Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politicians'
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Liessem, Verena. "Incentive contracts for politicians." [S.l. : s.n.], 2003. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=968807429.
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Гавриленко, Анна Володимирівна, Анна Владимировна Гавриленко, and Anna Volodymyrivna Gavrylenko. "Modern Slang and Politicians." Thesis, Научно-издательский центр «Социосфера», 2012. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/30029.
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This article deals with modern slang which is a matter of topical interest. Some peculiarities of political slang usage are mentioned. It makes our language more colorful.
When you are citing the document, use the following link http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/30029
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Gwilliam, Melody K. "Politicians and the Internet." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 1999. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=702.
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Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 1999.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 90 p. : ill., map. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-68).
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Brown, Adam Robert. "Strategic politicians in gubernatorial elections." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3311418.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 1, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 130-137).
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Higgins, Andy. "Music, politics and liquid modernity : how rock-stars became politicians and why politicians became rock-stars." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.578068.
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As popular music eclipsed Hollywood as the most powerful mode of seduction of Western youth, rock-stars erupted through the counter-culture as potent political figures. Following its sensational arrival, the politics of popular musical culture has however moved from the shared experience of protest movements and picket lines and to an individualised and celebrified consumerist experience. As a consequence what emerged, as a controversial and subversive phenomenon, has been de-fanged and transformed into a mechanism of establishment support. Throughout this period, as rock-stars have morphed from 'pariahs to paragons of virtue', public confidence in the art of politics has declined to an all time low. Sharing similar challenges in terms of building cultural capital and maintaining a sense of credibility, rock-stars have therefore tended to succeed where politicians have largely failed. In order to arrest this decline Featherstone claims that liquid modern politics has gravitated towards the ease of 'commodified consumer critique' than using this shift as an opportunity for 'serious political critique' 1. Naively attempting to re-habilitate itself by constructing marketable identities to re- energise its popularity, potency and appeal, politicians have transformed themselves into media 'personalities'. Stylistically re-engineered by adopting the entertainment protocols of the pop celebrity and the seductive language of consumerism, today's politicians share more and more similarities with stars from the world of music. More fundamentally, modernity's meltdown and re-ordering of traditional meanings encourages everything including both politics and music to become increasingly liquid, unfixed and indefinite. As consumerism replaces politics as the society's all- powerful meta-value, its underpinning logic seeks to ingratiate, please and entertain where politics once sought to challenge and question. As a result the symbiosis of rock-star-politics is increasingly normalised and soaks more deeply into the fabric of liquid modern life. Seduced by the trappings of celebrity and carnival, the rock-star's journey of transformation exemplifies many of the obstacles liquid modernity now places in the way of establishing moral responsibility and developing meaningful politics. Bauman's sociological cement brings together many of these challenges and the burgeoning world of popular music culture now offers an interesting device to illuminate these ongoing difficulties. In this complex and highly unpredictable world it is increasingly difficult to even imagine new forms of transgression let alone mount a serious political challenge to the its market driven ethos. By mixing Bauman's strident critique with an analysis of popular music's fast moving industry of stars, controversies and consumption practices, this thesis provides an alternative reading through music culture of the continuing search for politics.
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Zhang, Jun. "Spider Manchu Duanfang as networker and spindoctor of the late Qing new policies, 1901-1911 /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320191.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Sept. 24, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 259-274).
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Gavoille, Nicolas. "Individuals matter : three essays on French politicians." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G011/document.
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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’introduire de manière explicite les caractéristiques personnelles des décideurs publics dans l’analyse de processus politiques français. Trois cas sont successivement analysés, soulevant chacun une problématique distincte. Le premier chapitre s’intéresse à l’échelon municipal, et se base sur un jeu de données original comportant des informations sur l’ensemble des maires des municipalités de plus de 10000 habitants entre 2000 et 2012. L’objectif est de décrire comment l’influence idiosyncratique d’un maire sur la politique d’investissement municipal impacte sa probabilité de réélection. Les résultats indiquent que plus la taille de la municipalité augmente, moins les électeurs se basent sur ce type d’information. Le second chapitre a pour objet la production législative française, et s’appuie également sur une base de données originale. Un double cycle de production législative émerge, généré par les élections présidentielles et législatives. Il apparaît également que les caractéristiques personnelles des ministres influencent la stratégie du gouvernement, notamment l’âge et l’expérience. Enfin, le troisième chapitre se focalise sur l’impact de la compétition électorale sur le processus de recrutement politique. Un important travail de collecte de données concernant la production parlementaire de chaque député de la Ve République permet d’étudier cette relation ainsi que son évolution au cours de la période 1959-2012. Il en ressort que les députés élus dans des circonscriptions compétitives ont une activité parlementaire plus importante, toutes choses égales par ailleurs. Cependant, ce lien entre activité et compétition est en constante diminution depuis les années 1980The aim of this thesis is to explicitly introduce the decision-maker into the empirical analysis of different political processes in the French context. Three cases are successively analyzed,each raising a specific problematic. The first chapter focuses on French municipalities. A new original dataset, covering mayors of municipalities of more than 10,000 inhabitants over the period 2000-2012, underpins the study. The objective is to investigate to what extentthe mayor’s personal influence on the investment policy affects his/her reelection probability. Results show that this information plays a significant role only in small municipalities. Chapter twostudies the French legislative production, exploiting another original dataset. A dual cycle of the production of laws emerges, connected to both the presidential and the legislative elections. A link between government members’ personal characteristics and legislative output is established. Finally, chapter three investigates the relationship between electoral competition and political selection. A third important dataset providing data about the individual parliamentary work of the deputies over the period 1958-2012 allows such an analysis. Resultsindicate that deputies elected in contested districts have a higher overall productivity. The intensity of the relationship reached its peak in the 1980’s, but is continuously decreasing since then
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CARIA, ANDREA. "Essays in political selection and politicians' behavior." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/313255.
