Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politiche inclusive'

La Direttiva del Parlamento europeo e del Consiglio n.20 del 23 ottobre 2000, Water Framework Directive (WFD), istituisce un quadro per l’azione comunitaria per la gestione integrata della risorsa idrica e indica come unità territoriale di riferimento il bacino idrografico. Le politiche dell’acqua, avviate a scala di bacino idrografico, hanno obiettivi “olistici”, tra cui: sostenere l’ecosistema, garantire l’approvvigionamento di acqua ad agricoltori, industriali e acquedotti, proteggere dalle inondazioni, produrre energia idroelettrica, trattare le acque reflue, assicurare la protezione della qualità delle acque e il mantenimento del deflusso minimo vitale, ripristinare l’assetto naturale del fiume (Blonquist, 2003; Downs e altri, 1991; Affeltranger, Lasserre, 2003). Queste finalità spesso sono in conflitto (per esempio, deviare e stoccare l’acqua di superficie in appositi impianti può aiutare ad affrontare la siccità, ma potrebbe non garantire il deflusso minimo vitale, fondamentale per la sopravvivenza dell’ecosistema) ma è possibile trovare compromessi che permettano la salvaguardia dell’ambiente acquifero e soddisfare le necessità antropiche. Condizione fondamentale è che vi sia, da parte dei soggetti coinvolti, la consapevolezza che gli scopi preposti possono essere complementari (Blonquist p.7; Moss,2003, p.4 ). A tal fine, il Contratto di Fiume, CdF, può contribuire all’attuazione della Direttiva 2000/60. Si tratta infatti di uno strumento di programmazione negoziata (Bobbio, Saroglia, 2008), nato in Francia all’inizio degli anni ‘80, che prevede il coinvolgimento degli stakeholder, pubblici e privati, per l’elaborazione e l’attuazione di politiche di riqualificazione e valorizzazione dell’ambito fluviale e perifluviale. Un accordo che permette di “adottare un sistema di regole in cui i criteri di utilità pubblica, rendimento economico, valore sociale, sostenibilità ambientale, intervengono in modo paritario nella ricerca di soluzioni efficaci per la riqualificazione di un bacino fluviale” (definizione adottata al secondo World Water Forum svoltosi a L’Aia nel 2000). Il Contratto è uno strumento per l’attuazione di politiche idriche integrate, il cui elemento cardine è il processo partecipato, che attraverso modalità tipiche della democrazia deliberativa, definisce le azioni da compiere, i soggetti responsabili, i tempi e i finanziamenti necessari per la realizzazione di tali azioni. Obbiettivo di questo lavoro è capire se i processi partecipati, PP, avviati all’interno dei CdF, siano strumenti adeguati per l’attuazione della WFD. L’analisi di questi processi è stata elaborata a partire dalle categorie di vizi e virtù individuate da Pellizzoni (2005) ed ulteriormente articolate da chi scrive. Il lavoro di ricerca è articolato in due parti. La prima parte, “Normativa di rifermento e elementi teorici”, fornisce il quadro generale entro cui collocare i Contratti di Fiume, ed è suddivisa in tre capitoli. Il primo, “Processi partecipati nelle politiche di gestione della risorsa idrica: il quadro normativo”, introduce la WFD - soffermandosi sugli aspetti riguardanti il coinvolgimento dei portatori d’interesse per la sua attuazione - e il Testo Unico ambientale, la legge italiana che recepisce la Direttiva 2000/60. Questo capitolo, oltre a specificare il complesso quadro normativo di riferimento per i Contratti di Fiume, mira sia a mettere in evidenza le incongruenze presenti tra la normativa europea e quella italiana, che rendono questa materia complessa e di non facile attuazione, sia a sottolineare l’importanza, per il legislatore, della diffusione delle informazioni, della consultazione e della partecipazione attiva degli stakeholder per l’attuazione delle politiche di gestione integrata della risorsa idrica Il capitolo 2, “I Contratti di Fiume per la gestione partecipata delle risorse idriche”, presenta i CdF italiani, strumenti che realizzano processi partecipati per la definizione di politiche idriche integrate. Dal 2004, in Italia, sono stati avviati una quarantina di CdF i quali, nonostante l’impegno profuso dalle istituzioni coinvolte, si presentano come esperimenti di un approccio olistico e partecipato, piuttosto che pratiche strutturate per una reale azione di governance verticale e orizzontale. La mancanza di una chiara regolamentazione infatti non aiuta la definizione e l’attuazione di questi processi. Infine, il terzo capitolo, “Processi partecipati per l’elaborazione delle politiche pubbliche”, presenta gli elementi distintivi dei processi partecipati, espressione della democrazia deliberativa e strutturati secondo regole condivise, esplicandone i vizi e le virtù, a partire dalle definizioni date da Pellizzoni (2005) ed ulteriormente articolate, al fine di chiarire le categorie in base alle quali sono analizzati i Contratti di Fiume nei paragrafi successivi. La seconda parte è incentrata sull’esame dei casi studio scelti. Il capitolo 4, “Metodologia di analisi dei casi studio”, illustra il metodo scelto per l’analisi dei due casi studio - il Contratto di Fiume del Sangone e il Contratto di Fiume del Panaro - che adotta, come strumento di indagine, oltre ai documenti ufficiali, interviste semi-strutturate sottoposte ad alcuni attori chiave dei due CDF. Questa scelta è dettata dal fatto che questo approccio permette di indagare giudizi, valori e opinioni - elementi che dai documenti ufficiali raramente traspaiono - relativi ai processi oggetto di studio. I capitoli 5 e 6, rispettivamente “Il Contratto del Torrente Sangone: un processo partecipato fortemente top down, Il Contratto di Fiume del Torrente Panaro: un piccolo territorio per un grande progetto”, analizzano i due CdF scelti come casi studio e sono articolati in modo analogo: - ricostruzione di un quadro delle reti e dei rapporti esistenti tra i soggetti del territorio e delle politiche di riqualificazione presenti nel bacino, al fine di comprendere le dinamiche che hanno portato all’avvio del Contratto; - presentazione della struttura del CdF (organizzazione, fasi, attori coinvolti) degli obiettivi e del Piano di azione; - analisi del processo, a partire dalla interviste semi-strutturate, per individuare la presenza o l’assenza dei vizi e delle virtù presentate nel capitolo 3. Dalle considerazioni finali del lavoro di ricerca emerge che i processi partecipati dei Contratti di Fiume sono realtà piuttosto articolate, che presentano numerosi limiti - difficilmente superabili in quanto elementi intrinseci alla struttura dei processi stessi - ma giudicati, nel complesso, in modo positivo dalla maggior parte dei partecipanti, in quanto occasioni per definire e attuare politiche condivise, per quanto fortemente influenzate dalle posizioni degli enti amministrativi. Sono processi che contribuiscono all’attuazione della Direttiva 2000/60 in termini di azioni di sensibilizzazione (e alcune azioni concrete) rispetto alle problematiche legate all’inquinamento dei corsi d’acqua, alla necessità di avviare un uso sostenibile della risorsa e alle potenzialità, anche in termini di risvolti economici, che la riqualificazione ambientale presenta. Si tratta però di un percorso alle prime battute che necessita di maggiore regolamentazione e attenzione da parte del potere politico e amministrativo.

A perspectiva da construção de uma educação inclusiva em nossa realidade brasileira acentuou-se a partir dos anos 90, em um contexto desencadeado por reformas significativas que envolveram a educação básica e, mais especificamente, o ensino fundamental, com vistas a responder ao desafio de promover uma educação para todos. Com a democratização do acesso, em meio a essa diversidade de alunos que necessita ser incluída nos sistemas de ensino, encontra-se o público-alvo da educação especial. Se desde o final da década de 1980 o locus prioritário de atendimento desse público tem sido, preferencialmente, a classe comum, identifica-se, a partir de 2008, uma série de diretrizes e documentos legais que anunciam e induzem que a classe comum seja o seu espaço de matrícula. O documento Política Nacional de Educação Especial na perspectiva de educação inclusiva, publicado em 2008, preconiza o acesso, a participação e a aprendizagem dos alunos com deficiência, transtornos globais do desenvolvimento e altas habilidades/superdotação nas escolas regulares, e foi reiterado em legislação posterior, regulamentadora do financiamento do atendimento educacional especializado. Diante do exposto, essa pesquisa investigou como o município de São Bernardo do Campo, em São Paulo, ajustou sua política local no período de 2009 a 2011 às diretrizes preconizadas pela Política Nacional de Educação Especial na perspectiva da educação inclusiva, bem como aos demais documentos orientadores emanados do governo federal. Em 2009, o município passou a ser administrado por um prefeito pertencente ao mesmo partido do governo federal; além disso, destaca-se o fato de o município possuir, desde a década de 1950, uma trajetória no atendimento ao público-alvo da educação especial. Com o intuito de alcançar os propósitos deste estudo, optou-se por uma pesquisa qualitativa, por meio da análise de legislação, de documentos produzidos pela Secretaria de Educação e Seção de Educação Especial e de entrevistas com a equipe de orientação técnica e gestora municipal da Seção de Educação Especial. A análise dos dados considerou os documentos orientadores e legais do governo federal e o referencial teórico concernente a políticas públicas, educação especial e educação inclusiva. A partir de 2009, o município definiu que a política de atendimento ao público-alvo da educação especial seria implementada de acordo com as diretrizes e normas oriundas do governo federal. Identificou-se uma reversão significativa dos serviços que operavam em uma perspectiva substitutiva, embora ajustes não preconizados no âmbito federal tenham sido operacionalizados no plano local. O ponto de tensão entre a política federal e a local ocorreu em relação à educação de surdos, pois, além de ser ofertado o atendimento educacional especializado em uma perspectiva complementar da educação infantil à educação de jovens e adultos, manteve-se a escola especial que atua em uma perspectiva substitutiva. Concluímos que a implementação dessa decisão, ajustar a política local às diretrizes federais, demonstrou ser tarefa bastante complexa, sobretudo em um município com trajetória e histórico de investimento público em serviços educacionais especializados; até o término desta pesquisa, ainda não havia sido possível implantar totalmente o modelo preconizado pelo governo federal no plano local.
The perspective of building an inclusive education in the Brazilian reality has emphasized from the 90s, in a context triggered by significant reforms involving basic education and, more specifically, the elementary education, in order to answer to the challenge of promoting education for all. With the democratization of the access, in midst of this diversity of students that needs to be included in education systems, we can find the target people of special education. If since the end of the 80s, the priority locus of public service, has been preferentially, the common class, from 2008 were identified a series of guidelines and legal documents that announce and induce that the common class is the enrollment space. The National Policy on Special Education document from the inclusive education perspective, published in 2008, recommend the access, participation and learning of students with disabilities, pervasive developmental disorders and high abilities/giftedness in regular schools, and reiterated in subsequent legislation, regulatory of the financing for educational specialized services. Given the above, this study investigated how the town of São Bernardo do Campo, Sao Paulo, has adapted the local policy from 2009 to 2011 to the guidelines recommended by the National Policy of Special Education from the inclusive education perspective and other documents originated from the federal govern. From 2009, the town was administrated by a mayor belonging to the same party as the federal government, and stands still, the fact that the town has since the 50s, a career of assistance to the target people of the special education. In order to achieve the purposes of this study, we chose a qualitative research, through the legislation analysis and documents produced by the Education Department and Special Education Section, as well as interviews with the technical orientation team and the municipal manager of the Special Education Section. The data analysis considered the legal and policy documents of the federal government and the theoretical references related to the public policy, special education and inclusive education. From 2009, the town defined that the policy of assistance to the target people of special education will be implemented in accordance with the guidelines and regulations originated from the federal government. A significant reversal of the services that operated in a replacement perspective was identified, although, adjustments not recommended by the federal government has been implemented at the local level. The tension point between the local and federal policy is related to deaf education, because, besides being implemented the specialized educational services in a complementary perspective of the infant education in comparison with young and adults education, has remained a special school that works in a replacement perspective. We conclude that the implementation of this decision, to adjust the local policy to the federal guidelines, demonstrated to be a very complex task, especially in a town with a career and a history of public investment in specialized educational services and until the end of this study, the model recommended by the federal government has not been possible to be fully implemented at the local level yet.

