Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politiche securitarie

Academic literature on the topic 'Politiche securitarie'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Politiche securitarie"

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Palmisano, Danilo. "Per una critica della vittima. Percorsi di accoglienza fra immaginario vittimario e politica del sospetto." WELFARE E ERGONOMIA, no. 2 (January 2021): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/we2020-002003.

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L'articolo presenta alcune osservazioni nate da analisi teoriche e esperienze on field avute dall'autore negli ultimi dieci anni grazie a una ricerca di dottorato condotta dal 2015 al 2018 sulle migrazioni di minori stranieri non accompagnati, oltre a osservazioni sul campo rac-colte durante l'esperienza dell'autore come operatore sociale nei centri di accoglienza dal 2010 al 2015. L'approccio adottato è di tipo qualitativo con l'utilizzo di storie di vita e di os-servazioni partecipanti. L'articolo analizza il sistema di accoglienza che i migranti incontrano una volta arrivati sul territorio italiano: un contesto poroso, con finalità molteplici, in cui istanze securitarie e istanze umanitarie si saldano. In questo quadro il riconoscimento delle vittime della violenza migratoria avviene in un contesto problematico, costantemente in tensione tra stereotipi vitti-mari e politiche del sospetto.
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Stopani, Antonio, and Marta Pampuro. "Despite citizenship. Autonomie migranti e diritto alla città. L’occupazione dell'Ex Moi a Torino." REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana 26, no. 52 (April 2018): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880005204.

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Riassunto L’articolo esplora le condizioni in cui i migranti subalterni soggetti quotidianamente alle tecnologie e politiche securitarie sviluppano creano spazi e reti sociali per sostenere e rendere autonoma la loro mobilità. La ricerca etnografica condotta negli edifici dell’Ex Moi a Torino - occupato dal 2013 da parte di alcune centinaia di migranti - permette di interrogarsi sull’insieme di azioni che rendono possibile le condizioni della loro presenza locale al di fuori delle dinamiche assistenzialiste ed emergenziali del sistema di accoglienza. L’espressione “despite citizenship” si riferisce all’occupazione come un supporto infrastrutturale - sia materiale che immateriale - che permette il dispiegamento materiale di processi relazionali con la città e il perseguimento di un insieme di diritti che, pur sganciati dal perseguimento della cittadinanza formale, sono rivolti alla residenza, al lavoro e alle reti di informazioni e sostegno altrimenti negati.
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Degani, Paola, and Cristina Yasmin Ghanem. "Migrant Women: a Critical Frame Analysis of EU integration policies." CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no. 1 (August 2020): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2020-001006.

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Il saggio propone un'analisi della narrazione utilizzata nel quadro degli scenari di policy orientati all'integrazione dei migranti relativamente alle questioni di genere e alla diversità in al-cuni documenti di particolare in questo ambito dell'intervento pubblico. L'analisi delle politiche pubbliche nei settori dell'integrazione e dell'uguaglianza di genere sviluppata utilizzando la rap-presenta il quadro di riferimento teorico proposto per la lettura in chiave critica di una selezione di documenti dell'UE adottati tra il 2004 e il 2018 relativi al tema dell'integrazione. È del tutto evidente la tendenza da parte delle istituzioni europee a disegnare in questi documenti scenari di policy nell'area dell'integrazione prevalentemente neutri sotto il profilo delle implicazioni di gene-re, mentre in chiave interserzionale, il binomio gender+inequalities sembra differire in modo si-gnificativo a seconda del metaframe entro il quale è inquadrato lo stesso discorso dell'integrazione, ovvero se prevalgano logiche umanitarie, securitarie piuttosto che economiche.
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Mori, Simona, Laura Di Fiore, Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli, and Marco Meriggi. "Un confronto sui sistemi di polizia politica nell'Italia preunitaria." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 176 (August 2022): 301–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2022-0176005.

