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Journal articles on the topic 'Politicial and social views'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Kabuldinov, Z. E., and T. A. Ryskulov. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OFSMAGUL SADUAKASOV." History of the Homeland 99, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_62.

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Smagul Saduakasov is an outstanding statesman of Kazakhstan in the period of 1920-1930s, who made a significant theoretical contribution to the development of the Kazakh socio-political thought of the twentieth century. S. Saduakasov in his works, in fact, was one of the first to formulate the national interests of the Kazakh people and the whole of Kazakhstan, outlined those key priorities of socio-economic and cultural development, in accordance with which the Kazakh people and the state of Kazakhstan should develop. Itwas S. Saduakasov who officially spoke out in the public press against maintaining the economic status of Kazakhstan as a “raw material appendage” of the industrialized regions of the European part of the USSR, proposing to develop local Kazakh industry based on a rich resource base. In addition, S. Sadvokasov paid special attention to the training of professional technical and humanitarian specialists from among the Kazakh youth, which, together with the development of domestic industry, was supposed tolead the people and the country to the path of building a modern state.
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2

Yang, Song, and Michael Nino. "Political Views, Race and Ethnicity, and Social Isolation: Evidence from the General Social Survey." Societies 13, no. 11 (November 4, 2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13110236.

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Using data from the General Social Survey, we investigate whether political views increase the risk of social isolation for Black and White Americans. Our findings reveal an increase in conservative political views differently shaping social isolation patterns for Black and White Americans. For instance, changes in political views from liberal to conservative are associated with reduced risk of social isolation for White Americans, whereas a rise in conservative political views is related to increases in social isolation for Black Americans. Results also demonstrate that these patterns remain after accounting for important covariates such as gender, age, education, occupation, marital status, social class, work status, and religion. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of social relationships, race, and political polarization in the U.S.
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3

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.

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In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.
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4

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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5

Sulaev, Imanutdin Kh. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF NAZHMUDDIN GOTSINSKY (1859-1925)." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.21-29.

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The author tries to analyze the socio-political views of one of the authoritative religious and public figures of the North Caucasus and Daghestan in the first quarter of the 20th century - a mufti-imam Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky basing on the published works of different years, memoirs of the participants in the revolution and the Civil War, archival documents. The author analyzes the views of N. Gotsinsky through his key speeches, sermons and proclamations of 1917-1918. Nazhmuddin Gozinsky is a famous politician and spiritual leader, chairman of the Spiritual Council of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. He was one of the leaders of the counter-revolutionary movement in Dagestan in 1917-1921. On the basis of the studied materials the author draws a conclusion that social and political and social views of Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky reflected all contradictions of the revolutionary period and tragedy of the Civil war.
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6

Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
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7

Kholikovna, Rakhmatova Kholida. "IMPORTANT FEATURES OF SOCIO-ETHICAL VIEWS OF KHOJA AHROR VALI." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 02, no. 01 (January 1, 2022): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-02-01-06.

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The article analyzes the beginning of the reform of the Naqshbandi doctrine of active participation in social and political life, the abolition of the opposition between the state and religion at the initiative of the Sufi, the system of protection of the Sufi. It has been analyzed that the teachings of Sufism are in line with the philosophy of compromise.
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8

Guelzo, Allen C., Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford, and Frank J. Williams. "The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 917. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649609.

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9

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF LIUDMYLA STARYTSKA-CHERNIAKHIVSKA." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 135 (2017): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.135.4.06.

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10

Lehman, Cynthia L. "The Social and Political Views of Charles Chestnutt:." Journal of Black Studies 26, no. 3 (January 1996): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600303.

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11

Pervova, I. L. "SOCIAL VERSUS POLITICAL: VIEWS OF ELDERLY IN RUSSIA." Innovation in Aging 1, suppl_1 (June 30, 2017): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igx004.3185.

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12

Halilovic, Muamer. "Social and political views of Abu Rayhan Biruni." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 5, no. 2 (2016): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1602075h.

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13

Єлісеєнко, А. П. "ОБЩЕСТВЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ВЗГЛЯДЫ Б. САДОВСКОГО: ОТ ЧЕРНОСОТЕНСТВА ДО БОЛЬШЕВИЗМА." Наукові записки Харківського національного педагогічного університету ім. Г. С. Сковороди "Літературознавство" 3, no. 93 (2019): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/2312-1076.2019.3.93.06.