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I study some economic and institutional drivers of the quality and behaviour of elected
politicians. In the first chapter, using a unique database on local politicians in Italian
municipalities between 1985 and 1992, I implement a RD analysis to evaluate the
causal effect of a wage increase on the characteristics of politicians in local parliamentary
systems. I find that higher expected wages attract more educated member of the local
council but this positive selection effect actually results in a less educated council-elected
mayor. These results are confirmed by other measure of skills (educational attainment
and previous occupations).
In the second chapter, using the same database, I take advantage of a double discontinuity
to identify the causal effect of the switch from single-party to coalition governments.
I exploit an identification strategy based on the difference in discontinuities and I highlight
an increase in the quality of the elected mayor in term of years of schooling and
previous job.
Finally, in the third chapter, using Italian MPs micro-data, I study some economic determinants
of party discipline. In particular, I study the MPs’ behaviour during the
XVI, XVII and XVIII legislature focusing on their rebellion rate (i.e. their propensity to
vote against their party line) and absenteeism rare by using different estimation methods
(OLS, Fractional Logit, Poisson). Our results show that outside income is positive
correlated with absences and negative correlated with rebel votes.
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Dureska, Ryan. "Scandals, politicians, and the decay of government trust." Connect to resource, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/29465.
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Dahlberg, Matz, Eva Mörk, and Navarro Pilar Sorribas. "Do Politicians’ Preferences Matter for Voters’ Voting Decisions?" Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-154645.
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Using unique survey data that allows us to observe both voters’ and politicians’ preferences for local public spending as well as voting decisions, this paper tests if voters typically support parties in which the politicians’ preferences are closest to their own. Doing so would be rational for the voters to do if politicians’ preferences matter for policy outcomes, as is the case in e.g. the citizen-candidate model. It is found that this is indeed the case. This finding is in line with theoretical models such as the citizen-candidate model arguing that politicians cannot credibly commit to election platforms that differ from their true policy preferences.
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Johnson, Melvin. "The national politics and politicians of Primitive Methodism." Thesis, University of Hull, 2016. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:15456.
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This thesis, which assists our understanding of the interaction between religious belief and political activity, presents a study of the politics of the Primitive Methodist Church and the MPs associated with it between 1886 and 1922. This was the zenith of the Church’s political activism. It traces Primitive Methodism’s evolution from an apolitical body, preaching individual salvation and with a particular mission to the working classes, to one that also promoted social salvation through progressive politics. The Church’s emphasis on individual moral improvement during its early decades receded and it increasingly advocated collectivist solutions to social ills, eventually espousing a balanced and synergetic combination of the two principles. This increasing engagement with progressive national politics manifested itself in the election of December 1885. In the wake of the franchise extension of 1884, 12 working-class MPs were elected, five of whom were closely associated with the Church. Although two working men, including Thomas Burt, the son of a Primitive Methodist local preacher, had preceded them in 1874, this influx of plebeian MPs was an event unprecedented in parliamentary history. The proportion drawn from a minor religious denomination was also notable. All told, my research has identified 44 MPs associated with Primitive Methodism between its foundation in the first decade of the nineteenth century and 1932, when the Church merged with other Methodist denominations. Although it frequently asserted that it was not wedded to any one political party, the reality was different. Initially, the Church and its MPs were firmly Liberal. However, the Liberal allegiance gradually diminished and an increasing number of Primitives supported other political parties, particularly the emergent Labour Party. Historians have often focused on the importance of Primitive Methodists in the foundation and leadership of a number of early trade unions, particularly those for coal miners and agricultural labourers. The historian Eric Hobsbawm deduced from this that the Church experienced a ‘partial transformation … into a labour sect’: mutating from a purely religious organization into one that provided the Labour Movement with leaders. However, he lamented the lack of detailed inquiry into the religious background of the early generation of working-class MPs. This thesis remedies that deficiency in relation to the Primitive MPs, within the context of the Church’s own parliamentary agenda. The core of this study begins in 1886 with the election of the group of Primitive MPs and ends in 1922 as the Church’s leadership began to realise that political activism was no longer a harmonising force for its members. It explores the Church’s official parliamentary aims and priorities as expressed at its Annual Conferences and District Meetings, the spectrum of members’ views articulated in Church publications, and the activities of its MPs in and out of Parliament. These are considered in the context of Primitive Methodism’s social and occupational composition, its geographical distribution, and theological foundations. Although necessary to understanding the Church’s political trajectory, lack of space has restricted discussion of the Church’s political activism from 1923 to 1932 to a brief overview.
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Donkor, L. C. S. "Mediating gendered politics : Ghanaian politicians and news discourse." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003900/.
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Mediating gendered politics: Ghanaian politicians and news discourse Research has shown that there are gendered differences in media coverage of political candidates. Kittilson and Fridkin (2008) have shown that women, irrespective of what countries they live in, tend to be systematically stereotyped. Female candidates receive less coverage and the content of the coverage often focuses on their age, style, appearance and family status (Ross, 2010). Over the past decades, several studies have also shown that because of the media’s agenda-setting role, slanted coverage helps create and maintain barriers to the political aspirations of female electoral candidates (Bystrom & Dimitrova, 2014). This research considers the extent to which these patterns and trends can be found in African contexts where rather less research has been undertaken on this particular set of mediated relations, taking a case study approach by focusing on the coverage of mixed gender election campaigns in Ghana. In particular, this study explores how the news media in Ghana frame women candidates and what women candidates and elected representatives say about their relationships with and portrayal by the media. Coverage of three election campaigns was analysed and generated a series of related, comparative datasets which focused on both national and party election campaigns, which took place between 2008 and 2011. Eighteen women candidates who stood in the 2012 parliamentary elections were also interviewed across all main parties. The methods of data analysis were a synthesis of content, frame, and discourse. The analyses of both data (news stories and interviews) were framed and interrogated from a feminist perspective. Findings from the analysis of 198 news items suggest that viable women were covered more frequently than men in terms of visibility and less viable women trailed; in terms of tone, coverage tended to be generally more negative for some of the women than the men and it increased with the level of authority of the office. Coverage focused on the women’s personal attributes, especially their familial relationships and novelty, and for the men, their professional attributes. Again, the focus of coverage was mainly, gendered and prejudicial against women, especially in terms of their character traits, familial relationship, and professional (expertise) attributes. The interview findings, also, demonstrated that women were covered more negatively in sexualised and familial frames, compared to their male colleagues. Some women themselves seem to also have very negative attitudes towards the media. Largely, these findings corroborate many other studies on women candidates.