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Il forum propone una riflessione a più mani sul tema della polizia politica nell'Italia post-napoleonica, che la maturità degli studi su quel comparto strategico dei governi legittimisti sembra ormai consentire. Questa prima messa a punto di taglio comparato vuole cogliere le molte risonanze esistenti fra i dispositivi di controllo politico che, muovendo dalla paradigmatica esperienza rivoluzionaria e napoleonica, gli stati della penisola misero in campo per contrastare le pulsioni eversive dilaganti nell'intero continente con strategie coordinate. L'esame dei casi evidenzia al contempo i profili comuni e le curvature che ciascun governo impresse alle politiche securitarie, tematizzandole in vario modo nel discorso pubblico. Si conferma così, accanto al portato repressivo di questa azione, la duttilità della funzione poliziesca e il ruolo ambivalente che essa giocò nei processi di politicizzazione delle società agli albori della contemporaneità. Per il Regno delle Due Sicilie il contributo di Laura Di Fiore guarda con particolare attenzione alla fase post-quarantottesca, rilevando per un verso l'intensa cooperazione instaurata dal governo borbonico con gli stati confinanti per il contrasto all'attività cospirativa degli esuli, per l'altro la strategia di degradazione del nemico, ovvero della militanza anti-sistema, adottata sul piano retorico. Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli mette a fuoco la peculiare interazione realizzata dallo Stato della Chiesa fra gli ordinamenti di polizia sperimentati nell'incisiva stagione francese e le più tradizionali strutture del controllo ecclesiastico, effetto di un'intensa dialettica interna fra conservazione e riforma. Il Regno Lombardo-Veneto esaminato da Simona Mori mette la polizia politica al servizio del suo progetto imperiale di temperata conservazione, sostanzialmente fallendo nell'intento di egemonizzare i servizi di sicurezza operanti nella penisola, mentre sul versante interno alterna fasi di tolleranza ad altre di rigore, senza riuscire ad arginare l'allargarsi del dissenso. Marco Meriggi conclude con un quadro d'insieme che attinge alla memorialistica, alla letteratura e alle fonti normative, per restituire una rappresentazione multiprospettica della polizia politica che, ridimensionata rispetto al titanismo evocato dalla narrazione risorgimentale, viene a configurarsi come strumento di un complessivo disegno di governo verticale della società, che accomuna i maggiori contesti politici dell'Italia restaurata.
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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "The Uses and Misuses of the Secret Communist Police Files: The Notorious Securitate`s Archives in the Postcommunist Era." Balkanistic Forum 31, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v31i2.3.

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On December 7, 1999, the Law no. 187, on access to one’s own file and the disclosure of Securitate as a political police, was adopted by the Romanian Parliament. The law established the creation of an institution (Consiliul Național pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securității-The National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives-CNSAS) whose mission is to collect all documents issued by the former Communist Secret Police (the notorious Securitate) and made them available to the researchers and the larger audience upon request as well as to reveal the agents of the repression. My article deals with the creation, its functionning, and the controversies which surrounded this institution from 2000 onwards. I argue that the archive of the Securitate was instrumentalized by various actors of the public space in their struggle for power, namely for controlling the cultural, economic, and political fields of power (les champs du pouvoir) and did not accomplish its mission to reveal the agents of the repression. Furthermore, the disclosure of the collaboration with the former political police of various anticommunist public figures (former political detainees, deportees, dissidents) transfered the responsability for the communist crimes from the main actors of the repression (namely the Securitate officers) to the victims, blamed for their collaboration.
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Dălălău, Andrei. "Cultural Surveillance in Communist Romania in the 1950s and 1960s. Repression, Re-Education, and Reinsertion. The Case of Constantin Noica." Acta Musei Napocensis. Historica, no. 58 (January 2022): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.58.11.

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The present study aims to analyze the relationship between the so‑called ‘bourgeois’ intellectuals (socialized and educated in prestigious cultural groups in the interwar society) and the Romanian secret police, the Securitate, from three perspectives: repression, re‑education, and social reinsertion. The main argument is that all three phases corresponded to Politburo’s political approaches directly related to the evolution of internal or international political events of the late 1950s and early 1960s. The sources used are the Securitate files of the persons convicted in the ‘Noica–Pillat trial’ from 1960. The research method is qualitative analysis combining an institutional approach of the Securitate files with a case study. Consequently, the article focuses on the case of Constantin Noica, a prominent Romanian intellectual. He was sentenced to prison in 1960, pardoned in 1964, and later used by the regime in power service. The Securitate used Constantin Noica’s friendship with Emil Cioran and Mircea Eliade to attract prestigious intellectuals back to Romania and enhance the nationalist orientation of the regime through philosophy.
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Adams, Jefferson. "Targeted by Romania’s Securitate." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 32, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 629–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2019.1607699.

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Stan, Lavinia, and Lucian Turcescu. "The Devil's Confessors: Priests, Communists, Spies, and Informers." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 4 (November 2005): 655–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404272454.