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In the first decades of the 20th century, as a result of revolutionary uprisings and changes in the foreign and domestic policy of the state, the question of the integrity of the country and the state system became the subject of numerous discussions in literary circles. During this period the literary activity of the young poet, writer and literary critic B. Sadovskoy (1881–1952) began to flourish. His name was undeservedly forgotten and only thanks to the efforts of modern scholars it is included in the scientific work again. Social and political views of B. Sadovskoy changed radically during the time whenRussiaunderwent historical changes. Being a monarchist in the pre-revolutionary period, B. Sadovskoy attempted to warn contemporaries concerning the danger of cardinal transformations. The aim of our article is to study the social and political views of the writer in the pre-revolutionary period. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the Black Hundreds, involvement in which was considered unacceptable among the intelligentsia and, if exposed and confirmed, could negatively affect the author’s literary activity depriving the writer of the opportunity to publish in “respected” journals. The views of B. Sadovskoy were close to the ideas of the Black Hundreds. Despite the fact that there is no direct evidence of his connection with the Black Hundred organizations, researchers are aware of his close friendship with one of the most prominent Black-Hundred representative – B. Nikolsky. The writer’s assistance in publishing articles by A. Tinyakov in the journals “Rech” and “Zemshchina” was also proved. An irreconcilable attitude to the latest literary movements, in particular, to futurism was also considered by contemporaries as an attempt to dissociate himself from the ideas and views of the Symbolists. At the end of his literary career he acknowledged that bolshevism regime was the one that his country deserved. Mostly he wrote about that in his diaries and in letters to his friends.
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14

Jackson, Patrick G., and Ronald L. Cohen. "Justice: Views from the Social Sciences." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069436.

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15

Dombrink, John, James H. Frey, and William R. Eadington. "Gambling: Views from the Social Sciences." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 6 (November 1985): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071424.

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16

Verschoor, Marco. "The democratic boundary problem and social contract theory." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 1 (March 2, 2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115572922.

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How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary problem in democratic theory, social contract theory’s potential for solving it has largely been ignored. In fact, contract views are premised on the assumption of a given people and so presuppose what requires legitimization: the existence of a demarcated group of individuals materializing, as it were, from nowhere and whose members agree among themselves to establish a political order. In order to fill this gap in social contract theory, a distinction is made between three kinds of contract views: Lockean political voluntarism, contractarianism, and contractualism. Each of these views can be (re)interpreted in such a way that it offers a democratic solution to the boundary problem. Ultimately, however, a Rawlsian interpretation of the contractualist solution is defended.
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17

Houston, Andrew. "Views & Reviews." Canadian Theatre Review 118 (June 2004): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.118.020.

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Social differences are not simply given to experience through an already authenticated cultural tradition; they are signs of the emergence of community envisaged as a project – at once a vision and a construction – mat takes you “beyond” yourself, in order that you may return, in a spirit of revision and reconstruction, to the political conditions of the present (Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture)
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18

Böhmer, Kristina. "Does hatred rule political communication on social media? How do politicians talk about the EU on Facebook, and how do their followers react?" Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0021.

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Abstract This paper focuses on the communication of four Slovak political leaders about the European Union’s agenda on Facebook and their followers’ interactions. As cognitive authorities of their followers, politicians directly impact public perception of current news by providing their own opinions and views. The paper studies the politicians’ followers’ engagement through manual qualitative sentiment analysis. The results suggest that while moderate Facebook users who support the EU are not active and do not show their support openly, users who condemn the EU express their negative sentiments regardless of the politician’s sentiment in the post. If a politician praises the EU, the followers criticise it. If a politician criticises the EU, followers agree with them. That leads us to the conclusion that social media dynamised the concept of cognitive authority.
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19

Shypulski, Eydie, Aynsley H. M. Scheffert, Shelly Smart, Mary Kirk, and Tiana Kruger. "Justice Views in Social Work Project: Examining Views on Race and Justice." Journal of Teaching in Social Work 44, no. 2 (March 11, 2024): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08841233.2024.2316355.

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20

Stepanov, A. N. "Social-Aesthetic Ideas of P.L. Lavrov." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 10, no. 2 (2010): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2010-10-2-46-50.