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QUARESIMA, FEDERICO. "The economics of politics: politicians, firms and patronage." Doctoral thesis, Università Politecnica delle Marche, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11566/245478.
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La presente tesi di dottorato, dal titolo "The Economics of Politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", esamina le opzioni di uscita dei parlamentari, in un contesto teorico elettorale maggioritario, in cui il parlamentare eletto decide la sua carriera futura in merito al suo comportamento di fedeltà al partito che lo ha selezionato, o al distretto che lo ha eletto, in virtù delle exit strategies che ha disposizione, tra le quali figura anche una nomina come membro del CdA di una azienda a partecipazione pubblica. Data nomina rientra in quello che nella letteratura scientifica di scienza politica viene definito resource patronage.
La tesi si struttura su tre capitoli, il primo dei quali di rassegna nel quale si riconnettono principalmente tre filoni di letteratura. Il primo filone riguarda il fenomeno della privatizzazione delle aziende pubbliche in un’ottica di political economy, dove cioè il processo di ridimensionamento del settore statale è studiato nei suoi risvolti di consenso elettorale, mantenimento di rendite da parte del ceto politico e mantenimento del controllo politico delle aziende parzialmente privatizzate. Questo primo filone, dove si riscontra il potere di nomina da parte dei partiti come uno dei principali canali di influenza delle aziende in esame, fornisce lo spunto per l’analisi del secondo, il quale descrive quelli che sono i risultati della ricerca ottenuti fino ad oggi in tema di resource patronage. Viene qui approfondito il ruolo delle nomine politiche effettuate dai partiti per gli organi direzionali di aziende a partecipazione pubblica ed enti pubblici in generale. Il principale ruolo risulta essere quello di facilitare dinamiche di controllo e di premialità nei confronti di singoli politici da parte dei partiti. L’ultimo filone di ricerca considerato è quello della selezione politica effettuata dai partiti politici in senso stretto e viene proposto considerando come le dinamiche dei primi due possano influenzare tale processo di selezione, alla luce della possibilità di patronage, normalmente non considerata nei tradizionali modelli presenti in letteratura.
Nel secondo capitolo si stima empiricamente un modello probabilistico circa la possibilità dei parlamentari italiani di essere nominati in un Cda di aziende a partecipazione pubblica. I dataset su cui si basa detto modello sono due: il primo gentilmente concesso dalla Fondazione Rodolfo De Benedetti, il secondo personalmente costruito tramite l’archivio online della Camera di Commercio. Il modello include, oltre alle principali variabili politiche di cui a disposizione, alcune variabili di controllo, socio-economiche, dei parlamentari. I risultati empirici, basati su specificazioni lineari e non lineari, dimostrano una conferma di dinamiche di premialità e controllo nei confronti dei parlamentari attraverso il resource patronage, che potrebbero quindi influenzare la selezione dei candidati nelle future elezioni politiche: questa interpretazione è basata sulla significatività del risultato elettorale e del tasso di fedeltà al partito dei singoli parlamentari presi in esame. In particolare infatti, emerge come vengano premiati coloro tra i parlamentari che manifestano una maggiore lealtà nei confronti del partito di appartenenza e che sperimentano una sconfitta alle elezioni nazionali susseguenti o un ritiro dalla carriera politica.
Nel terzo capitolo si delinea un attinente modello teorico generale che vede tre attori coinvolti: il partito, il parlamentare eletto e il distretto di appartenenza di quest’ultimo. Definite le regole decisionali ottimizzanti per i tre attori il modello descrive le dinamiche che potrebbero guidare il fenomeno del patronage, con particolare riguardo verso i career concerns dei parlamentari eletti. Dapprima viene assunta l’automatica ricandidatura dei parlamentari in carica da parte dei partiti, mentre successivamente il modello descrive le medesime dinamiche in assenza di questa assunzione. I risultati analitici aprono più spunti di riflessione di dette dinamiche, con alcune conclusioni prevedibili mentre altre meno.This PhD Thesis, entitled "The Economics of politics: Politicians, Firms and Patronage", examines parliamentarians exit options, in a majoritarian electoral system, where the elected member of parliament decides his future career considering how much it would be valuable his loyalty to the party, which has selected him as a candidate, or to his electoral district, which has effectively elected him, in terms of possible available exit strategies in case of not reelection. These exit strategies include also an appointment to a private-public enterprise board of directors. This opportunity is what in political science literature is defined as resource patronage. The thesis includes three chapters, the first of which is a review of three related fields of literature.The first area of interest concerns the phenomenon of the privatization of the public companies in a political economy perspective, that is where the process of downsizing the state sector is analyzed considering the electoral consensus and the possible rents deriving from the enduring political control of partly privatized companies. The first literature branch, where it is stressed the relevance of the parties appointment authority as one of the main channels through which parties influence private-public firms administration, provides the starting point for the analysis of the second one, which describes the results, currently available in literature, in terms of resource patronage. Here it is examined in depth the role of political appointments to private-public enterprises (and public firms) management and boards of directors. The main purpose of political appointments is facilitating parties controlling and rewarding opportunities towards their own members of parliament. The last paragraph of the chapter reports articles regarding the political selection in a strict sense and it has been inserted considering how patronage dynamics could influence the entire candidates selection process made by parties. In the second chapter I estimate an empirical probabilistic model regarding italian members of parliament opportunities about being appointed to private-public enterprises boards of governors. The datasets used are two: the first, kindly provided by the Rodolfo De Benedetti Foundation, the second, personally compiled thanks to the online archive of the italian Chamber of Commerce. The model includes, in addition to the main available individual political variables, some individual socioeconomic control variables. The empirical results , based on linear and non linear econometric specifications, show how rewarding and controlling dynamics could be at stake through resource patronage: in particular, it is worth emphasizing the statistical significance of the parliamentarians’ electoral result at next elections and their party loyalty rate. Indeed, the members of parliament awarded with an appointment are those who lose the next electoral race or who retire from the political arena, and who show a greater party loyalty when voting acts in parliament. In the third chapter it is described a related theoretical model where three players are involved: the party, the member of parliament and the district (voters). Once players’ utility functions are laid down, the model describes how their optimization process could influence the political selection, also considering a patronage opportunity, both for the party and the parliamentarian. In a first version of the model it is assumed a strong incumbency advantage hypothesis according to which the party always grants his incumbent the candidacy for the next term election, and then the assumption is relaxed.