The title ‘Inclusive schooling: contexts, texts and politics’, names a thesis which critically analyses the development of inclusive schooling in the small Australian Island state of Tasmania between 1996 and 1998. The ‘Inclusion of Students with Disabilities’ policy, introduced in 1995 by the Tasmanian Department of Education, Community and Cultural Development, provides an opportunity to understand the cultural context and politics of change in schooling over this period. The qualitative methodology deployed here is informed by poststructuralism and captures the everyday experiences of university teaching as a research site. The teacher/researcher as the visible maker of the research use metaphors of fibre and textile practice, techniques of textual juxtaposition and her positioned subjectivity as a female academic to tell a 'big story'. The researcher develops a 'double method' as a possible model for Inclusive research practice and educational policy analysis. Using a critical ethnographic method, derived from the work of Carspecken (1996), 'data stories' (Lather & Smithies 1997, p.34) are produced from the narratives of five key informants – a parent, two teachers, a policy-maker and the researcher. Assembled as the data of the thesis the multi-voiced texts provide an account of the sociocultural, professional and systemic context of Inclusive schooling over a three-year period. In the analysis these data are interpreted from a feminist poststructural standpoint. A deconstructuive reading of the data stories interprets the discourse of inclusive schooling emphasising the dominant foundation of the special education knowledge tradition. The idea of author function (after Foucault 1975, 1984b and Grundy and Hatton 1995) is used to interpret the 'texts' of the key Informants as discursive constructions. The researcher theorises inclusive schooling as an entangled, multiple and contradictory discourse, embedded in the social, cultural and material contexts, rather than a singular unitary Idea of the progress within the special education knowledge tradition. The study contributes a fine-grained analysis of the constructed knowledge of inclusive schooling in one locality. The thesis advocates continuing engagement with questions of epistemology and social transformation in inclusive schooling, rather than persisting with technical rationality and the status quo. The researcher takes the position that the opportunities to theorise inclusive schooling lie within the multiple and disparate constructed texts of the micro world of everyday practice and the macro understanding of understandings of contemporary social justice. The poststructuralist writing/reading questions traditionalist theorising in the special education field. Central to the negotiations of power and truth inclusive schooling research and practice is a communicative theory that transforms populist conceptions of inclusion.

Numerosi studi dimostrano il grave impatto che la discriminazione omotranfobica ha sulle persone LGBT+, nell’educazione terziaria, nello sport e negli ambienti lavorativi (D’Augelli, Pilkington, Hershberger, 2002; Almeida et al., 2009; Di Giacomo et al., 2018; Taylor et al., 2013). Questa tesi è composta da tre saggi che trattano la discriminazione delle minoranze sessuali e le politiche in inclusione in tre diversi ambienti. Il Capitolo 1 introduce i tre saggi e descrive i principali risultati. Il primo saggio analizza un ambiente sportivo non-agonistico e popolare. Il suo scopo è duplice: esso analizza le determinanti della percezione della discriminazione omotransfobica e esplora, nell'analisi dei fattori dell’omotransfobia, la rilevanza della Contact Theory di Allport. Dalla nostra analisi empirica rileviamo che, tra le determinanti della percezione della discriminazione omo-transfobica, vi sono gli orientamenti sessuali bisex e omosex e un elevato livello di educazione. Inoltre troviamo evidenza del fatto che, tra i fattori connessi agli atteggiamenti omotransfobici, vi sono l’eterosessualità e il sesso biologico maschile. In riferimento alla Contact Theory, i nostri risultati mostrano che il contatto con le persone LGBT+ riduce la probabilità di essere discriminanti e che essere coinvolti in progetti che sottendono alle "condizioni di Allport" riduca la probabilità di avere comportamenti omotranfobici. Il secondo paper esplora l’omotransfobia e le politiche di inclusione rivolte alla popolazione LGBT+ nell’educazione terziaria. Questo studio fornisce il primo indice europeo di inclusione universitaria LGBT+, creato attraverso la logica fuzzy (Zadeh, 1965, 1988). Questo lavoro ha un duplice intento: da un lato quello di consentire alle università di auto-valutare il loro grado di inclusione LGBT+ attraverso le diverse dimensioni di cui si compone l’indice; dall’altro quello di applicare l'indice alle 58 università pubbliche italiane, che hanno tutte preso parte alla survey permettendoci di misurare il loro livello di inclusione. Grazie al supporto di sei associazione studentesche LGBT+ (o alleate), di quattro esperti e della Conferenza Nazionale degli Organismi di Parità delle Università, abbiamo potuto valutare l’efficacia di diverse pratiche di inclusione tenendone conto nella definizione del ranking. Il terzo saggio esamina la discriminazione per orientamento sessuale (o per altre caratteristiche) negli ambienti lavorativi, analizzando il database European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) del 2015. Abbiamo esaminato la relazione tra i predittori della discriminazione, lo stress, la soddisfazione lavorativa e alcune variabili di moderazione come la posizione socio economica e l’età, mostrando che i dipendenti discriminati a livello intersezionale (per più di una caratteristica) riportano una minore soddisfazione lavorativa e maggiore livello di stress rispetto alla controparte. Abbiamo, infine, realizzato un modello di mediazione per rilevare ed esporre il meccanismo alla base della relazione tra un modello organizzativo inclusivo (la nostra variabile indipendente) e la soddisfazione lavorativa dei dipendenti o il loro livello di stress (le variabili dipendenti), attraverso l’inclusione della variabile di percezione della discriminazione per orientamento sessuale o per altre caratteristiche (variabile di mediazione). L’intento è quello di chiarire la natura della relazione tra le variabili dipendenti e le variabili indipendenti. Ognuno dei tre saggi esplora, inoltre, le migliori pratiche di inclusione rilevate nei tre ambienti analizzati e suggerisce interventi e politiche di inclusione volte a migliorare il livello di inclusione degli ambienti sportivi, educativi e lavorativi.
Several studies demonstrate the serious impact of homotransphobic discrimination on LGBT+ people, in tertiary education, in sports and in workplace (D’Augelli, Pilkington, Hershberger, 2002; Almeida et al., 2009; Di Giacomo et al., 2018; Taylor et al., 2013). This thesis consists of three essays on topics in sexual minorities discrimination and inclusion policies, in three different environments. Chapter 1 introduce the three essays and describes their main results. The first essay analyses a non-agonistic popular sports environment. It’s aim is twofold: firstly, it analyses the determinants of homotransphobic perceived discrimination; secondly, it explores, within the analysis of homotransphobia factors, the relevance of Allport's Contact Theory. From the empirical analysis we found that, among the determinants of homotransphobic perceived discrimination, there are individuals’ homosexual and bisexual orientation and a high level of education. Moreover, this study’s results reveal that among the factors related to homotransphobic behaviours and attitudes there are heterosexual orientation and male biological sex. Related to Contact Theory, our outcomes show that contacts with LGBT people typically reduce the probability of being homotransphobic and that being involved in projects aimed to put in contact LGBT with non-LGBT people reduces prejudice and discriminant attitudes. The second essay explores homotransphobia and policies inclusion in tertiary education. This study provides the first european index of LGBT+ inclusion for Universities, created using fuzzy logic techniques (Zadeh, 1965, 1988), that has a twofold aim: allow tertiary education institutions to assess their degree of gender inclusiveness with a shortcut assessment of the dimensions in LGBT+ inclusion that needs to be improved for reaching the aim of LGBT+ inclusion in tertiary education; Implement the proposed system to Italian universities that have promptly taken part to the survey thus making us in the condition to be able to show their achievements. With the support of six LGBT+ or ally students’ union, of four experts and of the National Conference of Equality Organs, we were able to evaluate the efficacy of the different practices in place and taking into account other. The third essay examines sexual orientation (and others) discrimination in workplaces, analysing European Working Condition Survey Data collected in 2015. We examine the relationship between discrimination’s predictors, stress, job satisfaction and moderating variables such as socio-economic position and age, showing that employees intersectionally discriminated are found to have more stress and less job satisfaction compared to their counterpart. Finally we realize a Mediation Model to detect and expound the mechanism underlies the relationship between an inclusive organizational model (the indipendent variable) and the employees' job satisfaction or their level of stress (the dependent variables), via the inclusion of sexual orientation (and others) discrimination variable (mediating variable) with the aim of clarifing the nature of the relationship between the independent and dependent variables. Each essay also explores LGBT+ inclusion best practices and suggests policy implications aimed to improve the inclusiveness of sports environments, workplaces and universities.