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Object of study this article is the problem of progressive development and aesthetizations social relations of Russia before reform (1861), reflected in literary, social, political works political attitudes of P.L. Lavrov. An object of research are his literary, social, economic, political views analyzed from aesthetic positions. In article is the actual socio-philosophy problem of development, transformation, perfection, humanisation and harmonisation social relations.
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21

Jenkins, Matthew. "Bringing the Cross Pressures Thesis into the Digital Realm: Subjective Social Network Heterogeneity and Online Political Expression." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 13, no. 1 (August 24, 2021): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v13i1.641.

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Approaches to social network heterogeneity in political communication research tend to focus on the effect of accumulated interactions among individuals with different political views. This line of research has provided a number of rich insights into the nature of the relationship between sociality and political participation. At the same time, this research tradition has been hampered by inconsistent terminology, and it has not been updated to reflect the fact that the experience of engaging with politics through digital media produces a unique subjective experience wherein the user is made to address an imagined audience with a perceived set of characteristics. In this study I aim to accomplish three main objectives. First, I propose an adjustment to the conceptual framework used in the literature. Second, I introduce the concept of subjective social network heterogeneity to describe perceived heterogeneity in the political views of the imagined audience. Third, I investigate the relationship between subjective social network heterogeneity and political expression empirically, through an analysis of original survey data from Japan and South Korea. The results show that differences between the political views of an individual and the perceived political views of the imagined audience depresses political expression on social media in both countries, but that variance in the perceived views of the imagined audience is positively associated with political expression.
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22

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES OF OLEXANDER CHERNIAKHIVSKYI." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.04.

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In the article, the formation of national beliefs of the well-known Ukrainian public and political figure Oleksandr Cherniakhivsky at the end of the XIX-th century has been analyzed. The significance and influence of the Ukrainian Hromada and its most famous representatives, V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, on the development of young O. Cherniakhivsky’s outlook and the formation of his attitude towards the ways of solving the Ukrainian issue in the Russian Empire have been considered. Also, the article analyzes the participation of O. Cherniakhivsky in various cultural, educational and scientific projects in which the scientist had an opportunity to realize that the destructive national policy of the Russian Empire hindered the development of the Ukrainian nation as well as other peoples of the state. On the basis of archival materials and unpublished sources it has been revealed that O. Cherniakhivsky perceived his membership in the "Brotherhood of Tarasivtsy", the participation in the Kyiv Old Hromada, and the organizational work at the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv as a personal contribution to the development of domestic science and, generally, as an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prove their right to exist as a whole nation in spite of resistance from the Russian power. Furthemore, the social and political convictions of O. Cherniakhivsky and their continuous evolution during the revolutionary period of 1917-1918 and the struggle for independence in 1918-1921 have been investigated. It has been revealed that at that time he gave up the method of revolutionary struggle. Instead, he chose the evolutionary preparation of compatriots to the formation of their own statehood through the establishment of major public institutions such as the Ukrainian People's University, the Medical Faculty, and the Association of Ukrainian Doctors, etc. Moreover, O. Cherniakhivsky considered an established system of scientific knowledge and terminology to be a necessary ingredient of the development of the Ukrainian nation. Therefore, throughout all his life he was engaged in the improvement of scientific dictionaries, terminology and popularization of the Ukrainian scientific language.
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23

Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL BELIEFS OF MYKHAILO SLABCHENKO." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 150 (2021): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.150.7.

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In the late 19th – at the beginning of the 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia formed an idea of the importance of personal intellectual contribution to the national development in such fields as of education, science and culture. This concept emerged due to the negative impact of the Valuev Circular and the Ems Decree on Ukrainian education and science. Leading figures of Ukrainian communities and parties called on Ukrainians to contribute to the development of education and science. Most of them were Ukrainians with liberal views, but this position was also shared by their political opponents, namely the Social Democrats. Mykhailo Yeliseyovych Slabchenko became one of those who responded to the call. The purpose of the work is to analyse the social and political beliefs of M. Slabchenko as one of the active representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia of the first third of the twentieth century. As for the methodology used to cover the topic, the methods of historicism, objectivity and science have been applied in the article. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that social and political views of M. Slabchenko, the famous scientist of the 1920s, are considered on the basis of both published and unpublished archival materials. Social and political priorities of the scientist determined his interest to Ukrainian studies, which began immediately after graduating from the Faculty of History and Philology of Odessa University, when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. He put a lot of efforts into organizing various educational activities of the Odessa "Prosvita", the Odessa Scientific Society, contributed to the research work on the history of the Hetmanate, the economy of Ukraine in the 19th century, etc. The study of social and political views of M. Slabchenko allowed us to define four main stages in the evolution of his beliefs: 1) 1903-1917 – formation of the priorities in the field of Ukrainian studies; 2) 1917–1920 – the dominance of the social and political factor; 3) 1920–1930 – combination of both pedagogical and scientific activities; 4) 1930–1952 – a complete refusal to deal with any political topics.
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BOND, ROBERT, and SOLOMON MESSING. "Quantifying Social Media’s Political Space: Estimating Ideology from Publicly Revealed Preferences on Facebook." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (February 2015): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000525.