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Heywood, Shari A. "Elizabeth Kee a clarion voice of and for the people of southern West Virginia 1951-1964 /." Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2006. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=652.
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Theses (M.A.)--Marshall University, 2006.Title from document title page. Includes abstract. Document formatted into pages: contains vi 172 p. including illustrations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 164-172).
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Sow, Amadou Beidy. "An Understanding of the Leadership Characteristics of Malian Teacher-politicians 1992-2007." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1242652165.
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Payne, Sandra J. (Sandra June). "Public Image." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278863/.
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Public Image is a screenplay which traces the lives of Joanne Tate, her husband, Mitchell Tate, and her sister, Marie Vaughn. Joanne decides to search for her sister after the death of their mother from breast cancer. Marie, who broke from the family after a bitter fight more than a decade before, is living in a shelter and facing eviction. Mitchell, meanwhile, is campaigning for re-election to his position as mayor of a large city. A major subplot in the script deals with the homeless issues in his city and the
unscrupulous methods that Mitchell and his staff use to try to solve them. The characters must all learn the importance of family as they grapple with the obstacles they must overcome to find each other.
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Habel, Philip D. "The dynamics of democracy : politicians, people, and the press /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3242858.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4320. Adviser: James H. Kuklinski. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-155) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.
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Murphy, James. "Apologies in the discourse of politicians : a pragmatic approach." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/apologies-in-the-discourse-of-politicians-a-pragmatic-approach(5fb331c1-526b-4539-8efd-650eb5b1234f).html.
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In this thesis, I analyse apologies produced by British political figures from a pragmatic perspective. In particular, I seek to explain the function of political apologies and describe the form they take. In order to give a thorough account of the speech act of apologising in the public sphere, I look to a variety of genres for data. The set of remedial acts scrutinised in this study come from debates and statements in the House of Commons, the Leveson Inquiry and news interviews. The differences in communicative practices between these data sources mean that the types of apology that come about within each genre are varied. Many of the parliamentary apologies are monologic, whereas the apologetic actions found at the Leveson Inquiry and in news interviews are dialogic and, to some extent, co-constructed between participants. These differences mean that a variety of theoretical approaches are taken in analysing the data – speech act theory (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969) and generalised conversational implicature theory (Levinson,2000) feature heavily in the discussion of monologic apologies. Apologies produced within an interactive, ‘conversational’ setting are treated using developments in conversation analysis (amongst others see: Sacks, 1992; Schegloff, 2007). I attempt to reconcile these two, quite different, approaches to discourse at various points in the thesis, arguing that conversation analysis lacks a theory of how interlocutors understand what actions are happening in interaction (and this is provided by speech act theory) and speech act theory lacks a detailed focus on what actually happens in language as interaction (provided by conversation analysis). On the basis of the apology data scrutinised in the thesis, I propose a set of felicity conditions for the speech act of apology (chapter 2) and discuss how the apology (and speech acts broadly) should be considered as prototype entities (chapter 8). I show that when apologising for actions which they have committed, politicians are more fulsome in their apologies than we are in everyday conversation. I also show that they use more explicit apology tokens than is found in quotidian talk (chapter 3). When apologising for historical wrongs, I demonstrate that apologising is a backgrounded act and the focus of the statement is on being clear and unequivocal about the nature of the offences for which the government is apologising (chapter 6). I also argue that political apologies in interactive settings are best thought of as action chains (Pomerantz, 1978). That is to say, apologies in these environments may elicit a response from an interlocutor, but do not need to (chapters 4 & 5). This is quite unlike everyday talk (cf Robinson, 2004). I discuss how apology tokens may be used in the performance of other acts, including introducing dissent and undertaking serious face threat. I suggest that this comes about because apology tokens exist on a cline of pragmaticalisation (chapter 7).
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Mohamed, Kamal Kassab Dina. "Three essays on corporate social responsibility, business politicians and corruption." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010021/document.