Submitted by Cássia Psi (cassia_psi@hotmail.com) on 2016-02-26T18:33:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Cássia Carregosa.pdf: 3662865 bytes, checksum: caab29c88781fc7d03a60eb9f7d65ece (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora da Silva Lopes (silopes@ufba.br) on 2016-03-02T13:54:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Cássia Carregosa.pdf: 3662865 bytes, checksum: caab29c88781fc7d03a60eb9f7d65ece (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-02T13:54:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Cássia Carregosa.pdf: 3662865 bytes, checksum: caab29c88781fc7d03a60eb9f7d65ece (MD5)
CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A denominada educação inclusiva é um tema atual, que tem despertado o interesse social, político e acadêmico. Nos últimos anos há uma propagação de políticas e mesmo trabalhos tendo como base o discurso inclusivo, mas, ainda que se fale sobre esse tema, pouco ainda se entende sobre a questão da ‘inclusão’ de pessoas com deficiência na educação superior, mais efetivamente sobre pessoas com deficiência sensorial. Nesta linha, esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender desafios que se apresentam na educação superior, na perspectiva docente, para a ocorrência de uma prática denominada inclusiva. De maneira específica, procurou discorrer historicamente sobre o processo de exclusão social e educacional da pessoa com deficiência; analisar compreensivamente as políticas direcionadas à inclusão da pessoa com deficiência na educação, e sua reverberação na educação superior; investigar como tem se efetivado e que desafios se apresentam para uma prática considerada inclusiva na educação superior. Para isso, esse trabalho teve como base uma pesquisa empírica, ocorrida na Universidade de Brasília – UnB, de cunho qualitativo, descritiva e explicativa, utilizando a abordagem de estudo de caso. A amostra foi composta por nove docentes da UnB, mas para melhor entendimento da temática, também participaram da pesquisa seis servidores desta universidade, totalizando quinze sujeitos de pesquisa, além de ter sido feita a observação in loco. O estudo oportunizou chegar a inferências e questionamentos a respeito de aspectos essenciais para a prática de uma educação chamada inclusiva: o conceito de inclusão e a conscientização institucional acadêmica sobre esse processo; as políticas nacionais e internacionais, que despertaram para a necessidade de mudanças, mas que ainda não são efetivamente executadas; as dificuldades e desafios para o docente com respeito à formação, a falta de suporte institucional e as barreiras atitudinais; a questão estrutural; a necessidade do aparato tecnológico; bem como, as ações que têm sido concretizadas, para uma prática considerada inclusiva, e que possa favorecer a garantia de direitos incontestes da pessoa com deficiência sensorial na sua formação acadêmica. A essência discursiva teve como viés a cultura inclusiva e a universalização dos acessos, numa perspectiva de direitos iguais que favoreça a ação docente e a plena formação da pessoa com deficiência.
ABSTRACT The inclusive education is a current theme, that has aroused a social, political and academic interest. In the last years there’s a prorogation of politics and even works having as a base the inclusive discourse, despite of this subject is mentioned, very little is understood about the inclusion of disabled people in the college education, more specifically on sensory disability. In this line, this dissertation has as main goal to comprehend challenges that are presented in college education, in the perspective professors, for the occurrence of a practice called inclusive. In a specific manner, it aimed to talk historically about the process of educational and social exclusion of a person with special needs; to analyze comprehensively the politics that focus on inclusion of a person with special needs in the education, and its reverberation in the university education; to investigate how it has become efficient and the challenges have been presented for a practice that is considered inclusive in the university education. For this, this work has as a base an empiric research that took place in the University of Brasília – UnB. The research was qualitative, explanatory and descriptive nature, using a study of case approach. The sample was composed by nine professors from UnB, and for a better comprehension six public workers from this institution took part as well, totaling fifteen research individuals, beyond “in loco” observation has been made. The study provided to reach inferences and questions about the essential aspects for a practice of an education called inclusive: the concept of inclusion and the academic institutional consciousness about this process; national and international politics that have aroused for a necessity of change, however they are not effectively applied yet; the teaching difficulties and the challenges related to the formation; the lack of institutional support and attitudinal barriers; the structural issue; the need of technology resources; the actions that have been done; to favor an inclusive practice; the incontestable guarantees of disabled people to university degree. The discursive essence had as a bias the inclusive culture and the universalization of the accesses, in a perspective of equal rights that favors the teaching actions and the total formation of a disabled person.

This thesis explores some of the ways inequalities are maintained and legitimated within the context of reforms that are focused on them. In particular, it looks at the continued marginalization of disabled students in U.S. public Schools. Central to this is the development of the concept of institutional ableism, the idea that there are discriminatory structures and practices and uninterrogated beliefs embedded within society that subvert even the most well intentioned policies. This thesis is an attempt to examine this oppression on both the macro and micro-political levels. Chapter three looks at how institutional ablism works at a policy level. Using a detailed deconstruction of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement act 2004 (IDEA), the first chapter examines the ways in which institutional ableism subverts the stated intentions of IDEA to maintain disabled peoples marginalised status within the education system. The chapter further deconstructs IDEA, focusing on its attempts to address the disproportionate representation of minority students in special education. The Final three chapters look at the micro-politics of school level reforms. Based on a year long ethnography in an inclusive school in the western United States. Chapter four focuses on the relationship between teachers and disabled students examining the mechanisms used to maintain inequalities when traditional ableism has been made inaccessible. Chapter five focuses on peer relationships. It was found that in filling a gatekeepers role nondisabled students utilise the governance of friendship to preserve and regulate the hierarchical relationship between disabled and nondisabled students. Chapter six using case studies of several students looks at the school's disabled students' experience of the school, their teachers and their peers. It is clear from these cases that even with the extensive efforts to dictate and control the positioning within the school, disabled students are still able to create spaces for resistance.

Orientador: Maria Teresa Egler Mantoan
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T15:27:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Machado_Rosangela_M.pdf: 11701748 bytes, checksum: ab2f78551981e7759c634d9749ba086e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Mestrado
Ensino, Avaliação e Formação de Professores
Mestre em Educação

The discovery of commercial quantities of oil and gas resources in the Gulf of Guinea and parts of East Africa has once again raised expectations that sustained development will emerge in one of the world’s poorest regions. At the same time there is great concern that Africa’s new resource-rich countries will succumb to the so-called resource curse phenomenon because of their generally weak governance institutions. In response to this challenge, the international community has intensified its efforts to promote good governance mechanisms in such countries, focused on transparency and accountability, and informed by a dominant institutionalist literature which argues that the differences in resource governance outcomes can be explained by the differences in institutional design and performance. A recent turn to politics in both the development and resource curse literature has begun to move the research agenda beyond the primacy of institutions to look at the politics that underpin the emergence and performance of institutions. This is particularly evidenced in the emerging literature on political settlements that emphasise the distribution of power amongst social groups in society and how these power relations shape institutions and in turn development outcomes. This new political lens is helping to deepen analysis of how and why resource-rich countries prevent or succumb to the resource curse and provides an opportunity to interrogate the inclusive development prospects of Africa’s new oil-rich countries. In this thesis, I apply and extend the political settlement approaches by incorporating ideational and spatial dynamics, to analyse the prospect of inclusive development outcomes in Ghana where oil and gas resources were discovered in 2007. Focusing on the power relations between and amongst national elites and elites in the oil producing Western Region, I interrogate the ways in which the spatial dynamics of Ghana’s prevailing competitive clientelist political settlement is shaping the governance of the oil sector, and the implications it has for inclusive development. I find that at the onset of a resource boom, the dynamics of local politics, and the dominant incentives and ideas generated by the political settlement has strongly shaped the content and enforcement of Ghana’s foundation institutions to manage the oil sector, in ways that reinforces the pre-oil settlement around the governance of natural resources and undermines the long-term prospects for inclusive development. At the same time, the oil boom has also been accompanied by the increased use of formal institutions and suggests that Ghana may be moving away from personalised to more programmatic forms of clientelism.