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We demonstrate that social media data represent a useful resource for testing models of legislative and individual-level political behavior and attitudes. First, we develop a model to estimate the ideology of politicians and their supporters using social media data on individual citizens’ endorsements of political figures. Our measure allows us to place politicians and more than 6 million citizens who are active in social media on the same metric. We validate the ideological estimates that result from the scaling process by showing they correlate highly with existing measures of ideology from Congress, and with individual-level self-reported political views. Finally, we use these measures to study the relationship between ideology and age, social relationships and ideology, and the relationship between friend ideology and turnout.
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Brown, Elizabeth K., Kelly M. Socia, and Jasmine R. Silver. "Conflicted conservatives, punitive views, and anti-Black racial bias 1974–2014." Punishment & Society 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2017): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474517736295.

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Research suggests that the views of “conflicted conservatives,” Americans who self-identify as conservative but express support for liberal governmental policies and spending, are particularly important in policymaking and politics because they are politically engaged and often act as swing voters. We examine punitive views among conflicted conservatives and other political subgroups in three distinct periods in the politics of punishment in America between 1974 and 2014. In particular, we consider the punitive views of conflicted conservatives relative to consistent conservatives, moderates, and liberals. Given the barrier that racialized typifications of violent crime may pose to current criminal justice reform efforts, we also explore the role of anti-Black bias in predicting punitive views among White Americans across political subgroups. Our overall findings indicate that conflicted conservatives are like moderates in their support for the death penalty and like consistent conservatives on beliefs about court harshness. These findings, and supplemental analyses on punitive views and voting behaviors across political subgroups, call into question whether conflicted conservatives have acted as critical scorekeepers on penal policy issues. We also find that anti-Black racism was significantly related to punitive views across political subgroups and among liberals in particular.
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26

Medovarov, Maksim V. "Social and Political Views of Alexey Filippov and Russian National Democrats." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 1 (2022): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.103.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the social and political views of Alexey Filippov during the years of his cooperation with the Russian National Democrats. It reveals the achievements and gaps in the historiography of Filippov’s ideological biography. Considerable attention is paid to the formation of the thinker’s original views on the construction of the greatness of Russia by the hands of non-Russians. The reasons for the unpopularity of Filippov’s “progressive nationalism” and the conditions of his activity in St Petersburg since 1912 are considered. The article analyzes the collaboration of Filippov with Alexander Gariazin; the chronology and circumstances of their publication of the weekly “Dym Otechestva” and the monthly “Zhurnal Dlia Vsekh” (“The Journal for All”). Filippov’s sharp criticism of the leaders of the right-wing parties in Russia, the aristocracy, the ruling dynasty, ministers, the Holy Synod is emphasized. His loyalty to the monarchy as a form of government, and personally to Nicholas II, as well as the loyalty of other National Democrats, which they tried to use in confrontation with the All-Russian National Union and the Union of the Russian People, is pointed out. The positions of Filippov and his associates on Russian foreign policy, the reasons for their calls for the immediate war against Germany and Austria-Hungary are demonstrated. It is concluded that behind the eclecticism of Filippov’s views was hidden his sincere conviction in the necessity of combining democracy, rights and freedoms with strong imperial power and national patriotism. The article demonstrates the continuity of Filippov’s views throughout his life, including the Soviet period.
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27

Urbaeva, Jildyz. "Opportunity, Social Mobility, and Women’s Views on Gender Roles in Central Asia." Social Work 64, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/swz011.

