Academic literature on the topic 'Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes"
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Novikov, K. E. "Integration of Politicians with an Immigrant Background in the Political System of Great Britain." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 98, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2020-98-3-181-200.
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Khan, B. Zorina. "Inventing Prizes: A Historical Perspective on Innovation Awards and Technology Policy." Business History Review 89, no. 4 (2015): 631–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515001014.
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Prizes for innovations are currently experiencing a renaissance, following their marked decline during the nineteenth century. Debates about such incentive mechanisms tend to employ canonical historical anecdotes to motivate and support the analysis and policy proposals. Daguerre's “patent buyout,” the Longitude Prize, inducement prizes for butter substitutes and billiard balls, the activities of the Royal Society of Arts and other “encouragement” institutions—all comprise potentially misleading case studies. The article surveys and summarizes extensive empirical research using samples drawn from Britain, France, and the United States, including “great inventors” and their ordinary counterparts, and prizes at industrial exhibitions. The results suggest that administered systems of rewards to innovators suffered from a number of disadvantages in design and practice, which might be inherent to their nonmarket orientation.
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Morozov, Stanislav V. "1925–1935: Locar “Legal Mechanism for ‘Pushing’ Germany to the East”. The Oil Factor." Economic Strategies 144, no. 2 (182) (April 25, 2022): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-2.182.2022.108-115.
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The article examines the factor of oil, when some influential politicians and big businessmen, primarily in Great Britain, tried to use for their far-reaching goals the factual absence of the Weimar Republic's own oil fields. Monopolization of oil supplies in the context of the implementation of the “legal mechanism for ‘pushing’ Germany to the East” made it possible to a certain extent to manage the foreign policy activity of the Hitlerite regime.
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Boyko, Oleg. "The German Threat and Discussions about European Unions: Features of the Liberal Political and Ideological Continuity of the Leaders of the Liberal Party from W. Gladstone to G. Asquith in the Late XIX – Early XX Centuries." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(62) (December 18, 2023): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-62-211-222.
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The subject of the research is the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and the continuity of the foreign policy course of liberal political figures. The purpose of the analysis is the views and activities of significant British liberal politicians on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the philosophy of liberalism and unprecedented
competition in colonial expansion among major European powers. A number of trends in the development of the political and ideological course of the Liberal Party of Great Britain are demonstrated - a quick rejection of the policy of
«Splendid Isolation» to the search for friendly powers on the European continent and the direct influence of liberal-imperialist circles on changing the foreign policy strategy. The study of sources confirms that as part of the evolution of the philosophy of liberalism at the end of the 19th century, the idea of the foreign
policy of Great Britain in the circles of liberal politicians of the country also changed. The author comes to the conclusion that after W. Gladstone left power, the liberals hastened to move away from the policy of «Splendid Isolation». A. Rosebery tried to maintain a balance of power, but, as an adherent of liberal
imperialism, he actively used military force, not striving to be the first to establish friendship with anyone in Europe. During the period of opposition 1896-1905 not only liberal-imperialists such as E. Grey, H. Asquith, R. Haldane, but also pacifists such as H. Campbell-Bannerman came to the conclusion that a world conflict was inevitable against the backdrop of growing disagreements with Germany and the need to choose an ally in Europe.
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Boyko, Oleg O. "The Views of H. Campbell-Bannerman and the Liberal-Radical Fraction in the Period of the Liberals in Opposition on Issues of the English-German Containment and the Colonial Struggle in the End of the 19th - Beginning of the 20th Century." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (218) (June 23, 2023): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-62-71.
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The article is devoted to the study of the activities of politicians of the radical faction of the Liberal Party and their direct role in the development of the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th - early 20th century. The author analyzes the causes and conditions that influenced the polarization of opinions within the radical faction of the Liberal Party during the period when the liberals were in opposition to state policy abroad. The study is based on a wide range of sources: memoirs of participants of the events, public speeches of election campaigns, materials of private correspondence of significant political figures in the UK. The defeat of the liberal party in the elections in 1895 led to its internal split. The liberal-imperialists began to actively support the foreign policy of the Conservative government, believing that such a policy would enable Britain to regain power in the world. There was no consensus within the radical faction. Some politicians belong-ing to it sought to solve problems peacefully, relying on the ideas described in the philosophy of “new liberalism”. Other major politicians, such as D. Kimberley and C. Dilk, believed that calls for peace would be viewed in a negative light. Others strove to act according to circumstances. Thus, by 1903-1904, the radical faction still lacked a constructive program and alternative policy in colonial and European affairs.
