Facebook as their personal media platform and used Instagram as an image booster. The study explains that different features offer by Facebook and Instagram serve as a determinant for politicians’ decision in using them. The study concludes that both Facebook and Instagram push for personalisation in political communication that requires private exposure and individual initiatives. Overall, the study shows that like other world leaders, Malaysian politicians are keeping abreast with the technology in reaching out various segments of the society for political communication on social media.
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Bennett, Aronté Marie, Chris Malone, Kenyn Cheatham, and Naina Saligram. "The impact of perceptions of politician brand warmth and competence on voting intentions." Journal of Product & Brand Management 28, no. 2 (March 11, 2019): 256–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbm-09-2017-1562.
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PurposeThe cultivation and maintenance of a brand is becoming increasingly important as politicians seek to connect with constituents. Through the lens of social cognition and group dynamics, this paper aims to understand the impact of evaluations of politician brands on voter intentions.Design/methodology/approachThree studies utilize the social cognition constructs of warmth and competence from the stereotype content model (SCM) and Brands as Intentional Agents Framework (BIAF) to evaluate the impact of brand perceptions on voting intentions, comparing fit between the models. The first study establishes the impact of these perceptions on existing politicians. The second study replicates these effects while controlling for party affiliation and extraneous factors and explicitly studies politicians as brands. The third study examines the formation of perceptions and assumptions when full information is unavailable.FindingsSocial cognition and group dynamics drive responses to politician brands. The data herein support perceptions of warmth and competence as significant predictors of voting intentions. Dependent upon whether the politician is being evaluated as a brand or a person, BIAF or SCM predicts the dimension that will be most impactful. These patterns persist in the absence of full information. As expected, voting intentions increased significantly when the voter was of the same (vs opposing) party as that of the candidate.Research limitations/implicationsConducted during an election year, evaluations of politicians are susceptible to the current political climate and the predominantly two party political system in which the studies were conducted. The design of Studies 2 and 3 addresses some of these limitations. Results point toward the interrelated nature of warmth and competence perceptions and the usefulness of applying both BIAF and SCM to understand how voters view politicians and the drivers of voting intentions.Practical implicationsThis study evidences the depth to which perceptions of candidates impact voting intent, establishing politicians’ unique position as both brands and people. These findings prove useful in interpreting the outcome of elections this year, and beyond.Originality/valueExpanding a limited body of existing research, this work contributes to our understanding of the application of SCM within the context of politician brands. As the first concurrent investigation of SCM and BIAF, these findings are of value to political strategists and academics alike. The contribution is augmented by the consideration of the impact of party affiliation and missing information.
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Gkounas, Athanasios. "Political Marketing & Advertising with the Use of Traditional and New Audio-Visual Media Services." Postmodernism Problems 13, no. 3 (December 5, 2023): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46324/pmp2303341.
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The current research focuses on the use of audiovisual media services in the political scene and tries to explore the political marketing and advertising concepts on which these media/services are based. As a holistic approach, this research explores the citizen-voter as well as the politician concerning political advertising and audiovisual media/services. It separates the audiovisual media into traditional and new ones. So, primarily, this research empirically investigates the politicians’ profiles (high-ranked politicians, parliament, and regional ones) to determine the type and use of audiovisual media in terms of political information, statements, communication, and advertising. Moreover, it establishes the citizen/voter’s profile in terms of political information, political advertising, and communication received from politicians and political parties. Finally, it is a study with the same conceptual dimensions between the politician and the citizen/voter to establish the basis for creating a conceptual framework-tool of their typology that will contribute to a holistic view of political marketing and political advertising through the use of traditional and new audiovisual media. Findings about politicians show relationships between audiovisual media reliability and political statement actions. The success of political advertising has multiple positive effects, as well as political communication via audiovisual services also plays an important role. Furthermore, models were created concerning the use of audiovisual media services for political statements and the impact of audiovisual media services on the intention to vote. In addition, the results from the politicians indicate several differences regarding the characteristics of the politicians and their profile as a user of audiovisual media services in political advertising. Findings about voters show that the reliability of audiovisual media services is a very important factor for political information.
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Al-Rawi, Ahmed, Betty B. B. Ackah, and Wendy H. K. Chun. "The Intersectionality of Twitter Responses to Black Canadian Politicians." Social Media + Society 9, no. 1 (January 2023): 205630512311572. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051231157290.