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Abstract Central Asian countries represent an important context for understanding intersections between Islam, patriarchy, and women’s well-being. In recent decades, challenges and opportunities resulting from transitions to a market economy exacerbated gender imbalances in labor markets and opportunity structures of the region. Women of the region are highly educated and make significant economic contributions to support their families through employment. However, their views about gender roles remain unclear, and it is also uncertain whether opportunity structures and social mobility have influenced these views. The current study addresses these gaps using probability-based survey data (N = 3,405) from four Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Latent class analysis reveals three latent profiles of women’s views on gender roles: traditional views, egalitarian views, and dual views. Religious identity, education, opportunity structure, and social mobility intersect with women’s ideas about gender roles.
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Razdyiakonov, Vladislav. "The Revolution of the Spirits for the Spiritual Brotherhood: Russian Spiritualist Movement and Its Social Ideals." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 4 (2020): 318–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-318-342.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the social ideals of Russian spiritualists. Main sources include texts revealing spiritualists’ ideas about the structure of the spiritual world; structure and characteristics of spiritual circles; and literary works by spiritualists reflecting their social ideals. Although the social and political views of Russian spiritualists were mostly conservative, their ontological views contained elements of social radicalism. The author distinguishes between the two types of spiritualists — rationalists and traditionalists — depending on their attitude towards the Orthodox Church, Christian theology and their specific views about the spiritual world. All spiritualists viewed the society critically as gripped with disease. Rationalist spiritualism was critical towards Christian dogmatic and practice, and although its supporters advocated the preservation of the social and political status quo, they hoped for both gradual social and political transformation and the realization of social ideals in the spiritual world. The traditionalists, despite their commitment to monarchy and the Church institution, expected a millenarian overturn and thus challenged the social and political order. Overall, the spiritualist social ideals are close to communitarian social projects based upon the idea of Christian brotherhood.
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Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.
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Saveski, Martin, Nabeel Gillani, Ann Yuan, Prashanth Vijayaraghavan, and Deb Roy. "Perspective-Taking to Reduce Affective Polarization on Social Media." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 16 (May 31, 2022): 885–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v16i1.19343.

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The intensification of affective polarization worldwide has raised new questions about how social media platforms might be further fracturing an already-divided public sphere. As opposed to ideological polarization, affective polarization is defined less by divergent policy preferences and more by strong negative emotions towards opposing political groups, and thus arguably poses a formidable threat to rational democratic discourse. We explore if prompting perspective-taking on social media platforms can help enhance empathy between opposing groups as a first step towards reducing affective polarization. Specifically, we deploy a randomized field experiment through a browser extension to 1,611 participants on Twitter, which enables participants to randomly replace their feeds with those belonging to accounts whose political views either agree with or diverge from their own. We find that simply exposing participants to "outgroup" feeds enhances engagement, but not an understanding of why others hold their political views. On the other hand, framing the experience in familiar, empathic terms by prompting participants to recall a disagreement with a friend does not affect engagement, but does increase their ability to understand opposing views. Our findings illustrate how social media platforms might take simple steps that align with business objectives to reduce affective polarization.
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Aitymbetov, Nurken, and Lazzat Nabieva. "THE IMPACT OF DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL CULTURE OF MODERN KAZAKHSTANI YOUTH." Al-Farabi 81, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2023.1/1999-5911.13.

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discusses the main theoretical concepts and approaches to studying the impact of digitalization on new political views and ideas, the political behavior of Kazakhstani youth. With the help of a network approach, the authors make an attempt to understand the nature of digital communications, their mobilization opportunities among Kazakhstani youth. Content analysis of publications in social networks, materials of electronic media revealed differences of views in the course of discussions in the Kazakhstani expert community, made it possible to assess how the virtual space has become an alternative to the political participation of Kazakhstani youth. The article concludes that social networks can become a new channel of political activity for modern Kazakhstani youth, because the Internet, social networks enable young people to freely express their political views, protests, etc. According to the majority of young people, modern digital technologies are characterized by such indicators as speed, accessibility, timeliness, openness provided by social networks.
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Levin, Laura. "Views and Reviews." Canadian Theatre Review 136 (September 2008): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.136.015.