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Lynn, Michael R. "Consumerism and the Rise of Balloons in Europe at the End of the Eighteenth Century." Science in Context 21, no. 1 (March 2008): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889707001561.
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ArgumentThe history of ballooning has received considerable attention from historians examining the technological innovations behind it as well as from scholars interested in aeronautical anecdotes concerning launches and disasters. The cultural importance of this new machine, however, remains less fully analyzed. This essay explores one facet of that history through a discussion of the commodification of launches in France and Great Britain. These two countries, which have larger middling classes as well as a higher degree of commercialization in general, provided a fertile environment for aeronauts seeking to instruct and entertain an audience willing to fund ballooning. Balloonists had to invent ways to market this scientific discovery and determine how best to attract paying customers. The audience was entertained while simultaneously empowered to act as witnesses to what balloonists presented as a scientific experiment.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S., and Jane C. Y. Lee. "The Changing Political Attitudes of the Senior Bureaucrats in Hong Kong's Transition." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 912–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051857.
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The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable
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Eppel, Michael. "The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.
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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.
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Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes"
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Karginoff, Simon P. "The parliamentary career of Michael Thomas Sadler, 1829-1833." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1995. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1185.
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The thesis seeks to combine an historiographical reappraisal of Michael Thomas Sadler, 1780-1835, with an account of his political thought and actions during his parliamentary career, 1829-1833. Sadler was an Ultra-Tory, although he has also been called a Radical Tory. Central to Ultra-Tory philosophy was the defence of the Revolution Settlement, or Protestant Constitution. This thesis opens with an explanation as to why Sadler was chosen as a research subject. Section one gives a general background to Sadler. The thesis begins with a brief biographical sketch followed by a detailed historiographical assessment. Sadler’s basic philosophy is outlined and his opposition to Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform is examined. The second section finds Sadler’s social and economic reforming activities the focus of attention. Although we move away from strictly constitutional issues the section explores Sadler’s concern for the downtrodden in England and Ireland. Indeed, for Sadler, the ‘aristocratic ideal’ – the need to look after the material well- being of British subjects – was as important as preserving the political framework of the Constitution. The question of a poor law for Ireland and factory legislation in England are two key areas under examination. Another chapter in the section examines Sadler’s attempts at reform on behalf of the agricultural labourers of Britain. The thesis concludes with a reappraisal of Sadler’s contribution to social reform in the early nineteenth century together with a reassessment of his position within the Tory party.
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Herman, Ruth Annette. "The business of a woman : the political writings of Delarivier Manley (1667?-1724)." Thesis, [n.p.], 2000. http://library7.open.ac.uk/abstracts/page.php?thesisid=18.
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Schröder, Benjamin. "Händler und Helden." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20089.
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Die Dissertation untersucht mittels Lokalstudien die Massendemokratie der Zwischenkriegszeit im Medium der Praxis von Wahlkämpfen. Sie argumentiert, dass die britische Demokratie bereits in den 1920er Jahren in deutlich stärkerem Maße als die deutsche nach den Prinzipien eines politischen Marktes funktionierte. Während in der hiesigen politischen Kultur Wähler als Individuen von den Parteien umworben wurden, standen sie sich in Deutschland als Großgruppen und feste Anhängerschaften der Parteien als Gegner - und Feinde - entgegen. Das gab der demokratischen Auseinandersetzung in der Weimarer Republik ein kriegerisches Gepräge, im Kontrast zum pragmatisch-spielerischen Umgang mit Konflikt in Großbritannien. Erklären lässt sich dieser Unterschied aus den Traditionen der Eingewöhnung politischer Partizipation in beiden Ländern im Verlauf des 19. Jahrhunderts, die der „Politik“ in Deutschland ein deutlich höheres Gewicht im sozialen Miteinander mitgab als in Großbritannien. Das letztendliche Scheitern der Weimarer Republik an dieser Attributierung des Politischen mit Bedeutung und des Konflikts mit Ernsthaftigkeit, wirft die Frage auf, ob die moderne Demokratie für ihr Bestehen ein gewisses Maß an Gleichgültigkeit benötigt.The thesis uses local contexts to study mass democracy in the inter-war period in the medium of electioneering practice. It argues that British democracy already followed the logic of a political market in the 1920s, to a much higher degree than was the case in Germany. Whereas parties wooed voters as individuals here, they were rather seen as part of big social groupings in German political culture, standing off against each other as opponents - and as enemies. This gave democratic contests in the Weimar Republic a war-like character, which stood in contrast to the pragmatic and playful way of dealing with conflict in Britain. The difference is explained by the traditions of how political participation had been learned throughout the 19th century in both countries, where the German path had resulted in 'politics' weighing much more heavily on social relations than was the case in Britain. The eventual failure of the Weimar Republic due to the attribution of meaning to everything political, and due to the seriousness of conflict, begs the question of whether modern democracy, to persist, requires a certain amount of disinterest among the electorate.