This thesis investigates the readability and comprehensibility of English language newspapers in Ghana as a developing country. It also attempts to discover the extent to which Ghanaian readers find the language of the newspapers easy or difficult to comprehend. The findings are meant to provide insights into the effectiveness of the newspaper press in providing news information to a broad readership to enhance political participation and democracy in the country. The study employed a research design that triangulated approaches in corpus linguistics, readability and survey studies. A computer-aided Linguistic analysis was carried out on the front-page stories of four influential national newspapers of the country to assess the extent to which the language is complex. A questionnaire survey of readers was also conducted in Accra to discover readers’ opinions and aptitude about how easy or difficult it was for them to comprehend the newspapers’ message. In addition, views from newspaper editors and news writers were also sampled in interviews to support the discussion. The research established that the language used to communicate socio-political news to readers is complex and difficult for a significant proportion of readers across the educational categories of the country. The significant implication is that the newspapers may be largely ineffective in transmitting information to a wide spectrum of citizens to enhance political participation and democracy. Thus, the study suggests that newspapers in Ghana largely alienate many readers from participating directly in the discourse of the press. While this may reflect the notion that political information from newspapers is generally and ideologically suited for the political elites who then monopolise political knowledge to control their societies, it means importantly that the press may not be enabling democracy in Ghana. Consequently, I argue for the press to use simple and plain language (as proposed by plain language movements in the West) to broaden access to newspaper messages in order to include the many potential readers who may hitherto be excluded from the discourse of the press because the challenging language impedes their comprehension.

O presente estudo procurou delinear uma concepção de inclusão que ultrapassasse o âmbito dos desajustes e das deficiências. Para tal, elaborou-se uma breve análise das diretrizes governamentais no âmbito educacional a partir da década de 1920 a fim de encaminhar um debate teórico sobre os rumos contemporâneos da educação inclusiva. De modo a ilustrar esse debate, apresentou-se uma intervenção extensiva, baseada na metodologia da pesquisa-ação, junto aos profissionais de uma Escola Municipal de Educação Fundamental de São Paulo e suas repercussões entre os envolvidos, tendo como norte a vivência de um caminho coletivo, e essa como algo capaz de provocar uma revisão sistemática e intencional das concepções e práticas educativas na atualidade, estabelecendo um caráter vivo à construção do conhecimento. Esse processo de articulação entre a teoria, a prática e as diretrizes governamentais considerou a universalidade dos conhecimentos e as especificidades locais, bem como o diálogo entre o conhecimento de questões clássicas, dos problemas contemporâneos, das pesquisas e das ações possíveis como algo capaz de provocar novas negociações entre os diferentes segmentos, impulsionando transformações a partir da revisão sistemática e intencional das concepções e práticas em curso no cotidiano escolar.
The proposal of this work is to delineate a conception of inclusion which exceeds the limits of the meaning of deficiency and disability. First, an analysis of the educational state politics since 1920 and a theoretical discussion about educational inclusion as a perspective were elaborated. Then, to illustrate this argument, there is a description of a case about an extensive intervention in a municipal school and the repercussion among the people who take part in it, by living in a collective way, and how that experience was able to promote an intentional revision about the educational conceptions and performances in our present days to establish a lively character for the knowledge building. This process of an articulation between theory, practice and government directions, looks after the knowledge universality at the same time that there is a consideration of the local specialties, as well as the dialogue between the classic questions, contemporaneous problems, researches, possible actions as something that can promote new relations between the different sectors and encouraging transformations from a systematic and intentional revision of the conceptions and actions in a course of a day-by-day school life.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.
"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 16, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3965. Adviser: Robert Rohrschneider.

In this thesis, I outline the normative relevance of religious political parties as carriers of values in the context of contemporary political theory. The central argument of my thesis is that religious political parties are, in ideal terms, vital institutional tools for channelling religious claims into the public political realm of liberal democratic polities, in a way that favours democracy. The reason for my claim is that there is a set of normative criteria that all political parties ought to comply with. These include loyal opposition (i.e. the endorsement of the constitutional and institutional framework in which parties operate), acknowledgement and respect of political pluralism and commitment to pursuing power only through legal means. These normative criteria are grounded in the idea that political parties are “bilingual”, i.e. they occupy a unique position between civil society and public political realm. By complying with these criteria political parties can contribute in channelling and moderating religious and other perfectionist claims in a way that renders them suitable for democratic politics. Furthermore I argue that religious political parties are best incorporated, in ideal terms, by a regime of nonconstitutional pluralism, where no religious faith is officially recognized in the constitution but the political guarantees exist for the expression of religious views in the public political realm through religious political parties. Finally, I examine two specific religious parties, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) in Turkey and the former Christian Democratic Party (Democrazia Cristiana - DC) in Italy, in order to assess to which extent they have complied with the normative criteria of party politics and, therefore, contributed in enhancing democracy in their respective polities.

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the correlation between economic development and inclusive political institutions. Research in the field of development economics highlights the importance of durable institutions for sustained economic growth. Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson propose that we should consider inclusive political institutions are key drivers of economic development, but political inclusion is challenging to measure quantitatively. We investigate novel ways ways to operationalize political inclusion and economic development by using voter turnout as the independent variable while median income acts as the dependent variable to better reflects the living standards of the broad population. Our thesis is that increased voter participation as a percentage of voting age population should correlate to a higher median income. Our bivariate regression shows a clear relationship but low explanatory power since linear regression doesn’t explain significant variations in the data. Multivariate linear regression results show a weaker correlation than expected but explains our data better by highlighting a clear tendency for high income democracies to enjoy high voter turnout whereas low income countries have varied outcomes. A high degree of data variability raises doubts about the validity of comparing voting participation between different political systems.

The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.

The thesis explores the changing relations between the Zimbabwean state and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) after independence. It focuses on debates over the role of NGOs in democratization in developing countries, using Zimbabwe as an example. The thesis argues that the study of democratization is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, relying on historical narratives and participant-observation research. Such research reinforces our understanding of democratization as a complex and dynamic process. The thesis proposes a framework for understanding state and society relations in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the ruling party’s use of coercive and consent-generating mechanisms to establish hegemony over the new nation. It examines the changing relationship between NGOs and the state after independence, when the ruling party’s efforts to include most groups within its nationalist coalition extend to NGOs. Case studies of NGO coalitions show how activist NGOs fail to mobilize others owing to the unwillingness of many NGOs to challenge the ruling party’s control over policy-making. The establishment of the National Constitutional Assembly by some NGOs, churches and trade unionists set the stage for an increasingly tense engagement between NGOs and the state after 1997. The constitutional debate opened up the public sphere in new ways. As the ruling party attempted to retain control over the political sphere and the constitutional debate, NGO politics became increasingly polarized. The emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and the prominence of NGO activists within its leadership, led to further conflict. After losing the February 2000 constitutional referendum, the regime sanctioned violent attacks on white farmers, businesspeople, and NGOs. While the ruling party attempted to shore up its support through nationalist rhetoric and financial incentives, groups perceived to oppose the state were excluded and vilified.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-05-04T14:55:26Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Sirlane Vicente de Sousa Silveira - 2017.pdf: 1532989 bytes, checksum: 358d3ca6ba0d266d181a91a66b6a9120 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-05-04T14:55:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Sirlane Vicente de Sousa Silveira - 2017.pdf: 1532989 bytes, checksum: 358d3ca6ba0d266d181a91a66b6a9120 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-04T14:55:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Sirlane Vicente de Sousa Silveira - 2017.pdf: 1532989 bytes, checksum: 358d3ca6ba0d266d181a91a66b6a9120 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-28
The 1990s in Brazil represents an advance in the path of Inclusive Education. Our country reaffirms the rights of people with disabilities to have access to regular education through inclusive principles in legislation and declarations, to which Brazil has established or is a signatory. In the face of legal determinations, this research aims to analyze school plans, with a view to understanding what changes and what does not change in relation to Special Education (EE) policies from the perspective of Inclusive Education (EI) based on PPPs for people with disabilities in the public schools of Jataí-GO, considering the theoretical-philosophical, historical and political determinants. In the search to investigate how the schools are organizing with regard to the legally established precepts we carry out an analysis in the international documents: World Declaration on Education for All by Jomtien (1990), Salamanca Declaration, Salamanca / Spain (1994) and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, adopted in New York on 30 March 2007; National documents - Law No. 9,394 / 96, which established the Law on Guidelines and Bases of Education (LDB); CNE / CEB Resolution No. 2/2001, which establishes the National Guidelines for Special Education in Basic Education; Document of the National Policy of Special Education in the Perspective of Inclusive Education (BRASIL, 2008); National Education Plan (PNE) 2014/2024; State documents - State Program for Diversity in an Inclusive Perspective in the State of Goiás; CEE Resolution nº 07 of December of 2006 and State Plan of Education of 2008/2017 and in the municipal scope the Municipal Plan of Education (PME) 2015/2025 and the Political-Pedagogical Projects of the schools in the year of 2015. It was possible to observe through the realized research that the public policies of educational inclusion although they present contradictions and dichotomies already bring as a definitive thing the right of all to be in the common school nevertheless they still present specific aspects that deserve reflections as: the conception Deficiency in these documents; The pedagogical theory that supports them and the importance given to the formation of teachers. In relation to the Political-Pedagogical Projects their information is examined according to analytical categories such as: conceptions, fundamentals, structural and functional issues and pedagogical action. The results of the research carried out in the PPPs 60% of the municipal public schools in Jataí show that at the documentary level school inclusion in the municipal school units of Jataí is not yet a reality in the documents all schools are said to be inclusive yet there is practically no in, its records reflections orientations and adaptations foreseen for such an attempt to take place. It can be seen in their proposals that there’s a gap between what is defended in legislation and what is effectively practiced in the daily life of schools according to the analysis of the Political-Pedagogical Projects. However although it is still a long way between what is envisaged in legislation and the materialization of inclusion in schools in the district of Jataí we can see progress and some specific actions in the search for this school for all.
A década de 1990 representa no Brasil um avanço no caminho de uma Educação Inclusiva. Nosso país reafirma o direito de as pessoas com deficiências terem acesso ao ensino comum, por meio de princípios inclusivos presentes em legislações e declarações, as quais o Brasil instituiu ou é signatário. Diante das determinações legais, esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar os planejamentos escolares, tendo em vista compreender o que muda e o que não muda frente às políticas de Educação Especial (E.E) na perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva (E.I), a partir dos PPP, para as pessoas com deficiência, nas escolas públicas de ensino comum do município de Jataí–GO, considerando os determinantes teórico-filosóficos, históricos e políticos. Na busca por investigar como as escolas estão se organizando, no que concerne aos preceitos estabelecidos legalmente, realizamos uma análise nos documentos internacionais: Declaração Mundial de Educação para Todos, de Jomtien (1990), Declaração de Salamanca, Salamanca/Espanha (1994) e a Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência, adotada em Nova Iorque, em 30 de Março de 2007; documentos nacionais - Lei nº 9.394/96, que instituiu a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação (LDB); Resolução CNE/CEB nº 2/2001, que institui as Diretrizes Nacionais para a Educação Especial na Educação Básica; Documento da Política Nacional de Educação Especial na Perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva (BRASIL, 2008); Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) 2014/2024; documentos estaduais - Programa Estadual para a Diversidade numa Perspectiva Inclusiva no Estado de Goiás; Resolução CEE nº 07 de dezembro de 2006 e Plano Estadual de Educação de 2008/2017 e no âmbito municipal o Plano Municipal de Educação (PME) 2015/2025 e os Projetos Político-Pedagógicos das escolas no ano de 2015. Foi possível perceber, por meio da pesquisa realizada, que as políticas públicas de inclusão educacional, ainda que apresentem contradições e dicotomias, já trazem como algo definitivo o direito de todos estarem na escola comum; contudo, ainda apresentam aspectos pontuais que merecem reflexões, como: a concepção de deficiência presente nesses documentos; a teoria pedagógica que os ampara e a importância dada à formação de professores. Com relação aos Projetos Político-Pedagógicos, suas informações foram examinadas segundo categorias analíticas, quais sejam: concepções, fundamentos, questões estruturais e de funcionamento e ação pedagógica. Os resultados da investigação realizada nos PPP de 60% das escolas municipais públicas de Jataí demonstram que, em nível documental, a inclusão escolar nas unidades escolares municipais de Jataí ainda não é uma realidade, pois, nos documentos, todas as escolas se dizem inclusivas, contudo, praticamente não há em seus registros reflexões, orientações e adaptações previstas para que tal intento aconteça. Pode-se perceber em suas propostas que há uma lacuna entre o que se defende em legislações e o que é efetivamente praticado no cotidiano das escolas, conforme análise dos Projetos Político-Pedagógicos. Entretanto, apesar de ainda ser um longo caminho entre o que prevê a legislação e a materialização da inclusão nas escolas do município de Jataí, podemos perceber avanços e algumas ações pontuais na busca dessa escola para todos.