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The article charts the efforts of the Romanian Orthodox Church, the country's largest religious denomination, to block the public exposure of the names of priests and prelates who collaborated with the dreaded communist secret political police, the Securitate, by informing on other priests, disclosing information obtained from believers during confession or supporting communist antireligious policies. The article identifies four types of attitudes toward the Securitate of members of the Romanian Orthodox clergy, presents the arguments in favor of and against the public exposure of tainted priests, examines the recent revelations regarding the controversial past of Patriarch Teoctist, and investigates the Church's efforts to impose amendments to the Romanian transitional justice legislation that would exempt priests from being investigated by the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archive.
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Chiruta, Ionut Valentin. "Using the Past in Populist Communicational Strategies." Populism 3, no. 2 (September 15, 2020): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10013.

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Abstract This article investigates how political strategies interrelate populist rhetoric with memory issues. By looking at the case of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) from Romania, between 2017–2019, this article reveals how the slide to populism, generated by cyclical confrontations with the rule of law institutions, steered the psd to adopt conspirational beliefs and appeal to traumatic memories to frame the judiciary as the new Securitate. Through the use of discourse analysis and virtual ethnography, this article analyses party resolutions and political rallies. This article explains how the populist rhetoric created a new hegemonic narrative of the judiciary, by intersecting its values and symbolism with the memory of the former Securitate from the Communist period.
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COJAN, Nicușor. "INIȚIATIVE ALE SECRETARILOR GENERALI AI ONU, CA RĂSPUNS LA PROVOCĂRILE MEDIULUI DE SECURITATE INTERNAŢIONAL." Impact strategic 80, no. 3 (December 9, 2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1842-810x-21-1.

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În decursul istoriei sale, Organizația Națiunilor Unite (ONU) s-a dezvoltat și a încercat să se adapteze pentru a putea răspunde provocărilor mediului de securitate internațional. Societatea contemporană este compusă dintr-un complex de entități economice, politice, culturale, religioase etc., aflate într-o continuă evoluție sau transformare, care generează noi și noi provocări la adresa însăși a existenței umane. În acest context, am considerat utilă evidențierea unor inițiative, documente fundamentale și politici întreprinse de ONU, de la apariție și până în prezent, menite să răspundă la cât mai multe dintre provocările din mediul de securitate internațional, în încercarea de a crea o lume mai bună, demonstrând rolul important al secretarilor generali în evoluția și dezvoltarea organizației.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politiche securitarie"

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Giunchi, Sara <1986&gt. "Le politiche securitarie dell'era neo-liberista e la prospettiva del diritto penale minimo." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6135.

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Nel presente lavoro descriverò la trasformazione dello stato penale nella odierna società, attraverso l’analisi delle principali teorie neoliberiste su cui si fondano le nuove politiche securitarie sviluppatesi prima negli Stati Uniti e poi in Europa. Il dispiegamento di questa politica statale di criminalizzazione delle conseguenze della miseria, ha portato ad una trasformazione dei servizi sociali in strumenti di sorveglianza e controllo delle nuove “classi pericolose”, accompagnata da una politica del “contenimento repressivo” dei poveri e il ricorso sistematico e massiccio al carcere. Alla luce di queste politiche, si è evoluto un controllo sociale che possiamo comprendere osservando come vengono analizzati i problemi sociali e come viene oggi percepita la criminalità. L’involuzione conseguente del diritto penale ha portato quindi, in contrapposizione, all’emergere della criminologia critica nell’ambito della quale si è iniziato a parlare di diritto penale minimo e del concetto di de criminalizzazione, a fronte della crisi della giurisdizione che oggi stiamo vivendo. L’idea è quella di un diritto penale minimo che permetta la garanzia dei diritti fondamentali della persona. Il concetto di diritti umani resta il fondamento più adeguato per la strategia del minimo intervento penale e per la sua articolazione programmatica nel quadro di una politica alternativa del controllo sociale. In quest’ottica è importante lavorare attraverso delle alternative alla giustizia criminale: la realizzazione ad esempio di programmi di reintegrazione sociale come le diverse esperienze di teatro in carcere.
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NAVA, ANNALISA. "PRATICHE ILLEGALI, AGIRE CRIMINALE E FENOMENO MIGRATORIO. IL CASO DEL CARA DI MINEO." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/740847.