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LYON, Dawn. "The making of careers : women and men in business and politics in Britain, Belgium and France." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5299.
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Defence date: 17 June 2003Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI - Supervisor) ; Dr. Susan Halford (Southampton) ; Prof. Michèle Lamont (Harvard) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes"
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Young, Hugo. The Hugo Young Papers. London: Penguin Group UK, 2009.
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Young, Hugo. The Hugo Young papers: Thirty years of British politics - off the record. London: Allen Lane, 2008.
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Hamilton, Neil A. Great political eccentrics. London: Robson, 1999.
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Parris, Matthew. Great parliamentary scandals: Four centuries of calumny, smear, and innuendo. Edited by Prosser David 1953- and Pierce Andrew. London: Robson Books, 1995.
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Parris, Matthew. Great parliamentary scandals: Five centuries of calumny, smear and innuendo. London: Robson, 2004.
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Parris, Matthew. Great parliamentary scandals: Four centuries of calumny, smear, and innuendo. Edited by Prosser David 1953- and Pierce Andrew. New York: Robson Books Parkwest, 1998.
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Parris, Matthew. Great parliamentary scandals: Four centuries of calumny, smear, and innuendo. Edited by Prosser David 1953- and Pierce Andrew. London: Robson Books, 1996.
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Hutchinson, Martin O. Great conservatives. Bethesda, Md: Academica Press, 2004.
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Riddell, Peter. Honest opportunism: The rise of the career politician. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1993.
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Timothy, Eustace, ed. Statesmen and politicians of the Stuart age. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Politicians – Great Britain – Anecdotes"
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Pugh, Martin. "Muslims in the British Mainstream." In Britain and Islam, 272–98. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300234947.003.0012.
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This concluding chapter explains that, amidst the din generated by Islamophobia, it is not easy to recognise that there is an alternative narrative about the evolution of the three million-strong British Muslim community and its role in society today. The alternative account does not make many headlines for two main reasons. First, it does not fit the agenda of most of the newspapers and other media outlets, which flourish on the dramatic story of violence and subversion. And second, it comprises a rather disparate concatenation of underlying social, political, and commercial changes that are not easily represented as a neat, single process. But it involves one significant trend, namely a gradual convergence between the Muslim and the non-Muslim communities in Britain. For the historian, there is no great surprise here, for history is punctuated by quiet social revolutions that have often occurred in spite of politicians, the press, and the opinion leaders who command massive attention, especially in a world driven by instant, 24-hour news. Yet the influence of politicians is far more limited than one might suppose from the relentless prominence they enjoy day by day.
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Brummer, Alex. "Governance." In The Great British Reboot, 220–54. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300243499.003.0008.
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This chapter discusses the noise and parliamentary divisions that were not silenced until the general election held on 12 December 2019, which swept Prime Minister Boris Johnson back into office. It cites the dissonance that remained suppressed as the nation confronted coronavirus, lockdown, and the economic slump from 23 March 2020. It also mentions new Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer, who was keen to make his mark by bringing lawyerly, forensic questioning to politics. The chapter points out the rate of Britain in international league tables as one of the best-run, most-respected, and least-corrupt countries among the advanced nations, which is a verdict of almost every independent assessment. It notes the conduct of the Brexit debate, the mercurial behaviour of the nation's elected politicians and the condemnation by leading policymakers that suggest a nation that had lost faith in its institutional structures.