Il lavoro che si presenta racchiude un'analisi comparativa delle politiche d'inclusione in diversi paesi europei, in linea con le direttive e gli obbiettivi posti dall'Unione Europea. Passando attraverso l'analisi storica, antropologica e sociale dell'escluzione delle popolazioni rom e sinte in Europa viene infine valutata e comparata l'evoluzione e l'applicazione delle politiche inclusive attuali in diverse aree europee.

While research on business interest associations in developing countries are few and far between, we do know, from the small body of literature on the subject, that some business associations in developing countries engage in activities that have the effect of broadening access to political and economic participation (i.e. are inclusive); while others, conversely, engage in activities that constrain access to political and economic participation (i.e. are noninclusive). This thesis seeks to understand why. Additionally, it also investigates how these associations develop inclusive and non-inclusive attributes in the first place. In other words, this project seeks to understand what factors drive some of these associations to promote political and economic inclusion, and what factors drive others to work against it. To find the answer, I conducted a comparative case study of business interest associations in Sri Lanka and Indonesia. While Sri Lankan and Indonesian associations operate in similar political and economic landscapes, they are known to exhibit markedly different insititutional attributes vis-à-vis political and economic inclusion. Sri Lankan associations are known to promote, and contribute towards, political and economic inclusion (e.g. Moore & Hamalai, 1993), while Indonesian associations do not. Indeed, Indonesia’s largest peak business association has been known to work against political inclusion (e.g. Hicks, 2012). The findings of the empirical study suggest that business interest associations which develop, mature and institutionalise organically, embody inclusive political and economic attributes, and do things that have the effect of broadening access to political and economic participation - because such actions advance the collective interests of dominant actors within them. Members of business associations, most of whom are small to medium sized enterprises, benefit from broader access to political and economic participation. Contrary to Olson’s (1965; 1982) overarching characterisation of business representative bodies, this study finds that associations, which developed organically, are not generally utilised by powerful members of the economic elite to rent-seek in pursuit of private, individual gains. Privileged economic elites, who are more likely to rent-seek and are incentivised to constrain access to political and economic participation, do not usually actively participate in business association activities because they already have direct access to political elites and therefore do not need to be represented by a collective body. The activities of business interest associations are, therefore, naturally driven by the interests of smaller commercial entities, who have much to gain from political and economic inclusion. But business associations’ agenda can be hijacked, and their organisation easily used as a tool of control, by powerful external actors – like an oppressive regime. When this happens, their inclusive attributes are sabotaged, and this prompts these associations to behave in ways consistent with Olson’s depiction of a rent-seeking association - even after the said saboteur departs (e.g. Hicks, 2012). This is what happened in Indonesia under Soeharto, when the state interfered with the country’s chamber movement. Business associations’ vulnerability to such external interference and their general timidity towards oppressive regimes is why their role in advancing political economic inclusion can, at best, be characterised as elusive.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:15:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Gisella.pdf: 1974844 bytes, checksum: 46121d1bb3f499e42e1471129fc6dc37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-01
This study seeks to understand the process of implementation and results of the Inclusive Education Proposal into the mainstream education system of the Goiás State. The Superintendence of Special Education, which is a sector of the State Secretariat of Education, is responsible for this proposal. By using a case study, this study looks at the Inclusive School of Reference (Escola Inclusiva de Referência EIR) located in the capital of the state, that is, the Goiânia city. Since 1999, the State Government of Goiás, implemented the Educating for Diversity State Programme that aims to disseminate and implement the national guidelines for inclusion. The Inclusive School of Reference is a central organization in developing this policy. Considering this, this study reviews the development of special education policy in the state of Goiás from 1990 as well as it describes and analyses how the inclusive education proposal happens into the school and in its classrooms. Data has been gathered by using observation, formal and informal interviews, documental analysis and other information collected in the school. A qualitative descriptive and reflective analysis of the data has been carried out by adopting the theoretical and methodological framework of the Phenomenology, by which the study tries to understand the school as a phenomenon in the field. Throughout the study, then, numerous questions have emerged, amongst these, what is an inclusive school of reference? Can the State of Goiás School of Reference be considered a reference? Why? Is Education, in its own rights, inclusive? Finally, perceptions and perspectives are enlightened by the study as a means to contribute to push inclusive education forward.
O presente estudo, busca compreender a implantação e a efetivação da Proposta de Educação Inclusiva da Rede Estadual de Educação em Goiás, por meio de um estudo de caso de uma escola considerada Escola Inclusiva de referência (EIR), da cidade de Goiânia (GO). Essa proposta é proveniente e desenvolvida pela Superintendência de Ensino Especial (SUEE), órgão pertencente à Secretaria Estadual da Educação (SEE/GO). Em 1999 o Governo do Estado, por meio da SUEE/SEE apresentou o Programa Estadual de Educação de Goiás para a Diversidade, cujo objetivo é o de concretizar as diretrizes nacionais de inclusão. A EIR pesquisada, desde 1990 se apresenta como uma escola vinculada á educação inclusiva. Por isso, optou-se por pesquisar a educação inclusiva nessa escola. Para tanto, reviu-se a trajetória histórica da educação especial na rede estadual a partir da década de 1990 e observou-se, descreveu e analisou como esta Proposta é realizada nas salas de aula dessa escola. Realizou-se uma investigação qualitativa de abordagem descritivo-reflexiva. Como instrumento de coleta de dados utilizou-se as técnicas de observação, entrevistas, análises de documentos e informações resultantes de encontros e conversas informais. Os estudos realizados, as análises e as interpretações, foram efetuados à luz da abordagem teórico-metodológica da Fenomenologia, que mediante essa abordagem por meio de estudo de caso, procura-se compreender o fenômeno escola-campo. No decorrer da pesquisa, reflexões e questionamentos foram surgindo, dentre estes: O que é uma escola inclusiva de referência? A EIR pode ser considerada, de fato de referência? Por quê? A Educação, por si só, já não é inclusiva? Ao final do trabalho, percepções e perspectivas são apontadas para contribuir com ações efetivadas diante desse novo paradigma de educação inclusiva.