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Questo elaborato mira a comprendere l’impatto delle politiche securitarie in ambito migratorio sulla realtà concreta del sistema di accoglienza italiano, con un focus particolare sulle dinamiche illegali e criminali che esse contribuiscono a generare. La ricerca si inserisce all’interno di un momento storico molto particolare, che vede le politiche di accoglienza oggetto di cambiamenti su larga scala. Il caso studio analizzato riguarda il Cara di Mineo, il più grande centro di accoglienza nazionale, chiuso definitivamente nel luglio 2019. In questa struttura si ripropongono, amplificati, i meccanismi e i cortocircuiti propri dell’intero sistema. In particolare, l’indagine verte sul labile confine tra pratiche legali e illegali, sviluppatesi in un contesto segnato da marginalizzazione e isolamento. A queste dinamiche afferiscono comportamenti criminali specifici, come lo sviluppo di una cellula di criminalità organizzata nigeriana, che vengono esaminati sempre rispetto alla relazione con il terreno in cui si diffondono. Quella che si configura come una sorta di “fabbrica dell’irregolarità”, secondo i risultati della ricerca sul campo, svolge un ruolo cruciale nella sovrapposizione dei concetti di vittimizzazione e di agency criminale.
This dissertation aims to include the impact of securitization policies on the concrete reality of the Italian reception system, with a particular focus on the illegal and criminal dynamics that they contribute to generate. The research is part of a very particular historical moment, which sees reception policies subject to large-scale changes. The case study analyzed concerns the “Cara of Mineo”, the largest national reception center, definitively closed in July 2019. In this structure, the mechanisms and short circuits of the entire system are reproduced, amplified. In particular, the investigation deals with the unstable boundary between legal and illegal practices developed in a context marked by marginalization and isolation. Certain specific criminal conducts belong to these dynamics, such as the development of a Nigerian organized crime cell, which are always examined with respect to the relationship with the ground in which they spread. According to the results of the field research, what is configured as a sort of "factory of irregularity" plays a crucial role in overlapping the concepts of victimization and criminal agency.
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Popescu, Alina-Georgiana. "Les films étaient en couleur mais la réalité était grise… : la censure dans la cinématographie roumaine sous Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965-1989)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100070.

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Ce projet de thèse est centré sur l’étude de la censure en tant que processus socio-politique, révélateur des logiques individuelles et institutionnelles qui se conjuguent dans la réalisation d’un film. Cette recherche est axée sur la période 1965-1989, « l’époque Nicolae Ceaușescu », remarquable par la quantité de films censurés. Pour ce faire, nous avons consacré la première partie du travail à l’analyse de l’organisation de la cinématographie roumaine, considérée dans le contexte politique, social et économique d’après la 2de Guerre Mondiale et jusqu’à la chute du régime. Une attention particulière est accordée ici à l’évolution des institutions de contrôle de la culture ainsi qu’aux discours qui façonnent les normes de la création cinématographique. Pour comprendre les différentes formes que peut revêtir la censure, nous nous situons ensuite à un niveau intermédiaire d’analyse, celui des institutions. Nous avons ainsi identifié et analysé plusieurs structures, comme les studios de production, l’Association des Cinéastes, la Radio Europe Libre, la Securitate, dont les fonctions censoriales vont du guidage à la répression. Dans la dernière partie de cette analyse, nous nous penchons sur des cinéastes et des films importants de la période. Nous avons fait le choix d’analyser les trajectoires des réalisateurs les plus représentatifs de la période, par le prisme de leurs dossiers de surveillance établis par la police politique. La Securitate les surveille parce qu’ils ont en commun une vision « non-conforme » de la réalité socialiste ; ce faisant, celle-ci révèle ce qui était (in)désirable dans la réalité socialiste. Enfin, pour illustrer comment la censure affecte la matière des films, nous proposons l’analyse de quelques cas notoires de film interdits, mais aussi de films qui permettent d’exemplifier en détail différents tabous, diverses formes d’intervention ou les réactions des réalisateurs à toute sorte de pressions. Le fait de choisir la censure comme un angle d’analyse privilégié est utile pour comprendre les contraintes, les servitudes et les espaces de liberté des cinéastes, les contradictions, les dits, et les non-dits du régime
This PhD project focuses on the study of censorship as a socio-political process, revealing the individual and institutional logics that conjugate in the process of filmmaking. The research analyzes the period 1965-1989, which is the "Nicolae Ceauşescu era", remarkable for the amount of censored films.In conducting my research, I dedicated the first part of the work to the analysis of the Romanian cinematography organization, considered in the political, social and economic context, from the 2nd World War until the fall of the Communist regime. Particular attention is paid here to the evolution of culture control institutions and to the discourses, especially those of the Communist Party leaders, which shape the standards of the film production. In order to understand various possible forms of censorship, I then approached an intermediate level of analysis, that of institutions. Thus, I identified and analyzed several structures such as production studios, the Filmmakers’ Association, Radio Free Europe and the political police, whose censorial functions varied from guidance to repression.In the last part of this work, I looked into filmmakers’ biographies and important films of the period. I chose to analyze the trajectories of the period’s most representative filmmakers through the lenses of their surveillance files made by the political police. The Securitate monitored them because they shared a "non-compliant" vision of the socialist reality; while doing so, the political police revealed what was acceptable or undesirable in that reality. Finally, in order to illustrate how censorship affects films, I propose the analysis of some notorious cases of banned film, but also of films that exemplify various taboos, detailed forms of intervention or reactions of the filmmakers to any kind of pressure. Choosing censorship as a main angle of analysis is useful for the comprehension of the filmmakers’ constraints, servitudes and liberties, but also the understanding of contradictions, of what is made visible or kept silently hidden by the regime
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Plamadeala, Cristina. "Methods and motivations behind the collaboration and resistance of secret informers with the Securitate in Communist Romania (1945-89)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0099.