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Stedman Jones, Daniel. "A Transatlantic Network." In Masters of the Universe. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0005.
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This chapter explores how a transatlantic network of sympathetic businessmen and fundraisers, journalists and politicians, policy experts and academics grew and spread neoliberal ideas between the 1940s and the 1970s. These individuals were successful at promoting ideas through a new type of political organization, the think tank. The first wave of neoliberal think tanks were set up in the 1940s and 1950s and included the American Enterprise Institute and the Foundation for Economic Education in the United States, and the Institute of Economic Affairs in Great Britain. A second wave of neoliberal think tanks were established in the 1970s, including the Centre for Policy Studies and the Adam Smith Institute in Great Britain, and the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute in the United States.
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Bishop, Matthew, and John Kay. "Introduction." In European Mergers and Merger Policy, 1–8. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198773450.003.0001.
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Abstract Europe stands at the start of its first great merger wave. Growing international trade, accelerated by the 1992 ‘Single Market’ programme, has seen a sharp increase in mergers across national borders between European based firms. During the 1990s, this increase in European mergers will almost certainly continue. As it does, it is sure to raise important questions for industrial policy-makers and business strategists. Should, for instance, leading national firms merge to form ‘European champions’? When does merger make good business sense, and with which firm? Are hostile take-overs a sound method for ensuring top management accountability; are alternative ownership controls preferable? What are the proper grounds for politicians to prevent a merger, and which politicians? Many of these issues will be all too familiar to British managers, investors, and politicians, who, unlike their European counterparts, have extensive experience of the costs and benefits of mergers and take-overs. As Europe’s first great merger wave begins, those guiding it should draw heavily on this British experience. Britain itself has just come to the end of its third great merger boom of the twentieth century. The first was in the 1920s when the development of mass production techniques created a steep change in the scale of production, and firms such as Unilever and ICI, which have continued to dominate the British industrial scene ever since, were brought together. The marked rise in industrial concentration in the 1920s was the product both of mergers and of internal growth.
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Dixon, Paul. "‘A real stirring in the nation’: military families, British public opinion and withdrawal from Northern Ireland." In The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0004.
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There has been a recent attempt to claim that the IRA was defeated in the early 1990s and the peace process represented their gradual surrender. The IRA’s campaign is presented as a futile and naive attempt to force the ‘Great British’ to withdraw from Northern Ireland. This chapter, by contrast, argues that the IRA’s campaign to force British withdrawal from Northern Ireland was not irrational. The British had just withdrawn from Empire and republicans tended to see Ireland as Britain’s first and last colony. Leading British politicians were ambivalent about the Union. The first public opinion poll suggesting a majority of the British public favoured withdrawal from Northern Ireland was published in September 1971. Since the mid-1970s polls have suggested consistent support for withdrawal. The demand for British withdrawal from Northern Ireland is often presented by those on the Left and Right as a pro-republican position. The ‘Bring Back the Boys from Ulster Campaign’ was launched in May 1973 among military families. It reflected ‘a real stirring’ in the nation for withdrawal, impacted on army recruitment and was motivated more by British chauvinist sentiment than Irish nationalism or republicanism This chapter will argue that this British nationalist movement for withdrawal while ultimately unsuccessful represented a powerful constraint on policy and helps to explain British scepticism about military intervention in Yugoslavia in the early nineties.
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"The Politics and Institutionalization of Family Policies." In Family Change and Family Policies in Great Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States, edited by Sheila B. Kamerman and Alfred J. Kahn, 178–96. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198290254.003.0013.
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Abstract Over the past century, the fight for policies and programmes for families has been closely linked to debates over social programmes in general. Broadly speaking, this debate continues to rage between groups on the left of the political spectrum (labour, feminist groups, anti-poverty groups, and the New Democratic Party) and the political right (representatives of employers’ and financial organizations, conservative politicians, and the neo-conservative ‘pro-family’ movement). While the left has attempted to protect and expand social programmes, the right has argued that we can no longer afford programmes designed during the prosperous 1960s. At the same time, regional political differences, antagonisms, and unequal prosperity have created varying ideas about social needs. And finally, jurisdictional disputes between the federal and provincial governments continue to influence programme development. In this chapter, we examine which interest groups have pressed for policies affecting families, the ideological positions of Canada’s political parties concerning the role of the state in family life, and the institutionalization of family policies.