Cette thèse met en exergue des recommandations sur le rôle des politiques de gouvernance, structurelles et fiscales pour atteindre une croissance pro-pauvre et inclusive. Le premier chapitre qui est introductif, présente le contexte de la thèse et discute brièvement les principaux problèmes de données ainsi que les faits stylisés sur l’inégalité et la pauvreté. Le deuxième chapitre analyse les effets de la bonne gouvernance sur la croissance pro-pauvre et inclusive au niveau macroéconomique. Il montre que tous les indicateurs de la gouvernance impactent positivement la croissance des revenus et la réduction de la pauvreté tandis que seuls deux indicateurs : l’efficacité du gouvernement et la règle de droit favorisent une croissance inclusive. Le troisième chapitre analyse comment les gouvernements peuvent réduire les inégalités de revenu en ajustant la composition des dépenses publiques tout en gardant le niveau total inchangé. Les résultats montrent que réallouer les dépenses de défense vers les dépenses d’éducation et de santé et en particulier les dépenses sociales et d’infrastructure, est associé à une réduction des inégalités dans les pays avec une stabilité politique. Le quatrième chapitre fournit une perspective micro-économique, en étudiant comment une meilleure performance des firmes dans le secteur informel peut promouvoir la prospérité partagée dans un contexte de fragilité. Ce chapitre montre que la performance des firmes est un facteur clé expliquant les différences de revenus entre les entrepreneurs. En outre, les résultats montrent que le capital humain et les compétences managériales sont des déterminants importants de la performance des firmes informelles
This dissertation provides some evidence-based policy lessons focusing on the role of institutional, structural, and fiscal policies in achieving pro-poor and inclusive growth. The first chapter gives an overview of the dissertation and briefly discusses the main data issues and some stylized facts on inequality and poverty. The second chapter examines the role of good governance in fostering pro-poor and inclusive growth at the macroeconomic level. It shows that while all features of good governance enhance pro-poor growth, only government effectiveness and the rule of law tend to promote inclusive growth. The third chapter provides a cross-country analysis investigating how governments can reduce income inequality by changing the composition of public spending while keeping the total level fixed. The results show that reallocating defense spending towards education, and health spending and in particular social and infrastructure spending, is associated with reduced income inequality in countries with political stability. The fourth chapter provides a microeconomic perspective, focusing on how better performance of informal firms could promote shared prosperity in a context of fragility. It shows that firms’ performance is a key factor in explaining income differences between entrepreneurs. In addition, the chapter finds that human capital and managerial skills are important engines of informal firms’ performance

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T21:56:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luzia Mara dos Santos.pdf: 3277513 bytes, checksum: 7b6f9be60c0b320a08a52eb6516db163 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-27
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The object of this investigation is to study Education Public Policy in the Municipality of Manaus: the special classes in school organization. The focus selected for analysis was a school of the City Department of Education of Manaus, in Amazonas state. The context of this research is delimited by the actions of public education policy in Brazil, influenced/agreed by neoliberal policies in regular schools. The National Policy on Special Education in an Inclusive Perspective of 2008, established by the Decree No. 6.571/08 and the Resolution No. 04/09, effected the specialized education in the Multifunctional Resource Room of common schools. This implementation evoked the interest of this research, specifically to identify how specialized educational services are developed in the resource room, aiming at students autonomy and independence. The study sought to ensure whether the school s accessibility and learning resources are articulated with the Inclusive National Policy Guidelines. In this social research, with theoretical and practical approach, based on the study of several authors, such as Bauman (2007), Kumar (1997), Carvalho (1999, 2007), Mantoan (2006, 2010), Manzini (2008), Wallonia (1968) and others, we chose the dialectical method and case study with a qualitative approach, classified as exploratory and descriptive. The procedures constituted bibliographical, documental and field researches. The instruments of data collection were: patternless interview and field observation. From the data analysis, we have concluded that the specialized educational services have begun to happen in regular schools as a right, through the determination of some teachers, managers and engineers who believe in the possibility of designing inclusive education to be effective in the city of Manaus. In this economic globalization scenario, the State has not guaranteed the right to specialized educational services, present in the many pedagogical, accessibility and educational resources difficulties found in loco. Thus, further discussions, researches, educational and social pressures are necessary, in order to the right to educational services to be solidified by the State in the city of Manaus.
O objeto de estudo desta investigação é a Política Pública de Educação do Município de Manaus: o Atendimento Educacional Especializado na organização escolar. O foco escolhido para análise foi uma escola da Secretaria Municipal de Educação de Manaus, no Estado do Amazonas. O contexto desta pesquisa está delimitado pelas ações da política pública de educação brasileira, influenciadas/acordadas pelas políticas neoliberais na escola comum. A Política Nacional de Educação Especial na Perspectiva Inclusiva de 2008, pelo Decreto nº 6.571/08 e a Resolução nº 04/2009, efetivou o Atendimento Educacional Especializado na Sala de Recurso Multifuncional da escola comum. Sua implementação suscitou o interesse nesta pesquisa, com maior especificidade em identificar de que maneira é desenvolvido o Atendimento Educacional Especializado na Sala de Recurso Multifuncional, com vistas à autonomia e independência do aluno. Buscou-se verificar se os recursos pedagógicos e de acessibilidade da escola estão articulados com as Diretrizes da Política Nacional Inclusiva. Nesta pesquisa social, de abordagem teórico-prática, com base no estudo de vários autores, como Bauman (2007), Kumar (1997), Carvalho (1999, 2007), Mantoan (2006, 2010), Manzini (2008), Wallon (1968) e outros, optou-se pelo método dialético de estudo de caso com abordagem qualitativa, classificada em exploratória e descritiva. Os procedimentos se constituíram em pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Os instrumentos de coleta de dados foram: entrevista despadronizada e observação de campo. A partir da análise dos dados, concluiu-se que o Atendimento Educacional Especializado já começou a acontecer na escola comum como direito, por meio da determinação de alguns professores, gestores e coordenadores que acreditam na possibilidade de a concepção inclusiva educacional vir a se efetivar no município de Manaus. Nesse cenário de globalização econômica, o Estado não tem assegurado o direito ao Atendimento Educacional Especializado, concretizado nas muitas dificuldades pedagógicas, de acessibilidade e de recursos pedagógicos encontradas in loco. Assim, mostram-se necessárias novas discussões, pesquisas, pressões sociais e educacionais ao próprio Estado para que o direito ao atendimento educacional se solidifique no Município de Manaus.

In the following pages I try to present my interpretation of the enigma behind the successful co-existence between the two largest ethnic groups in Bulgaria---the Bulgarian majority and the Turkish minority---by offering a new theoretical rationalization of this atypical phenomenon in the context of the Balkans. My hypothesis is that the Bulgarian national project was defined as a manifestation of a political attachment. With this element as the common denominator/anchor, which resulted in the supremacy of common citizenship over ethnic and religious loyalties, I argue that the Bulgarian national vision clearly contradicted other South-eastern European nationalisms known to emphasize a populations cultural heritage and its ethnic continuity. I argue that in the case of Bulgaria we are dealing with a political, civic, inclusive nationalism. Using L. Greenfeld's situational constraint theory I assess those critical variables/factors of the Bulgarian nation-building process, which, I argue, enabled the emergence of a political and inclusive national project. This path contrasted other Balkan states, where this process emphasized ethnicity and religion, rather than citizenship, as major criteria for establishing a persons membership in the national "imagined community." Hence the Bulgarian liberation movement was atypical in terms of the pattern of regional nation building where the subordination of citizenship rights to the principle of statehood was generally the norm. Yet, while this may be attributed in part to the absence of certain conditions (religious or ethnic fervour, for example), Bulgaria's national project seems to have been the result of a conscious adoption of political universalism.

This thesis scrutinises how regular mathematics teachers are expected to deal with empowerment in mathematics classroom practice. Inspired by a socio-political perspective, the aim of the study is to problematise how to empower mathematics students in inclusive classroom practice, as implicitly understood in a nationwide professional development programme, i.e., the Boost for Mathematics, in Sweden. The aim is addressed by the following research question: What types of empowering ideas are conveyed in the Boost for Mathematics? The data of the study were collected from supporting materials for teachers, published within the Boost for Mathematics. Data processing consists of two steps. Step 1 is a thematic analysis of how to promote student empowerment as discerned in the data of the study. In a nutshell, Step 1 clarifies that the data give prominence to ways of empowering students from a cognitive point-of-view while social difference is disregarded. Step 2 undertakes a critical approach and discusses an alternative way of treating empowerment; this alternative way is restricted to the design of participatory activities in inclusive classroom practice.

This thesis explores whether the experience of political party membership can be enhanced for individual members whilst, at the same time, parties can increase membership productivity. This exploration is conducted via a central hypothesis: "Satisfaction with the experience of membership is a stronger predictor of commitment to a political party than partisanship." An interdisciplinary approach drawing on marketing, nonprofit studies, organizational behaviour and political science is used to identify appropriate analytical frameworks for testing this hypothesis. A questionnaire survey of 1,849 members of a political party, Plaid Cymru The Party of Wales, indicated that, in terms of behavioural commitment, one partisanship variable - values motivations - predicted whether members took part in any one activity. But two satisfaction variables - socialization and job satisfaction - predicted the numbers and types of activities in which members participated. Job satisfaction was also found to predict the making of donations. In respect of attitudinal commitment, more relationships were observed with partisanship variables than with satisfaction variables. The experience of membership was found to differ between demographic groups of members. Linguistic and membership density groups showed differing levels of overall satisfaction, gender groups showed differing levels of participation. The less affluent and less well-educated members of Plaid Cymru benefited disproportionately more from their membership than other groups; whilst middle-aged, affluent members contributed more to the party than they appeared to receive. The appropriateness of using communications tools for membership management is discussed. Specific communications strategies to aid recruitment, socialize members, raise political efficacy levels, and generate increased revenues are described. It is argued that these communications strategies will simultaneously deliver the benefits that members want and increase their propensity to participate. The actions that political parties can take towards improving the experience of membership and the potential management implications of these actions are described.