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Les travaux de recherche pour la présente thèse s’appuient en grande partie sur les dossiers de la Securitate, conservés au Conseil national pour l’étude des archives de la Securitate, à Bucarest et à Popesti-Leordeni, en Roumanie. Ces travaux visent à expliquer les divers mécanismes de terreur mis en œuvre par la Securitate, la police secrète roumaine sous l’ère communiste, dans le but de recruter parmi la population des personnes pour alimenter son réseau de surveillance. Bien qu’examinant l’ensemble de la période communiste en Roumanie, la thèse se penche en particulier sur les deux dernières décennies du régime, durant le règne de Nicolae Ceauşescu, de 1965 à 1989, et introduit comme outils d’étude les notions de psuchegraphy et de dossierveillance, deux néologismes pour désigner les méthodes coercitives appliquées par la Securitate dans le but d’enrôler des informateurs et de s’assurer de leur collaboration. Le concept de psuchegraphy recouvre la collecte de données biographiques, permettant de consigner dans les dossiers de la Securitate suffisamment d’indices sur la personnalité, le caractère et les convictions profondes de personnes ciblées afin de cerner leurs points vulnérables et les forcer ensuite à une collaboration. Les présentes recherches démontrent que ce type d’analyse servait en quelque sorte de prélude au recrutement des membres du réseau de surveillance de la Securitate. Le concept dit de dossierveillance met en lumière le rôle de la technologie et de la documentation lié aux pratiques de surveillance pour le recrutement des informateurs et l’instauration d’un climat de terreur pour assurer le contrôle des populations. La composante dossier dans dossierveillance, amplement expliquée dans ces pages comme la technologie employée par la Securitate dans l’exercice de la surveillance de personnes ciblées, fut l’un des outils « disciplinaires » (Foucault 1975) les plus efficaces pour entretenir la crainte et de suspicion. Ces travaux présentent également les conséquences de l’application de tels mécanismes sur une nation, un phénomène appelé ici la banalisation du mal, d’après le concept de la banalité du mal avancé par Hannah Arendt dans son œuvre. Enfin, ce travail permet de revisiter le sujet de la lustration et de la justice transitionnelle, et d’examiner comment les nouvelles avancées universitaires énoncées dans ses pages peuvent contribuer à mieux comprendre et traiter le sujet de la collaboration en Roumanie dans un contexte postcommuniste
Working primarily with Securitate files, currently stored at the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives (CNSAS), located in Bucharest and Popesti-Leordeni, Romania, this thesis explains the various terror mechanisms the Securitate, Romania’s secret police during the country’s communist period, employed in order to gain recruits and employ them as part of its surveillance network. Although the thesis discusses the entire communist period in Romania, it places significant emphasis on the last two decades of communism (1965-89), when Nicolae Ceauşescu was in power. This thesis introduces and discusses the following two concepts— psuchegraphy and dossierveillance—described herein as two terror methods applied by the Securitate to obtain informers and compel them to collaborate. The former mentioned concept entailed collecting biographical data Securitate’s targets that would give one sufficient clues about a person’s core beliefs, personality, character, and identity, all with the scope of getting to know that which Securitate referred to in its files as a person’s vulnerable points. This thesis shows that this kind of analysis was a precursor to recruitment of the members of the Securitate’s surveillance network. The latter aforemetioed method of terror stresses the role of technology and documentation in surveillance practices and their use for recruitment of informers and management of the population by maintaining it in a sense of dread and fear. The ‘dossier in dossierveillance, loosely defined in this thesis as the technology that the Securitate employed to place its targets under surveillance, represented one of the Securitate’s most effective “disciplinary” tools (Foucault 1975) through which it managed to instill fear in people. This thesis also describes the outcome of enforcing such mechanisms on a nation, amassing to a phenomenon described here as the banalization of evil, a term that builds on the work of Hannah Arendt on the banality of evil. Lastly, this thesis revists the subject of lustration and transitional justice and explores how the new scholarship discussed in the thesis may further contribute to understanding and treating the subject of collaboration in a post-communist context in Romania
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Cristina, Yasmin Ghanem. "Muslim Women's Agency in European Integration Policies from a Human Rights Perspective: the case of Brussels and Berlin." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3426259.