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The Views and Reviews section in this issue primarily explores recent developments in Alberta theatre, covering a broad range of theatrical forms that currently thrive in the province. While readers will encounter a number of performance genres in the articles that follow — from memory plays to theatre for young audiences to theatre for incarcerated women – they will also find significant points of intersection in their concerns, themes and arguments. Each raises important questions about the relationship between art and social/political engagement and investigates, either directly or indirectly, the responsibility of artists to the community in which they are enmeshed.
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Kumar, Jitendra, and Priya Soni Khare. "ICT: USE, VIEWS AND IMPACT." SCHOLARLY RESEARCH JOURNAL FOR HUMANITY SCIENCE AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE 10, no. 53 (September 1, 2022): 13464–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21922/srjhsel.v10i53.11648.

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The end of the twentieth century is marked by change, of revolutionary scope and scale, characterized by a series of transformations, such as technological convergence and world-wide media coverage, not to mention the globalization of their content. These in turn are leading the way to a true revolution, based on information and knowledge. This change is of immense significance, for they imply a break with the past, heralding a new era of economic, social and cultural development fundamentally different from anything that has gone before. Information now plays an increasingly important part in economic, social, cultural and political life. This phenomenon is taking place regardless of a country's size, state of development, or political philosophy. The origin of these far reaching changes is to be found in the diffusion of information, through Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and its progress is speeded up by the digital revolution and the convergence of the computer, telecommunication and audio visual industries.
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Balint, Bryon, and Jennifer Gustafson. "Nobody Knows You're a Dog but Everybody Knows You're a Republican." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 6, no. 4 (October 2015): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.2015100101.

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Geography often serves as at least a partial determinant of economic and cultural characteristics. For example, individuals who live in affluent neighborhoods are likely to come into contact with other individuals who have similar income and education levels, which often tend to be associated with political views and personal interests. However, within electronic social networks (ESNs), geographical barriers weaken or disappear; interacting with someone from another country is as easy as interacting with someone next door. This survey study asks respondents to compare their close friends, people with whom the respondents interact both within an ESN and face-to-face, with their distal friends, people with whom the respondents interact only inside an ESN. Specifically, respondents are asked about the political, religious, and social views of their groups of friends. The results suggest that respondents do perceive significant differences in the views of their close friends versus their distal friends. In addition, respondents who have a higher percentage of close friends and respondents that are more comfortable sharing their own political, religious, and social views are more likely to spend time reading ESN content that conflicts with their views, but are also more likely to block content that conflicts with their views.
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35

West, Deborah, David Heath, and Gretchen Ennis. "Northern Territory Social Work: Views and Approaches." Australian Social Work 62, no. 1 (March 2009): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03124070802428522.

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Papadaki, Vasileia, and Eleni Papadaki. "Job satisfaction in social services in Crete, Greece: social workers’ views." European Journal of Social Work 9, no. 4 (December 2006): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691450600958528.

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37

Möller, A. Marthe, Rinaldo Kühne, Susanne E. Baumgartner, and Jochen Peter. "Exploring User Responses to Entertainment and Political Videos: An Automated Content Analysis of YouTube." Social Science Computer Review 37, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 510–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439318779336.

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On YouTube, videos are always presented together with additional user-generated information about those videos. This social information is presented in the form of number of views, (dis)likes, or comments. However, we know little about the characteristics of social information about entertainment videos. To fill this gap, the present study examined the amount and valence of online entertainment videos’ social information and compared this to the social information of online political videos. An automated content analysis of (dis)likes, views, and 39,602 comments presented alongside 463 videos showed that entertainment videos received more views and comments than political videos. Moreover, entertainment videos’ comments were more neutral than political videos’ comments. We also found that comments with a stronger positive or negative valence received more replies and likes, with the exceptions that the positive valence of political videos had no effect and that, for political videos, a stronger negative valence led to fewer likes. Finally, we found that as political videos received more comments, the positive valence of their comments became more consistent. Overall, these results show that the type of video influences the amount and valence of social information the video receives.
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38

Gill, Emily R. "Justice: Views from the Social Sciences.Ronald L. Cohen." Journal of Politics 51, no. 2 (May 1989): 439–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131354.

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39

Mohylnyi, L., and O. Liashchenko. "SOCIO-POLITICAL VIEWS OF HRYGORYI HOLOSKEVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.6.

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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Handra, Hefrizal, Werry Darta Taifur, Donard Games, and Hafrizal Okta Ade Putra. "Social capital, diffusion of innovation and political engagement: views of millennials." International Journal of Sustainable Society 14, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijssoc.2022.10046093.