nÃo hÃ
A inclusÃo de pessoas com deficiÃncia na EducaÃÃo, apesar de muitos avanÃos e conquistas no Ãmbito nacional e internacional, ainda enfrenta muitos obstÃculos. A EducaÃÃo Superior, na singularidade de formar profissionais para contribuir com o crescimento da sociedade, exprime desafios prÃprios na inclusÃo de pessoas com deficiÃncia. A Biblioteca UniversitÃria pode contribuir, mediando o acesso à informaÃÃo e ao conhecimento acadÃmico por meio de seus produtos e serviÃos. A pesquisa tem como objetivo geral identificar desafios e possibilidades no acesso ao conhecimento acadÃmico, para os discentes com deficiÃncia visual e seus professores, tendo a Biblioteca UniversitÃria como mediadora. O estudo se caracteriza como exploratÃrio de abordagem qualitativa tendo como instrumento para coleta de dados, a entrevista. O locus da pesquisa à a Universidade Federal do Cearà com seus estudantes com deficiÃncia visual e/ou com baixa visÃo, como tambÃm os professores desses discentes, nas disciplinas em que encontraram maiores e menores dificuldades de acesso ao conhecimento acadÃmico. A pesquisa conclui que as mediaÃÃes possÃveis na perspectiva da EducaÃÃo Inclusiva no Sistema de Bibliotecas versam sobre os aspectos de: acessibilidade atitudinal, acessibilidade de comunicaÃÃo e digital e os aspectos arquitetÃnicos. Para que a mediÃÃo pretendida se efetive, porÃm, à necessÃrio elaborar internamente, no Sistema de Bibliotecas da UFC, uma polÃtica que estabeleÃa parÃmetros de acessibilidade para as atividades, o que vai nortear os serviÃos e produtos da Biblioteca, de forma que esta seja promotora da EducaÃÃo Inclusiva no ambiente acadÃmico. A maior dificuldade relatada, tanto para os discentes como para docentes, à por acervo livros. A principal sugestÃo à por um repositÃrio institucional com as obras em formato digital. Quanto à formaÃÃo dos docentes, esses reconhecem que necessitam de mais conhecimentos e sugerem cursos, oficinas e capacitaÃÃes. No que se refere à politica de inclusÃo, os professores na sua maioria, tÃm um conhecimento superficial. Os discentes em suas falas, expressam um conhecimento mais consistente. Tanto os estudantes como os professores acreditam na importÃncia da politica de inclusÃo e consideram a Biblioteca UniversitÃria importante para concretizar a inclusÃo.
The inclusion of people with disabilities in education, despite many advances and achievements in the national and international level, has still faced many obstacles. Higher education, in the uniqueness of training professionals to contribute to the growth of society, has had its own challenges in the process of inclusion of people with disabilities. The University Library can contribute to this process, mediating the access to information and academic knowledge through its products and services. The research has, as main objective, to identify challenges and opportunities, in the access to academic knowledge, for students with visual impairments and their professors, having the University Library as a mediator. The study is characterized as exploratory of qualitative approach, taking the interview as a tool for data collection. The locus of the research is the Federal University of Cearà and its students with visual impairment and / or those who have low vision, as well as their professors in the subjects they find major and minor difficulties in accessing academic knowledge. The research concludes that the possible mediation in the context of inclusive education in Library System deals with the aspects of: attitudinal accessibility, digital communication and architectural aspects. Nevertheless, in order that the desired measurement becomes effective it is necessary to internally develop at the UFC Library System some Accessibility Policy, establishing accessibility parameters for the activities which will guide the services and products of the library in order that it becomes a promoter of the inclusive education in the academic environment. The most reported need, both by students and professors, is for books. The main suggestion is for a repository with the works in digital format. As for the training of the professors they recognize that they require more knowledge and suggest courses, workshops and training. As regards the inclusion policy most of the professors have a superficial knowledge. The students in their speech present a more consistent knowledge. Both students and teachers believe in the importance of the inclusion policy and consider the University Library important in the inclusion process.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la dynamique sociale engendrée par la mise en œuvre de la politique d’éducation inclusive dans les écoles régulières de la République de Moldavie. La question principale à laquelle cette thèse tente de répondre est de savoir comment les interactions entre les acteurs du milieu scolaire et les parents des enfants avec et sans besoins éducatifs particuliers (BEP) influencent l’élaboration de stratégies dans la mise en œuvre de cette politique. Pour répondre à cette question, nous nous sommes penchés sur trois aspects, à savoir : le sens que les acteurs attribuent à cette réforme; leurs attitudes et leurs prises de position à son égard ainsi que les stratégies qu’ils développent en présence de zones d’incertitude et de relations de pouvoir. Ces trois aspects nous ont amené à développer un cadre théorique qui s’inspire de la théorie des représentations sociales et de l’analyse stratégique de Crozier et Friedberg (1977). La méthodologie que nous avons retenue comprend des entretiens semi-directifs avec des acteurs-clés de la réforme, des observations sur le terrain ainsi qu’une analyse documentaire et elle est basée sur un échantillon composé de deux écoles régulières, une en milieu urbain et une en milieu rural. Nous avons d’abord constaté que chaque acteur (individuel et groupe) impliqué dans cette réforme lui attribue son propre sens et se forge des représentations en fonction du contexte dans lequel l’action s’inscrit. Cela donne lieu à une diversité de représentations sur différents aspects de la réforme qui constituent des principes générateurs des prises de position des acteurs dans le sens proposé par Doise (1990). En effet, on a relevé que même si plusieurs représentations d’acteurs font consensus quant à la nécessité et les principes de la réforme, le modèle choisi pour l’inclusion des élèves avec des BEP et les changements de pratiques que ce modèle entraine créent des divergences parmi les différents acteurs. Ces divergences de représentations donnent naissance à des positions d’appui ou d’opposition à la réforme qui reflètent les intérêts poursuivis par chaque acteur individuel et chaque groupe d’acteurs. Nous avons aussi relevé que les acteurs qui appuient le plus fortement la réforme sont ceux qui ont à gagner avec ce processus alors que ceux qui s’y opposent le plus sont ceux qui ne voit pas de gains immédiats pour eux et qui ne se considèrent donc pas comme gagnants avec la réforme. Enfin, nous avons pu constater lors de notre recherche que chaque école a sa propre réalité et sa propre dynamique sur le terrain. Ainsi, la mise en œuvre de la réforme créé de nouvelles zones d’incertitudes comme la formation des acteurs pour les changements de pratiques, les relations entre les acteurs, la circulation des informations sur la réforme et les changements dans les règles du jeu que les acteurs mobilisent comment ressources dans leurs stratégies et leurs jeux de pouvoir.

Early political culture research, in its attempts to determine which combination of attitudes, values and behaviours created the ideal electorate, often treated national identity as a tool of integration. If individuals felt a sense of national identity then the political culture would be in a healthier state than if citizens expressed their loyalty to rival sub-groups or felt no national identity at all. Since these works, little attention has been paid to the role of national identity within political culture. Altered by discussions of post-materialism, mundane political culture or rational choice theories, political culture has abandoned the initial interactive focus of examination to other literatures studying social capital and new social movements. The thesis argues that national identity has remained an under-explored aspect of political culture, and that an integrated approach would benefit analyses of States where nationalist movements have sought greater political autonomy. Relying on case studies of Scotland and Quebec, the thesis examines the way in which national identity is treated by political actors to create a hierarchy of belonging within the nation. Perceptions of national inclusion, as determined by this hierarchy, affect the patterns of interaction within the political culture. The sense of ease with which people feel integrated in the political system is not currently explored by surveys of trust, efficacy, satisfaction and confidence. Relying on survey data and qualitative interviews, the thesis seeks to demonstrate that the way in which individuals draw boundaries around themselves, their nations and political systems forms an integral part of political culture.

Orientador: Clara Germana de Sa Gonçalves Nascimento
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T14:00:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joaquim_RosangeladoCarmoVendramel_M.pdf: 892323 bytes, checksum: 7c61fa99abb221f188bb10ec343e3c36 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: Esta pesquisa constitui uma análise do processo de implementação das Políticas Públicas de Educação Especial, na Rede Municipal de Ensino da Cidade de Campinas, no período de 1989 a 2004.Para situar o contexto histórico, político e educacional em que essas Políticas foram implantadas, procedeu-se a uma reconstrução dos principais atos legais e ações político-educacionais do período, que contempla quatro Gestões Municipais. Nessa trajetória, optamos por realizar a coleta e a análise das informações a partir de dois eixos: o ¿documental¿ e o ¿vivido¿, considerando-se para o primeiro eixo, os textos legais e os documentos oficiais, disponibilizados pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação e/ou por Profissionais da Educação Especial da Rede Municipal de Ensino, que se mostraram significativos para o planejamento e para a implementação das Políticas de Educação Especial, nas escolas municipais de Campinas. Para o ¿vivido¿, definimos como fundamentais, os depoimentos de Professores Itinerantes de Educação Especial, especialmente escolhidos para se constituírem em amostra significativa da Pesquisa, uma vez que este Profissional tem contato direto com a realidade escolar, podendo oferecer informações sobre como as Propostas e as Políticas de Educação Especial nas escolas municipais de Campinas, têm sido geradas, entendidas, implementadas e vividas no cotidiano escolar. O estudo constatou que, apesar da falta de continuidade das propostas educacionais entre as diferentes Gestões municipais, houve efetiva participação dos Professores de Educação Especial no processo de planejamento e discussão das mesmas, e significativo avanço das concepções e ações em relação ao processo de inclusão de alunos com necessidades educacionais especiais, conforme os atendimentos realizados e existentes, no período considerado. A Pesquisa mostrou, também, aspectos conflitantes do trabalho de apoio especializado da Educação Especial no cotidiano escolar, seja com relação à formação diferenciada dos professores, à caracterização dos alunos da Educação Especial, ou com relação ao insuficiente ou inexistente processo de intersetorialidade das políticas sociais na Cidade. Ficou evidenciada, ainda, a necessidade do estabelecimento mais objetivo, do papel do Professor Itinerante, no contexto de sua atuação na escola regular
Abstract: This study constitutes an analysis of the implementation process of Public Policies in Special Education in the Municipal Schools of Campinas, in the period of 1989 to 2004.To indicate the historical, political and educational contexts in which these Policies were implemented, we proceeded with a reconstruction of the main legal acts and political-educational actions in the period, with covers four Municipal Governments. In this trajectory, we chose to conduct a collection and analysis of information from two aspects: a ¿documental¿ and a ¿lived¿, considering for the first aspect, the legal texts and official documents that were made available by the Municipal Secretary of Education and/or by Professionals in Special Education from this net of Municipal Schools, who were essential to the planning and implementation of Special Education Policies in the Municipal Schools in Campinas. In the ¿lived¿ aspect, we defined as essential the depositions from Itinerants Teachers in Special Education, specially selected to constitute a representative sample in the Research, as these professionals have a direct contact with the school reality and are able to offer information about how the proposals and the policies in special education are being developed, understood and lived in the daily educational routine in the municipal schools in Campinas.The study evidenced that besides the lack of continuity of educational proposals between the different municipal Governments; there was an effective participation of Special Education Teachers in the process of planning and discussing them and a significant advance in the conceptions and actions related to the process of inclusion of students with special education needs, according to the existing cases from the considered period. The research also evidenced conflicting aspects of the specializing supporting work in special education in the daily activities in relation to the differentiated training of teachers, the characteristics of special education students, and insufficient or non-existent process of communication between the various sectors of social policies in the city. Finally, it was evidenced the need for a more objective establishment of the role of itinerant teachers in the context of their actual role in regular schools
Mestrado
Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos
Mestre em Educação