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The question of integrating Muslim migrants in European cities has been, for decades, a political issue. The image of Muslim women, described as submissive and as a symbol of backwardness of Islam was the central argument around which right wing parties built the incompatibility of Islam with human rights and western values. Islam has however proven to be a tool for finding a common ground on the theme of human rights and it has also shown to be a great instrument for Muslim women to negotiate their rights with parents and community members. However, integration policies trying to create peaceful and intercultural communities in Europe are often blind to the effects of religious and cultural activities targeting women of Islamic background in building a bridge and common understanding of human rights. Agency, interpreted as the ability to make conscious decisions, can derive from different sets of values and ideologies. Scholars of intersectionality have criticized the western feminist perspective that agency is solely achieved through the rejection of cultural norms and have proven that in non-western cultures, such as in the case of Islamic culture, agency may be achieved through piety and the sense of belonging. The thesis codified the concept of agency based on four different scholarly interpretations of its meaning, one of which looks at agency through an intersectional lens and accepts religion and identity as recognized tools for agency. The discourse analysis in the research looks at the relations between the narrative focusing on the integration approach and integration frame, and that of gender, intersectionality and agency. In this way the findings can show a nexus between the way in which integration is framed at the local level and the kind of women empowerment programs offered through integration initiatives. Based on the findings of the Critical Frame Analysis of the available local policy documents on migrants’ integration and of the interviews conducted with a strategically selected number of program providers in the case studies of Brussels and Berlin, it is clear that policy makers not only ignore the many studies on Muslim women’s religiosity in Europe but do not respect the European Union legislation regarding gender mainstreaming. The thesis will show that despite the different narratives applied by policy makers in different European cities regarding migrants’ integration, a common pattern is that of a lacking gender perspective. Whether the predominant frame of their discourse is assimilationist or multicultural the gender perspective remains superficial and so are the guidelines for the work of NGOs and programs financed through these policies. Initiatives targeting women are never the focus of integration policies but are rather left to the local departments of Family Affairs or Equal Opportunities, de-gendering the concept of migrants’ integration and focusing on women solely in regard to strategic “gender” issues. From the results of the analysis it is clear that multicultural policies are more likely to finance bottom up initiatives of migrant women’s groups, but the lack of a clear gender perspective and limited funds may prevent a clear and effective support from the local institutions to identity based activities. The assimilationist approach, however, not only focuses on limiting identity based activities but purposely limits funding to gender activities. This is allegedly done to avoid further fragmentations in the building of “social cohesion” but it has a clear securitarian approach as it aims to prevent the segregation of Muslim women and the perpetration of traditional Muslim norms. The potential of a more gender approached and multicultural structure of integration policies and discourse could be the key to solving the issue of the alleged incompatibility between Islam and human rights.
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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae. "Identité, altérité et sport dans la Roumanie communiste: la star minoritaire comme héros national." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209403.

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Le régime communiste a redéfini le sport, imposant la pratique de cette activité pour la masse. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique du régime communiste roumain s’inspire du modèle soviétique. La these evidence la relation entre l’Etat roumain et les stars sportives issues des minorités nationales. On analyse un processus dynamique de transformation identitaire, qui dans un contexte socio-politique communiste favorise l’instrumentalisation du sport. Dans ce sens, le national-communisme cherche à intégrer les sportifs dans un système bien hiérarchisé. En dépit de la massification du sport et de l’implication importante des Roumains, les sportifs issus des minorités obtiennent de bons résultats et ils sont sélectionnés dans les équipes nationales. De cette perspective, le sport ne représente pas seulement un loisir, mais il devient un domaine plus influent du point de vue idéologique. La thèse regarde comment les stars sportives issues des minorités ont une influence dans la société roumaine, mais que l’Etat contrôle la médiatisation et la participation des sportifs dans les compétitions internationales, leurs contrats, et jusqu’à leurs noms. Nous parvenons par cet intermédiaire à expliquer la manière avec laquelle la société réagit aux performances de ces sportifs et avec laquelle le Parti Communiste impose l’image des héros nationaux pour de telles vedettes. Approfondir un tel sujet aide à la reconstruction d’un aspect important de la vie des minorités.