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Morrish, Elizabeth. "“Falling Short of God ‘s Ideal”: Public Discourse about Lesbians and Gays." In Queerly Phrased, 335–45. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195104707.003.0020.
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Abstract Since consenting homosexual acts between men, in private, were made legal in Great Britain in 1967, gay sex and the gay lifestyle have been brought further and further within the remit of the criminal and civil law. Discriminatory reforms and accompaJJ.ying public statements have been couched in a discourse that transmits and maintains homophobic attitudes. Lesbians and gays in Britain have not been slow to realize that public discourse, including the language of the law and pro nouncements by politicians, journalists, educators, chief constables, and leading churchmen, has a powerful ideological effect. I shall take as a starting point Gunther Kress ‘s (1988) definition of the effects of ideology as “imposing a prior and systematically organized set of values on nature and on the objects of other cultures-as though they too were nature” (69).
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Stedman Jones, Daniel. "The Legacy of Transatlantic Neoliberalism." In Masters of the Universe. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0009.
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This concluding chapter reviews how neoliberalism transformed British, American, and global politics. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the triumph of the free market was almost universally accepted by mainstream politicians, public officials, and civil servants. More importantly, the distinctive neoliberal brand of free market individualism had prevailed over alternative forms of managed market-based capitalism. Transatlantic neoliberal politics successfully transformed the commonsense assumptions of policymakers in Great Britain and the United States when confronted with social and economic problems, especially in the years after Margaret Thatcher left office. Value for money is effectively delivered through the discipline of the market to satisfy consumer wants. An equilibrium is achieved through the price mechanism, guiding the activities of disparate sellers and producers.
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Mcdowell, R. B. "Pitt and Ireland." In Ireland In The Age Of Imperialism And Revolution 1760-1801, 327–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221678.003.0008.
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Abstract Pitt when he became prime minister was deeply conscious that Britain’s ‘power and pre-eminence’ was in eclipse, and was calmly confident that it was his responsibility—it might be said his hereditary responsibility—‘to unite and correct what yet remains of our reduced and shattered empire’. Though a realist, he was not content to be simply a pragmatist. Unlike many contemporary politicians he did not restrict himself to keeping the administrative machine functioning and meeting problems as they presented themselves. He was not ‘one of those who thought that if a session passed without anything material being done, it was a circumstance of pleasure and self-congratulationc’. Rather, he was prepared to survey the whole field, isolate major issues, and attempt to cope with them by well-planned, comprehensive measures. By the close of 1784, he was immersed in the preparation of a grand design which, he believed, would dispose of a number of issues likely to breed contention between Great Britain and Ireland, promote the prosperity of both nations and strengthen the empire.
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Tomlinson, Sally. "A dog’s breakfast Brexit, 2016-18." In Education and Race from Empire to Brexit, 201–24. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447345824.003.0010.
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The final chapter covers a turbulent period in British politics as Parties and politicians fought to present their version of a Brexit to the British public, which remained divided by nation, class, race, age, gender and geography. Civil servants joked about the creation of an Empire 2.00, and in July 2018 Prime Minister May produced a ‘Chequers Plan’ for a ‘soft Brexit’ which caused the resignation of several ministers, who were determined on a ‘hard Brexit’ which would decisively cut the country off from a European Union. Black and other minorities had made advances in plural coexistence in a reluctant society and many younger people were learning to live together. But there were few signs that the those in charge of education were willing or able to think what a system for a more equal, globally oriented, socially and racially just education system and curriculum would look like. There is little evidence that schools or higher education have come to terms with a post-imperial role and Britain’s changed position in the world, despite positive interventions by black and minority writers, academics and students. The consequences of xenophobic and racist understandings of past decades will not be changed by teaching questionable ‘British Values’ and continuing to blame migrants and minorities for the consequences of austerity programmes. Ignorance of the past and presentation of a future where Britain is ‘Great’ again is more likely to lead to hostile nationalist sentiments and continued blaming of migrants and minorities as the country comes to terms with its waning influence on world affairs.