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Qu'est-ce que la Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) et peut-elle être induite par la demande ? Le fait de fournir un bien public est-il rentable pour les entreprises ou ces biens devraient-ils être exclusivement fournis par l’État ? Les produits verts sont-ils excessivement chers et devraient-ils être taxés ? Une fois la taxe imposée, qui seront les bénéficiaires et qui paiera effectivement la taxe ? En quoi les résultats dépendent-ils de la complémentarité ou substituabilité entre l'investissement en RSE en question et le bien public fourni par l’État ? Le chapitre 1 de cette dissertation répond à ces questions et crée un cadre conceptuel pour approfondir l'analyse, dans les chapitres suivants, de la RSE en tant que pratique désirable par laquelle les entreprises fournissent un bien public à côté du bien privé qu'elles produisent. Une des questions qui émergent de l'analyse est le besoin d'identifier et d'explorer une nouvelle forme de dichotomie qui est l'arbitrage entre la fourniture du bien public par le marché via la RSE et sa fourniture à travers l’État. Cette question est très intéressante dans le cas des pays en développement, mais aussi des pays développés, où les entreprises ont des liens politiques importants. Le chapitre 2 montre que les entreprises ayant des liens politiques - ou, dans le cas extrême, les hommes d'affaire-politiciens - sont en mesure d'influencer le gouvernement pour réduire le niveau de bien public qu'il fournit afin de maximiser le rendement réputationnel de leur investissement en RSE. Le mécanisme est le suivant. Un niveau de bien public insuffisant fourni par l'Etat offre des gains politiques importants pour les firmes qui contribuent à ce bien à travers leurs activités de RSE pour corriger la défaillance de l’État. Les consommateurs se méfient alors des vraies motivations des entreprises derrière ces activités, elles pourraient résulter de leur bienfaisance mais aussi de leur cupidité politique. Toutefois, comme toutes les entreprises, y compris les plus bienfaisantes et les plus opportunistes, participent, le fait qu'affaires et politique interfèrent ne détériore pas la réputation des participants à la RSE puisque ces gains politiques sont tellement importants que tout le monde s'y engage. La corruption devient socialement acceptable dans le sens où elle n'est pas sanctionnée en termes de réputation. Le chapitre 3 fournit une explication stratégique du phénomène de la corruption devenant épidémique dans une économie. Il explique pourquoi la corruption, sous forme de prise de pot-de-vin, peut se répandre entre les différentes agences du gouvernement sous le simple effet de l'interdépendance de leurs effortsWhat is Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and can it be demand-driven ? Is there a business case for corporates providing the public good or should it be solely provided by the government ? Are green products over-priced and should they be taxed ? If they are, who are the beneficiaries and who are the actual tax payers ? Will results differ whether the CSR investments in question complement or substitute for the government provision of public goods ? Chapter 1 of this Ph.D. dissertation will address these questions and create a conceptual framework for further analysis in subsequent chapters of CSR as a desirable activity whereby firms provide a public good alongside the private good they produce. One of the main issues that emerge from this analysis is the need to identify and explore a new kind of dichotomy, i.e. the trade-off between market provision of public goods via CSR and its public counterpart via the government. This question gains particular importance in the context of developing countries, as well as in some developed ones, where firms have strong political ties. In Chapter 2, it is shown that politically connected firms - or, at extreme, the business politicians - may try to influence the government to reduce its provision of the public good to maximize the reputational return on their CSR investments. The mechanism goes as follows. An underprovided public good offers the opportunity for large political benefits to firms stepping in the areas where the government fails to deliver through their CSR activities. Consumers are suspicious about the true motives for which firms engage in CSR, it may be out of benevolence or political greed, however, since all firms, including the greediest and the most prosocial ones participate, politics interfering with business does not spoil firms' image since those political benefits are so large that everyone does it. We refer to this phenomenon as corruption becoming a social norm. Chapter 3 provides a strategic explanation for this phenomenon of corruption being epidemic in the economy. It explains why corruption, in the form of bribetaking, may become widespread among government agencies, for the mere reason that their efforts are interdependent
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Conyne, George Richard. "Politicians and diplomats : British perspectives on Woodrow Wilson, 1912-1921." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315742.
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Alvarez, Fuentes Mario Antonio. "The role of politicians' personal performance in fostering political representation." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22510/.
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This research project addresses an elusive topic for political communication research: the role of the personal in politics. Specifically, how personal attributes affect the chances of an individual becoming the representative of a group of people. Current literature does not provide clear-cut concepts for 'the personal', which in turn has prevented the emergence of methodological designs capable of grasping its most relevant features. Conceptually, the personal has been defined primarily by its assumed risk for democracy. Terms such as 'personalisation of politics', 'tabloidisation' or 'strategic framing' have denounced the presence of 'the personal' in the communication between politicians and citizens. Methodologically, quantitative longitudinal examination of news articles have indeed provided evidence of the occurrence of such trends, but their alleged impact on democracy remains inconclusive. This approach has shorn 'the personal' of any political meaning, reducing its role to strategic fabrications that politician put forwards with no intention other than deception. This research project wants to take an alternative way. 'The personal' is defined as a performance, a concept used in social psychology and cultural sociology to describe the enactment of one's actions in front of others. An interpretive approach and an ethnographic methodology is proposed to grasp the meaning of that performance and, ultimately, its role in fostering political representation. This research design observed the production of the TV programme, Polònia, which has been broadcast weekly in Catalonia since 2006 and consists of satirical political impersonations. Interviews, participant observation and document analysis were conducted in 2015 and 2016. The data analysis revealed that personal attributes displayed by politicians are actually meaningful if approached in a different manner. Rather that observing or examining, participants try to experience the meanings evoked by the politician's performance. Politicians' materiality - expressed in bodily gestures, voice, gaze, clothing, and so on - trigger memories and references which are the make-up of the character acted on stage. Finally, triangulation of data demonstrates that social stereotypes are consistently evoked by politicians. Therefore personal attributes connect politicians with social stereotypes and thus they become the representative of a group of people. The implications of this conclusion for political communication research are discussed.
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Smith, Donna Louise. "The changing representation of gay politicians in the UK Press." Thesis, Open University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503622.