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Research has shown that Black politicians in the Global North contend with higher instances of abusive language on social media platforms. The study investigates how public interactions engage with the intersectional positionalities of nine Black Canadian politicians. We collected all the replies to tweets posted by the politicians from 2006 to 2021. Results from the manual analysis showed that 56% of the tweets had a neutral tone, meaning that even if they contained abusive language, they did not directly address the politician. They were also not complimentary. There were more negative tweets than positive ones; 23% versus 21%. The themes of the tweets with negative tones centered on opposition to the politicians’ discussion of racial inequalities or racism, or their party affiliations, especially affiliation to the Liberal Party or relationship with Prime Minister Trudeau. The manual analysis showed women politicians received higher rates of abuses, while in the sentiment analysis stage that covered the entire data set, men were more trolled with 66.6% of words directed at them being negative, compared to 55.7% for the women.
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Mukhortov, Denis S., and Elisaveta A. Zhovner. "Politicians’ Communicative Behavioural Patterns: A Study into British Parliamentary Discourses of 2010-2022." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 10, no. 2 (June 24, 2024): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2024-2-218-229.
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In recent years, linguopragmaticians have sought to make predictions as to why and how politicians resort to certain communicative behaviours, hence the focus of linguistic research. Drawing upon parliamentary discourses of Conservative Prime Ministers David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson and Labor Party leaders Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer, this article aims to develop a new approach to naming communicative behavioral patterns of modern British politicians. The commonality of domestic political tasks faced by the politicians, namely the UK’s exit from the European Union, environmental agenda, migration reform, healthcare system troubles, have predetermined the choice of certain types of ‘communicative personality’ and, consequently, a selection of lexical means used by the politicians during parliamentary debates. The algorithm for typologizing the communicative behavior of politicians includes creating a corpus of utterances and analyzing it through the content analysis program Sketch Engine. A comparison of the most frequent lexical units used by a politician in given communicative situations have made it possible to identify prevailing types of ‘communicative personality’ and key intentions realized in the course of political communication.
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Neklyudova, Evgeniya A. "Gender Specifics of the Grammatical Component of the Linguistic Personality of the Local Politician (Based on the Speeches of Vologda Region Politicians)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v170.
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This article dwells on issues related to the grammatical component of the linguistic personality of the local politician. The study of the grammatical component allows us to identify the communicative competence of a politician (ability to correctly use grammatical forms and syntactic constructions in speech) as well as contributes to understanding the strategies and tactics of his/her speech behaviour. The analysis of the grammatical component of the speech of politicians is based on the theory of gender differences. Male and female speech behaviour is a relevant area of modern research and is of great value to science. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper was to determine the fundamental differences in the grammatical component of the speech of Vologda Region politicians, both men and women. A frequency analysis of words by part of speech was performed; the morphological and syntactic features of the speech of male and female politicians were identified. The results of the study demonstrate that both men and women in politics employ in their speech communicative strategies and tactics that are completely uncharacteristic of their gender. This finding overturns the existing stereotypes about male and female speech. The generally accepted scientific conclusions that women’s speech is more emotional and expressive, while men’s speech, conversely, is more abstract and less figurative were not confirmed. The practical results of the research indicate that, at the local level, male politicians make use of the female style of speech behaviour, while female politicians adopt the male model of speech behaviour.
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Neklyudova, Evgeniya A. "Gender Specifics of the Grammatical Component of the Linguistic Personality of the Local Politician (Based on the Speeches of Vologda Region Politicians)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v170.
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This article dwells on issues related to the grammatical component of the linguistic personality of the local politician. The study of the grammatical component allows us to identify the communicative competence of a politician (ability to correctly use grammatical forms and syntactic constructions in speech) as well as contributes to understanding the strategies and tactics of his/her speech behaviour. The analysis of the grammatical component of the speech of politicians is based on the theory of gender differences. Male and female speech behaviour is a relevant area of modern research and is of great value to science. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper was to determine the fundamental differences in the grammatical component of the speech of Vologda Region politicians, both men and women. A frequency analysis of words by part of speech was performed; the morphological and syntactic features of the speech of male and female politicians were identified. The results of the study demonstrate that both men and women in politics employ in their speech communicative strategies and tactics that are completely uncharacteristic of their gender. This finding overturns the existing stereotypes about male and female speech. The generally accepted scientific conclusions that women’s speech is more emotional and expressive, while men’s speech, conversely, is more abstract and less figurative were not confirmed. The practical results of the research indicate that, at the local level, male politicians make use of the female style of speech behaviour, while female politicians adopt the male model of speech behaviour.
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Willis, Rebecca. "Constructing a ‘Representative Claim’ for Action on Climate Change: Evidence from Interviews with Politicians." Political Studies 66, no. 4 (February 6, 2018): 940–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717753723.