This PhD thesis makes a radiography of a new problem for a society where the presence of minorities is a reality. Before the communism, Romania had an important number of minorities, and their athletes contributed to the development of sport, having a strong identity and local pride. In communism, the stars coming from the minorities (national or ethnical) had another statute. I propose an interdisciplinary study and I utilize concepts from history, sociology, human geography or anthropology. One of the important aspects in my PhD research is to propose a concept built by me, identity doping (fr. Dopage identitaire, rom. Dopaj identitar), represented by a series of actions designed to transform one or more athletes from an ethnic or national minority into a national hero, which means a complex process of identity change. The origin of this joint of words is very simple and means joining the notion of doping, particularly used first by totalitarian systems among athletes, to the term of identity. My methods cover analyses from mass-media, archives, polls and oral history, toidentify problems and images of national heroes who come from national minorities. For example, we assist to a politic of changing names, more than other countries from communist area. The ”name-nationalization” is an essential step for a new identity, more measurable and

prominent than interior feelings. The footballer Laszlo Boloni, with a Hungarian origin, is known like Ladislau Boloni, Katalin Szabo is named in communism Ecaterina Szabo or Hans Moser, a handballer with a German origin, is known like Ioan Moser. The internal realities of many countries with a nationalism-communist regime influenced the life of sport stars. In a state like Romania, where the groups of minorities had an important role in sport development, sport stars from this communisties are promoted like national heroes utilizing the mechanism of “identity doping”.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Books on the topic "Politiche securitarie"

1

Die Securitate in Siebenbürgen. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2014.

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Tabără, Vasile, Stelian Scăunaș, Iulia Crăciun, and Vlad Vasiu. Științe politice, relații internaționale și studii de securitate. Sibiu: Editura Universității "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu, 2011.

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Tudor, Radu. Analize și comentarii politice, militare și de securitate. București]: Nemira, 2013.

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Eu, fiul lor: Dosar de Securitate. Iași: Polirom, 2010.

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Necula, Ionel. Ion Petrovici în vizorul Securitații. București: Editura Saeculum I.O., 2005.

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Dobre, Florica, Liviu Țăranu, and Florian Banu. Trupele de Securitate: 1949-1989. București: Nemira, 2004.

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"Amorsarea" Revoluției: România anilor '80 văzută prin ochii Securitații. Târgoviște: Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2012.

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La Roumanie vingt ans après: Le chasseur de la Securitate. Paris: Éditions du Cygne, 2009.

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Ghica, Luciana Alexandra. Politica de securitate națională: Concepte, instituții, procese. Iași: Polirom, 2007.

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Despre securitate: România, "țara ca și cum". București: Humanitas, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politiche securitarie"

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Moldovan, Silviu B. "Die deutsche Minderheit in Rumänien. politisches Problem und historisches Erbe." In Die Securitate in Siebenbürgen, 137–52. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/boehlau.9783412216870.137.

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Pintilescu, Corneliu. "Umdeutung religiöser Praktiken in politische Schuld durch das Militärgericht Klausenburg/Cluj 1948-1958." In Die Securitate in Siebenbürgen, 253–76. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/boehlau.9783412216870.253.

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Ursachi, Raluca. "Post-communist Romanians Facing the Mirror of Securitate Files." In Life Writing and Politics of Memory in Eastern Europe, 222–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137485526_12.

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Hibbing, John R. "Politics and Life after Trump." In The Securitarian Personality, 192–214. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0008.

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In this chapter, consideration is given to American politics in the post-Trump era. In light of the importance of securitarian orientations to Trump’s political rise, the chapter looks at the distribution of securitarians across the life cycle and across racial groups. Generational replacement is likely to lower the number of securitarians but the relatively large number of black securitarians could increase it. Other wings of the Republican Party tend to share securitarians’ general policy preferences, and this fact could keep the Republican coalition together, though strains will result from some people’s intense attachment to Trump himself. The biggest challenges facing the country will revolve around democratic values and political civility, both of which have been set back significantly. The struggle between securitarians and unitarians is the most fundamental of conflicts and needs to be understood if democracy is to be preserved in the post-Trump era.
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Hibbing, John R. "The Many Faces of Trump Veneration." In The Securitarian Personality, 160–91. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0007.