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The changing representation of gay politicians in UK newspapers is an area which is under represented in political and media studies. It is an important subject because press representation of gay politicians has personal and public consequences; not only can the politicians concerned have their political and personal lives negatively affected, democracy can be compromised. Indeed, gay politicians may be less inclined to speak out on gay issues and free expression may be constrained. The thesis demonstrates: 1. How gay MPs in the UK are represented in newspapers 2. How representation has changed 3. An overarching frame of representation. Newspaper articles are analysed and politicians and campaigners interviewed. A literature/historical review contextualises analysis, taking into account socio-political factors. The thesis demonstrates that the press representation of gay politicians is governed by three interconnected frames: 1. The move towards recognition According to the premise of 'recognition,' marginalised groups are entitled to equal rights and respect, rather than a grudging tolerance, alongside recognition of their particularity. This thesis suggests society has moved from intolerance, to tolerance, to partial recognition of homosexuality; this process has been a halting one, although it is generally unidirectional. 2. Acceptability over time (in relation to heterosexual public space) Sexuality/sexual acts can be rated in terms of public acceptability (as in the acceptance of society) and heterosexual public space. Generally, public homosexuality has become more acceptable over the last fifty years (again, this has been a halting process), although still has some way to go to reach full acceptability. 3. Mediated personas as 'constructed reality' Gay politicians are represented in the media through the use of binary themes; using these themes, their personas (gradients of negative and positive) are created by and mediated through newspapers. The third frame helps to maintain negative and stereotypical representations of gay politicians.
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Bjerhem, Elin. "Knowledge is Power -About Swedish Politicians' Knowledge Concerning Migration Policy." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21123.
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Abstract:This thesis deals with Swedish politicians and their knowledge concerning migration policy. It investigates what knowledge the politicians have and from where they collect their knowledge on the mentioned topic. The study also investigates the politicians’ role as mediators of knowledge and the possible responsibilities connected to such a role.The main source for data has been interviews with six Swedish politicians, all members of parties, represented in the Swedish Parliament. To understand and be able to explain the results found, Sociology of Knowledge has been used as theoretical framework.The result of the thesis is that politicians in general, possess very little knowledge concerning migration policy. But, the current presence of the Swedish right wing party, Sverigedemokraterna, has changed the social code of the institutions that the politicians are members of and therefore many politicians have realized that they are in need of more knowledge, on the discussed topic. It was also found that the politicians have an important role as mediators of knowledge to the members of society. This role is connected to a responsibility of being correct and truthful in the statements made.
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Silva, João Miguel Moniz Laranjeira da. "Framing politicians: the effects of exposure to fictional political dramas." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/17582.
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Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaUm dos desenvolvimentos mais interessantes no panorama político contemporâneo é a articulação entre a política e o entretenimento. Utilizando uma metodologia experimental, esta dissertação pretende estudar os efeitos que exposição a dramas de ficção política tem na audiência, quer no seu nível de eficácia política, nas atitudes para com os partidos e na confiança em instituições políticas. Foi possível confirmar parcialmente quatro das seis hipóteses. Estabeleceu-se uma relação entre a exposição a dramas de ficção política e mudança de atitudes políticas, sendo que a exposição a este tipo de entretenimento sortiu maiores efeitos ao nível da eficácia externa dos participantes da experiência.
One of the most interesting developments in the contemporary political landscape is the articulation between entertainment and politics. Through experimental methodology, this dissertation aims to analyse the effects of exposure to political fictional dramas on attitudes such as political efficacy, attitudes towards political parties and trust in political institutions. Four of our six hypotheses were partially confirmed by our experiment. We established a relationship between exposure to political fictional dramas and changes in political attitudes, being that the impact of this type of politically themed entertainment was most strongly felt at the level of the external political efficacy of the participants in our experiment.
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Woo, Ka-hei Michelle. "An analysis of gender and discourse with reference to data from the Hong Kong International Corpus of English." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21161641.
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Kramer, Alejandra Letelier. "When the political is personal /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Anderson, Rodney Harold. "Serving in affairs of state in a distinctively Christian manner foundational principles /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.
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Green, Sean Douglas. "History at Play in the Portrayal of Politicians in Canadian Drama." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34602.
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This thesis intends to focus on certain playwrights’ creative fascination and complex relationship with ‘politicians as subject’ who have been elevated to the rank of ‘greatness’ in part through their work. More specifically, it serves as a study into how playwrights mold certain politicians’ images, a type of creative investment that in turn helps craft, (re) affirm, or deconstruct the politician as a ‘cultural symbol.’ Using a historigraphic model based on Paul Ricoeur and Hayden White’s work, this thesis explores the dramaturgical approaches used by ‘artist-historian’ playwrights when creating dramatic figures inspired by Canadian politicians. In particular, it examines Linda Griffiths’ portrayal of Pierre Elliot Trudeau in Maggie and Pierre, David Fennario’s portrayal of René Lévesque in The Death of René Lévesque, and Allan Stratton’s portrayal of William Lyon Mackenzie King in Rexy!
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Suveren, Yasar. "The Right Wing Conservative Politicians In Turkey: Ideological And Political Imaginations." Phd thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615763/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to describe and analyze the politicians who belong the right-wing political conservative traditions in Turkey by the mediation of their understanding and mentality. In this framework, the study primarily intends to investigate and analyze their perceptions of political and ideological imaginations. Turkish right seems to have a quite heterogeneous structure. While the recognition of the heterogeneity embodied around the political-institutional structuring is crucial to understand the Turkish right-conservatism, focusing merely on the heterogeneity and differences is inadequate to understand the right-conservative tradition. This study aims to analyze the aforesaid diversity and heterogeneity in the axes of politics and ideology. In spite of its heterogeneous qualifications, there are some attributions which made the Turkish right-wing conservative tradition homogeneous on certain economic, social and cultural issues. In this context, the study aims to analyze and understand the differentiations and affinities among the politicians who belong to the mainstream right-wing conservative political parties by focusing on the politicians discourses.