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At the 2015 Paris Summit, global leaders agreed a strategy to tackle climate change. Under the agreement, each country must prepare a national plan. What challenges does this pose for politicians? How do they reconcile their representative role with understandings of climate change and measures required to address it? This article analyses interviews with UK politicians, through the framework of the ‘representative claim’ developed by Michael Saward, seeing representation as a dynamic interaction between politicians and those they claim to represent. Thus, politicians need to construct a ‘representative claim’ to justify action on climate. Four different types of claims are identified: a ‘cosmopolitan’ claim, a ‘local prevention’ claim, a ‘co-benefits’ claim and a ‘surrogate’ claim. The analysis shows that it is not straightforward for a politician to argue that action is in the interests of their electorate and that climate advocates need to support efforts to construct and defend claims.
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Żemojtel-Piotrowska, Magdalena Anna, Alison Marganski, Tomasz Baran, and Jarosław Piotrowski. "Corruption and Sexual Scandal: The Importance of Politician Gender." Anales de Psicología 33, no. 1 (December 28, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesps.32.3.229171.
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<p>The current experimental study analyzes individuals’ reactions to politicians involved in scandals as a function of scandal type and politician sex (<em>N</em> = 798). Corruption and sexual scandals were considered. The results indicate that female politicians were judged more harshly than male politicians involved in scandals regardless of the type of scandal. Scandal affected not only assessment of their morality but also competence, contrary to assessment of men. The results were discussed in reference to expectancy violations theory and shifting standards theory which predicts more negative evaluation of women involved in immoral behavior despite lack general prejudices toward women in politics.</p>
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Clementson, David E. "Effects of Dodging Questions: How Politicians Escape Deception Detection and How They Get Caught." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 37, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x17706960.
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People often need to dodge questions. Politicians presumably are the worst offenders. Two recent theories of deception make assertions applicable to politicians dodging questions: information manipulation theory 2 and truth-default theory. We examine both in two experiments. We constructed news interviews with a politician dodging questions. Results indicate people detect particular types of dodges and dodging impairs trustworthiness. But detection also depends on the strength of political attitudes. Furthermore, personality trait suspicion moderates perceptions of trustworthiness. We also extend theorizing and suggest dodges are detected because of rumination triggered by topic avoidance. Discussion includes ramifications for political engagement when the public perception of politicians “always” dodging questions is supported by extensive cognitive mechanisms.
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De Munter, Stéphanie, and Philippe De Vries. "To Tweet or not to Tweet? An analysis of Twitter use during the 2014 Belgian elections." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 8, no. 1+2-2017 (July 29, 2020): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v8i1-2.06.
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Social media, and Twitter in particular, are playing an increasing role in the day-to-day activities of politicians (Weber Shandwick, 2014). Before the digital revolution, the relationship between the politician and the voter was intermediated by journalists and broadcast media. In contrast to traditional media, social media are presumed to enable politicians to engage directly with the electorate (Kruikemeier, Van Noort, Vliegenthart & De Vreese, 2015). In the last decade, there was a growing interest in the role of social media in election campaigns, triggered by Barack Obama’s electoral presidential election victory in 2008 and more recently by Donald Trumps’ triumph in 2016 (Rodriguez-Andres, 2018). The research presented in this article answers three main questions. First, who are the politicians using Twitter for campaigning purposes and what variables can predict Twitter use? Second, when do Belgian politicians use it and with which frequency? And third: do tweeting politicians perform better at the ballot box? The main findings reveal that a Flemish candidate has a higher probability of 18,7% to be present on Twitter compared to a candidate from the French community. Another important finding is that there is no significant association between the number of tweets and number of preferential votes, although a trend towards significance was observed for Flemish politicians.
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Joshi, Amogh, and Cody Buntain. "Examining Similar and Ideologically Correlated Imagery in Online Political Communication." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 18 (May 28, 2024): 774–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v18i1.31351.
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This paper investigates visual media shared by US national politicians on Twitter, how a politician's variety of image types shared reflects their political position, and identifies a hazard in using standard methods for image characterization in this context. While past work has yielded valuable results on politicians' use of imagery in social media, that work has focused primarily on photographic media, which may be insufficient given the variety of visual media shared in such spaces (e.g., infographics, illustrations, or memes). Leveraging multiple popular, pretrained, deep-learning models to characterize politicians' visuals, this work uses clustering to identify eight types of visual media shared on Twitter, several of which are not photographic in nature. Results show individual politicians share a variety of these types, and the distributions of their imagery across these clusters is correlated with their overall ideological position -- e.g., liberal politicians appear to share a larger proportion of infographic-style images, and conservative politicians appear to share more patriotic imagery. Manual assessment, however, reveals that these image-characterization models often group visually similar images with different semantic meaning into the same clusters, which has implications for how researchers interpret clusters in this space and cluster-based correlations with political ideology. In particular, collapsing semantic meaning in these pretrained models may drive null findings on certain clusters of images rather than politicians across the ideological spectrum sharing common types of imagery. We end this paper with a set of researcher recommendations to prevent such issues.