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Putra, Hafrizal Okta Ade, Werry Darta Taifur, Donard Games, and Hefrizal Handra. "Social capital, diffusion of innovation and political engagement: views of millennials." International Journal of Sustainable Society 14, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijssoc.2022.122098.

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42

Bail, Christopher A., Lisa P. Argyle, Taylor W. Brown, John P. Bumpus, Haohan Chen, M. B. Fallin Hunzaker, Jaemin Lee, Marcus Mann, Friedolin Merhout, and Alexander Volfovsky. "Exposure to opposing views on social media can increase political polarization." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 37 (August 28, 2018): 9216–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1804840115.

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There is mounting concern that social media sites contribute to political polarization by creating “echo chambers” that insulate people from opposing views about current events. We surveyed a large sample of Democrats and Republicans who visit Twitter at least three times each week about a range of social policy issues. One week later, we randomly assigned respondents to a treatment condition in which they were offered financial incentives to follow a Twitter bot for 1 month that exposed them to messages from those with opposing political ideologies (e.g., elected officials, opinion leaders, media organizations, and nonprofit groups). Respondents were resurveyed at the end of the month to measure the effect of this treatment, and at regular intervals throughout the study period to monitor treatment compliance. We find that Republicans who followed a liberal Twitter bot became substantially more conservative posttreatment. Democrats exhibited slight increases in liberal attitudes after following a conservative Twitter bot, although these effects are not statistically significant. Notwithstanding important limitations of our study, these findings have significant implications for the interdisciplinary literature on political polarization and the emerging field of computational social science.
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43

Hayes, Rebecca A., Andrew Smock, and Caleb T. Carr. "Face[book] Management: Self-Presentation of Political Views on Social Media." Communication Studies 66, no. 5 (May 11, 2015): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10510974.2015.1018447.

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44

Parker, Eugene T., and Teniell L. Trolian. "Collegiate Diversity Experiences and Students’ Views Regarding Social and Political Involvement." Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice 52, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19496591.2015.1080718.

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45

Glazkova, Anna V., Zinaida N. Sokova, and Valery M. Kruzhinov. "Predicting political views in social media: VKontakte as a case study." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, politologiya, no. 65 (February 1, 2022): 252–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/1998863x/65/21.

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46

Tomlinson, Thomas C., K. Finsterbusch, and G. McKenna. "Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Social Issues." Teaching Sociology 16, no. 3 (July 1988): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1317542.

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47

Oberholtzer, W. Dwight, Kurt Finsterbusch, and George McKenna. "Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Social Issues." Teaching Sociology 21, no. 1 (January 1993): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1318862.

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48

Alexeyev, A. B. "The Political Marginalization as a Communicative Strategy of Power Domination in Political Discourse." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 20, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2022-20-1-96-111.

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The article is dedicated to the study of political marginalization viewed as a communicative strategy, aimed at retention or attainment of political power. Political discourse, despite the perceptible tendency towards personalization of the political communication particularly noticeable in politainment, is defined as a predominantly institutional type of discourse in which the dyad ‘agent – client’ plays an important role. From the traditional standpoint of view, it is believed that agents have discursive power while clients have none. However, as the undertaken research shows, it is quite difficult to draw a distinct line between agents and clients in political discourse. The point is that using the strategy of marginalization, politicians can present themselves as non-politicians (i.e. non-agents), untypical (atypical) politicians, for example women politicians, politicians holding on to minority political views, etc. At the same time, the strategy in question is most likely unrestricted by political forms of marginalization in the sense that it can correspond to the politician’s search for selfidentification with marginal social groups whose rights are infringed upon, including national minorities and LGBT. Furthermore, even those social groups which, in fact, have long ceased to be marginal in the Western world (e.g. women) can be exploited by marginal politicians who prefer to characterize them as people who are not enjoying equal rights with elite, privileged representatives of the society (e.g. men). Thus, the study of marginalization presupposes the analysis of the complex structure of social relationships, unveiling manipulative aspects of marginalization (NB: the politician’s self-representation as the non-politician should almost always be considered as an instance of manipulation) and exploration of linguopragmatic aspects of marginalization.
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Lomonosov, Aleksey V. "V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-165-170.

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The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola
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Trinder, Liz. "Views from Europe." Adoption & Fostering 19, no. 4 (December 1995): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030857599501900414.

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