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Dickerson, Paul. "Activity orientation in the talk of politicians, news journalists and audiences." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322704.
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Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.
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MacKenzie, Scott Alan. "Strategy, choice and the pathways to power sequence analysis of political careers /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3356447.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 14, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 298-316).
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Oppelland, Torsten. "Gerhard Schröder (1910-1989) : Politik zwischen Staat, Partei und Konfession /." Düsseldorf : Droste, 2002. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0d5p5-aa.
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Cope, Robert G. "Becoming a politician: A biography of James Cope." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36554/1/36554_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.
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This work documents the personal life and contextual events surrounding an ordinary man in order to investigate the history of his development and education both as a person and as a politician. While there are substantial biographical works tracing the life of a politician, few have used oral history to write the life of ordinary politicians from working class backgrounds. Other issues discussed in relation to the work and central to the understanding of the subject are the choice of subject for biography, humour as power, gender dynamics in politics, and life history methodology. The major source of data is interviews, supported by other accounts including newspapers, biographies, autobiographies, Hansard material and archives. The subject's development and education began well within a supportive family environment and continued with a sound formal education at kindergarten, primary and secondary levels. Sport provided a basis for success and self esteem during his schooling and thereafter throughout his life. Post school development was maintained by a self-motivated drive to accumulate knowledge primarily through reading and observation of other people. His likeable personality, natural charm and wit allowed him to connect with excellent role models from whom he continued to learn throughout his union and political careers. Apart from the negative experiences of the Depression, successes throughout life allowed him to endure with dignity and stoicism any setbacks, especially his forced resignation from the position of Speaker, which was devastating and effectively ended his career.
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Walker, Lorna. "What factors influence whether politicians' tweets are retweeted? : using CHAID to build an explanatory model of the retweeting of politicians' tweets during the 2015 UK General Election campaign." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2016. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/11156.
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Twitter is ever-present in British political life and many politicians use it as part of their campaign strategies. However, little is known about whether their tweets engage people, for example by being retweeted. This research addresses that gap, examining tweets sent by MPs during the 2015 UK General Election campaign to identify which were retweeted and why.
A conceptual model proposes three factors which are most likely to influence retweets: the characteristics of (1) the tweet’s sender, (2) the tweet and (3) its recipients. This research focuses on the first two of these. Content and sentiment analysis are used to develop a typology of the politicians’ tweets, followed by CHAID analysis to identify the factors that best predict which tweets are retweeted.
The research shows that the characteristics of tweet and its sender do influence whether the tweet is retweeted. Of the sender’s characteristics, number of followers is the most important – more followers leads to more retweets. Of the tweet characteristics, the tweet’s sentiment is the most influential. Negative tweets are retweeted more than positive or neutral tweets. Tweets attacking opponents or using fear appeals are also highly likely to be retweeted.
The research makes a methodological contribution by demonstrating how CHAID models can be used to accurately predict retweets. This method has not been used to predict retweets before and has broad application to other contexts. The research also contributes to our understanding of how politicians and the public interact on Twitter, an area little studied to date, and proposes some practical recommendations regarding how MPs can improve the effectiveness of their Twitter campaigning. The finding that negative tweets are more likely to be retweeted also contributes to the ongoing debate regarding whether people are more likely to pass on positive or negative information online.
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Dewi, Kurniawati Hastuti. "The Emergence of Female Politicians in Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/157869.
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Mankler, Anders. "Professors, papers and parliaments : How the media affects politicians’ references to research." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264945.
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Knowledge matters in politics and a wide range of factors influence politicians’ use of research. One element that has been identified as relevant is the media. However, this has mainly been a theoretical conclusion, in want of empirical underpinning. In this thesis the topic is examined intensively through a quasi-experimental comparison and a mechanism tracing. The cases in focus are the Swedish earned income tax credit and surplus goal, and the concrete hypotheses concern whether the intensity and cohesion of the media coverage of research influence politicians' references to knowledge in debates. The results of the comparison suggest that there is a correlation between the intensity of the media coverage and the use of references in debates, whereas it is harder to say anything about the cohesion. Furthermore, a series of mechanisms explaining the relationship in detail are proposed. Among these is one indicating that vote maximi-sation encourages alignment of knowledge use with the media coverage, and another illuminating the practice of cherry-picking research results that are mentioned in the press. The conclusions thus not only tell us something about how the media influences knowledge use, but also advance the debate on symbolic knowledge use among politicians.
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands-- and politicians, militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64704.pdf.
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Kroh, Martin. "Parties, politicians, and policies orientations of vote choice across voters and contexts /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2003. http://dare.uva.nl/document/69831.
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.
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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons.
Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements.
Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end.
By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.
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Roumanias, Costas. "Selfish politicians, rational voters and dissemination of information in games of elections." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397235.
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Satloff, Robert Barry. "The King and his men : politics and politicians in Jordan, 1951-1957." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315693.
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Lindahl, Per. "Acceptance of travel demand management measures. : Differences between households, politicians, and bureaucrats." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för psykologi, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-99953.
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Several countries want to reduce carbon emissions by reducing private car use through travelemand management (TDM) measures. Citizens' acceptance of these, and its predictors are welldddocumented, but the same cannot be said for politicians' and bureaucrats' acceptance. This studylooked at households, politicians, and bureaucrats in Sweden. A questionnaire assessed theiracceptance of three TDM measures, as well as the influence of the measures' perceivede ect veness and fairness on acceptance. Bureaucrats perceived push (coercive) measures as moreeffffffectiiive, fair, and acceptable than the other groups did. Bureaucrats were also less influenced bytheir perception of push measures' fairness when evaluating push measures' acceptability. Goingforward, policy makers need to make sure that TDM measures are perceived as fair by all groups ifthe measures are to be successful.