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This chapter analyzes the four major types of vigorous Trump supporters. The great majority (60%) are securitarians but many support Trump for other reasons. Some can be called “social warriors” because issues such as abortion and gay marriage are the most important to them. Some can be called tea partiers because they prioritize tax cuts, deregulation, and small government. Some are economically concerned and worry about health care, income inequality, and trade. The findings indicate that compared to other Trump venerators, social warriors are more submissive, more dogmatic, and less concerned about personal and national strength. Tea partiers are more likely to engage in risky behaviors and to be willing to take aggressive political acts. The economically concerned are more likely to be bitter, angry, resentful, and unfulfilled. And securitarians are more likely to have high incomes, high political knowledge and interest, and to score low on submissiveness.
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Hibbing, John R. "Scared, Resentful, Destitute Hillbillies?" In The Securitarian Personality, 25–45. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0002.

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This chapter reviews and critiques the conventional wisdom that fervent Trump supporters are distinguished by their demographic, personality, and emotional profiles. The standard narrative, drawn in part from 2016 exit polls, asserts that Trump supporters are old, male, white, uneducated, poor, rural, religious, neurotic, bitter, angry, resentful, adrift, and fearful, but this chapter suggests that although several of the demographic claims have some truth, many Trump supporters are in fact female, college educated, suburban, and well to do. With regard to personality and emotions, Trump supporters are not as neurotic as liberals and actually rank lower than those with other political orientations on most negative emotions, including bitterness, anger, resentment, and fear. Compared to those who do not like Trump, many fervid Trump supporters appear to be less threatened by most aspects of life with the possible exception of outsiders.
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Hibbing, John R. "The Trump Venerator Next Door." In The Securitarian Personality, 91–122. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0005.

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In this chapter, data from the 2019 survey of American adults are used to test for the accuracy of previous explanations for avid Trump supporters, especially the demographic, personality, and emotional concepts discussed in Chapter 2. The findings show that, compared to those with other political ideologies such as liberals, moderates, and non-Trump-venerating conservatives, Trump venerators are older, less educated, less neurotic, less introverted, less bitter, less resentful, and less angry. Special attention is given to the differences between Trump venerators and conservatives who do not venerate Trump because this comparison should help to identify what is unique about Trump venerators. For example, on the vital matters of racial and sex attitudes, Trump venerators are found to be less favorable than non-Trump-venerating conservatives toward blacks but not significantly less favorable when it comes to attitudes toward women.
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Hibbing, John R. "Barefoot over Burning Coals." In The Securitarian Personality, 1–24. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0001.

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This chapter describes the organization and methodology of the book. It also introduces its central theme. Ardent Trump supporters are “securitarians,” meaning they want protection from lawbreakers, security in the face of immigrants, and defense against the power of foreign countries whereas those who view outsiders not as a source of threat but rather as people who require and deserve assistance are referred to as “unitarians.” The chapter points out that the group analyzed is not the 63 million people who voted for Trump in 2016 but rather a smaller group composed only of his most intense supporters. It explains that the central evidence in the book comes from a 2019 survey of a large representative sample of American adults and that evolutionary logic makes it possible to understand the centrality of the divide between securitarians and unitarians and the reason this divide makes politics so polarized and explosive.
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BĂLĂNESCU, Flori. "PAUL GOMA – INTRODUCERE ÎN BIOBIBLIOGRAFIA SCRIITORULUI OPOZANT, PÂNĂ ÎN 1989." In Scriitori români de expresie străină. Écrivains roumains d’expression étrangère. Romanian Authors Writing in Foreign Tongues, 120–36. Pro Universitaria, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52744/9786062613242.10.

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L’écrivain roumain Paul Goma (1935-2020), né en Bessarabie, dans la Grande Roumanie, et réfugié de guerre à l’âge de 8 ans et demi dans une Roumanie réduite, a eu un parcours biographique et littéraire particulier. Sa nature, toujours en contradiction avec les autorités, l’a mis déjà au lycée en conflit avec la Securitate (principale institution répressive du régime communiste), puis pendant ses études, où il sera même fait prisonnier politique. L’apparition du roman Ostinato en Occident, en 1971, conduit à une rupture irréconciliable avec le régime communiste, qui culmine en 1977 avec l’organisation du Mouvement pour les droits de l’homme et l’asile politique en France.
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J. Young, Sarah. "Isolation, Control and Resistance: Political inmates in the Shlissel'burg fortress, 1884-1906." In De los controles disciplinarios a los controles securitarios, 635–48. Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/jornadas_2020.25.44.

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