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Rogers, Helen. "Poetesses and politicians : gender, knowledge and power in radical culture, 1830-1870." Thesis, University of York, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2449/.
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Hall, Richard. "Political persuasion : politicians and the electorate in Yorkshire County elections, 1708-42." Thesis, Coventry University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361664.
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Uvuza, Justine. "Hidden inequalities : Rwandan female politicians' experiences of balancing family and political responsibilities." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2475.
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The number of women participating in Rwandan politics has significantly grown since the second half of 1994 (after the civil war and Tutsi genocide). Gradually, especially in parliament where women now compose 63.8%, this has attracted the attention of scholars and the international community. While Rwandan government and the international writers document Rwanda’s relative progress on increasing and promoting women’s participation in politics, the majority of academic work to date has investigated women’s representative role and in most cases explored women in the legislature. Little or no academic work has focused on female politicians’ experiences of balancing their traditional female responsibilities and the public (male-stream) roles they are now taking on. Using semi-structured one-to-one interviews with female politicians in the cabinet, lower and upper chambers of parliament, local government and from women’s major groups (umbrella and networks), this dissertation examines the women’s narratives of their lived experiences of balancing their private and public roles, and what impact this has had on their lives and career paths. This thesis argues that despite the relevance of women’s access to political posts/work, failure to tackle gender inequalities in all areas of socialisation reshape and reinforce patriarchy in significant ways – especially due to increased time and work penalty that appear not only detrimental to women’s lives but also to the country’s social-economic development. Change in these circumstances seems to require a cultural shift, almost as large as the cultural shift that brought women into politics. This thesis also argues that women’s substantive representative role is better understood if the social-political contexts within which they live and work are considered. This study contributes new ways of understanding and theorising women’s political participation in Rwanda (and in similar contexts) to policy makers and activists.
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Vyborny, Katherine Helen Anne. "Politicians, patrons, and the people : influences on targeted government redistribution in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:02cc7e41-f2dd-4fb3-8758-96f61db92801.
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Powerful individuals often influence the delivery of government services for their own purposes. Officials may prefer inherently to direct assistance to their own relatives and social contacts (nepotistic preferences). Alternatively, they may use government services strategically in exchange for favors (patronage) or to gain voter support (clientelism). Most existing literature examines these three phenomena separately, or does not distinguish the motivations for politicians’ influence on distribution. Causal identification has also been a problem in the empirical literature. In the first chapter of this thesis, I develop a theoretical model of interaction between three levels of actors: politicians, local patrons, and households. The model allows for politicians and patrons to influence government services for nepotistic, clientelistic, and patronage purposes. In chapters 2-4, I test the predictions of the model using two novel household survey datasets I collected along with my collaborators in rural Punjab, Pakistan. Chapter 2 tests the theoretical predictions for the interaction of politicians, patrons and voters. Chapters 3 and 4 provide quasi-experimental evidence on the causal effect of links with politicians on assistance. I find evidence that politicians exert dramatic influence on the targeting of government assistance in this setting. Consistent with the theoretical model, the most assistance goes to a small “inner circle” of their closest contacts. Politicians assist this “inner circle” based on their inherent preferences, regardless of electoral pressure. When politicians face electoral pressure, they also deliver assistance to a wider group, in particular members of the same clan. In contrast, local patrons do not appear to have significant independent influence over the targeting of the government assistance programs I study, but they do provide other types of assistance to households. Their behavior is more consistent with the idea that they are motivated by inherent preferences for assisting their contacts. The results have implications for the interpretation of empirical literature on nepotism, clientelism, and patronage. They can also inform the policies of donor agencies and civil society organizations who aim to engage or pressure governments to reduce corruption and improve public spending.
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Nothhaft, Camilla. "Moments of lobbying : an ethnographic study of meetings between lobbyists and politicians." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-54253.
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The aim of this study is to define and further the understanding of the practice of lobbying as it manifests in the participants’ interactions with each other and to identify its specific conditions (rules, standards, traits). A research overview shows that lobbying as a political phenomenon is well researched, but that the action per se tends to been taken for granted as ‘talking’. Communication between lobbyists and politicians has predominantly been reconstructed as transmission, informationexchange. The study addresses this deficiency by applying an ethnographic method, shadowing, and by focussing on the micro-level of lobbying as a socio-political phenomenon. Lobbying is researched in moments of interaction between interest representatives and representatives of the political system, i.e. MEPs and their assistants. Seven lobbyists and politicians in Brussels have been shadowed for one week each; a further 34 interviews were conducted. The analytical strategy was to infer from the actors’ impression management (Goffman). The study is informed by a neo-institutional perspective. It assumes that cognitive, normative, and regulative structures provide meaning to social behavior, and that these resources are identifiable. Goffman’s concept of team and the distinction between frontstage and backstage emerged as central categories. My results suggest that the small world of the EU’s capital results in a sense of ‘us in Brussels’ shared by lobbyists, politicians and assistants alike. Lobbying-interaction in frontstage-mode is governed by strict conventions; ignorance or transgression are sanctioned as unprofessional. The key result, however, is that lobbyists actively work towards engagement on other terms. Lobbyists employ various strategies and build relations with politicians in order to create moments of backstage-interaction. In backstage-mode, lobbyists not only gain access to soft information, but can negotiate ways of working together with politicians in pursuit of different, but partly overlapping agendas.
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Fitzpatrick, Anne Claire. "Civil defense under the Truman administration : the impact of politicians and scientists /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01122010-020150/.
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Groeling, Tim. "When politicians attack : the causes, contours, and consequences of partisan political communication /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3027048.
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