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:33:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:06:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rosa_vf_dr_mar.pdf: 688406 bytes, checksum: f9f15bfbe1f7e729266d34c3877e0218 (MD5)
Rede Federal de Educação Profissional e Tecnológica possui uma trajetória centenária. Com origem em 1909, foi concebida como política pública voltada para as denominadas classes desprovidas, e se configura hoje como peça importante na estrutura do ensino profissional brasileiro. De acordo com dados do Censo 2000 do IBGE, 14,5% dos brasileiros(as) possuem algum tipo de deficiência, o que representa quase 26 milhões de brasileiros(as). Podem-se considerar, hoje, as pessoas com deficiência (PCDs) como excluídas, em sua grande maioria, do processo educacional, profissional e produtivo. A Ação TECNEP - Educação, Tecnologia e Profissionalização para Alunos com Necessidades Educacionais Especiais, programa do MEC/SETEC, enquanto parte da construção de uma política pública inclusiva no âmbito da educação, propõe-se a contribuir com a garantia dos direitos das pessoas com deficiência, num contexto capitalista e de precarização do trabalho. Como todo cidadão, a pessoa com deficiência tem direito à educação pública e gratuita assegurada por lei. No bojo das lutas e conquistas históricas da sociedade pelos direitos civis, políticos e sociais, a história da atenção às pessoas com deficiência culminou com o paradigma da inclusão, inclusão entendida aqui também como um direito. O presente trabalho analisa as políticas públicas educacionais, os direitos sociais e na democratização do acesso à escola, a partir da implantação da Ação TECNEP na Rede Federal de Educação Tecnológica, verificando como se dá a participação das pessoas com deficiência neste processo e se há condições ofertadas pelo próprio Estado para o sucesso das ações. Com dados coletados dos atores da Ação TECNEP na Rede foi possível verificar que, mesmo com a existência de políticas públicas para a inclusão, especificamente no contexto...
The Federal Network of Professional Education and Technology has a centenary history to be told. Created in 1909 it was conceived as a public policy toward the socalled deprived classes and, nowadays, it is known as an important structure in the Brazilian professional education. According to data from IBGE's 2000 Census, 14.5% of Brazilians have some type of disability, representing nearly 26 million ones. At the moment people with disabilities may be considered as excluded, for the most part, from the educational, professional and productive processes. The Action TECNEP - Education, Technology and Professionalization y for Students with Special Educational Needs, a program of MEC / SETEC as part of building an inclusive public policy in education, is proposed to contribute to ensuring the rights of people with disabilities in a capitalist and underemployment context. Similarly to any citizen, disabled person has the right to free public education guaranteed by law. In the midst of the struggles and achievements of the historical society by civil, political and social history of attending people with disabilities led to the paradigm of inclusion - inclusion here understood as also a right. This paper analyzes the public policies of education, social rights and access democratization to school, from a point of view since the implementation of the Action Network TECNEP Federal Technological Education, by checking the effective participation of people with disabilities in such a process and the real conditions offered by the State for the success of the proposed actions. The data were collected from the participants in TECNEP Action Network and it was concluded that, in spite of the existence of public policies for inclusion, specifically in the context of action of TECNEP, there is a scarcity of conditions offered by... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

L'OMS (Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanita'), gia' dal 1948, definiva la salute come qualcosa di piu' della sola assenza di malattia: uno stato di completo benessere fisico, mentale e sociale. Inizio' ad emergere, quindi, una chiave di lettura innovativa del concetto di salute, che e' stata successivamente adottata dal modello biopsicosociale. Attraverso questo nuovo approccio, la disabilita' viene intesa, infatti, come la conseguenza o il risultato di una complessa relazione tra la condizione di salute di un individuo, i fattori personali e quelli ambientali che rappresentano la realta' in cui egli vive. Ne consegue che ogni individuo, date le proprie condizioni di salute, puo' trovarsi in un ambiente sfavorevole che limita o restringe le proprie capacita'funzionali e di partecipazione sociale. L'ICF(International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health), correlando la condizione di salute con l'ambiente, promuove un metodo di classificazione della salute, delle capacita' e delle limitazioni nello svolgimento delle diverse attivita', che permette di individuare gli ostacoli da rimuovere o gli interventi da effettuare affinche' l'individuo possa realizzare il proprio progetto di vita. La ricerca e' stata attuata nell'ambito delle attivita' del CInAP-Centro per l'Integrazione Attiva e Partecipata dell'Universita' degli Studi di Catania. Lo studio e' nato dall'esigenza di verificare l'idoneita dell'utilizzo di tale modello per l'attribuzione e l'attivazione dei servizi offerti agli studenti universitari con disabilita'. Un'esigenza, questa, sorta dalla necessita' di rispondere, attraverso politiche mirate, alla responsabilita' di fornire a tali studenti pari opportunita' di studio.
Since 1948, the World Health Organization has defined the concept of health as something more than the mere absence of illness, i.e. a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being. From that moment on, an innovatory key to the reading of health concept began to dominate and has been successfully adopted as biopsychosocial model. Thanks to this approach, the disability is regarded, as a matter of fact, as the consequence or the result of a complex relation given by the health of an individual, his/her personal and environmental factors, which represent the real context where the individual self lives. It follows that every individual, according to his/her own state of health, may be in an unfavourable environment, which limits as well as reduce his/her own functional and social participation skills. The International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health that correlates the state of health with the environment, promotes a methodology of classification concerning health, skills, and limitations during the progress of different activities made by human beings. This helps detect those obstacles whose removal is necessary, or those interventions to be made so that the individual may fulfil his/her own "life project". This piece of research has been carried out as part of the activities promoted by CInAP (Centro per l'Integrazione Attiva e Partecipata dell'Universita' degli Studi di Catania) a centre of the University of Catania, which aims at giving active and diligent integration to disabled students. The study arose from work reasons to verify the suitability of using such a methodology to offer responsibly our supportive service to university students with disabilities through equal opportunity of study.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-126).
Summary: This thesis explores the relationship between politics, urban governance and tenure security in informal settlements in the city of Calcutta. A secure place of living for the urban poor is critically important both from a human rights perspective, as well as an economic development perspective. Planners concerned with both human rights and economic welfare require an understanding of the policies, strategies, and actions leading to tenure security. In this thesis I demonstrate how tenure security in post-independence Calcutta has functioned along a two-pronged model, where some slums have been legalized due to historical and political reasons, whereas others with equally strong claims to official recognition (as per the legal definition of slums) have been denied their existence and basic rights. Residents of the non-recognized slums have managed, through political contacts and with the help of non-governmental organizations, to ease a measure of services, as well as government-issued documents that testify to their residence in the unrecognized slums. But these measures provide a perception of security that is very precarious. Calcutta is on the threshold of a number of environmental and infrastructure improvement projects, as well as unprecedented private housing and commercial developments. Many of these projects will require the eviction of vast numbers of already impoverished squatters living in unrecognized slums. In this milieu, residents of unrecognized areas face the very urgent and real threat of eviction without any form of rehabilitation, due to their "illegal" status. At this juncture, it is critically important to make a case for their legality and inclusion, based on the West Bengal government's own history of progressive slum regularization, so that "illegal" residents may be adequately and fairly compensated for any relocation, rather than forcibly and brutally removed. In this thesis I make such a case. Further, my analysis highlights the need to consider the role of political parties, their ideology and the competition between them within the discussions on tenure security. Unlike upgrading, environmental improvement and even service provision, urban land reform requires political motivation, without which international policy recommendations, donor guidelines and human rights norms cannot ensure shelter security for the vast majority of the urban poor. Thus, for squatters and their advocates in the nongovernmental sector to be successful in achieving tenure rights, their efforts should be geared towards influencing political motivation. This would require them to work within the framework of electoral politics, either with the government, or with opposition parties to make their demands heard. The mistrust of political opportunism in non-governmental circles and amongst donors, planners and bureaucrats might result in missed opportunities for gaining public support, building effective alliances and using political competition as a means for furthering the cause of the urban poor. Access to land can be a tool for both inclusion and exclusion from urban political and social processes, as is demonstrated by the history of Calcutta's land tenure policies. While the "politics of stealth" through which squatters gradually acquire rights is a commendable survival tactic, the continuing lack of official recognition is a powerful indication that illegal slum dwellers are not considered equal residents of the city, nor entitled to official service provisions. Their continued safety depends on lower-level political connections, some NGO advocacy and administrative inertia. Despite providing perceptions of security, these supports can be withdrawn at any time.
by Shahana Chattaraj.
M.C.P.

The sovereign state as the centre of political power. The Westphalia System. Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment Thought. Twentieth-century International Political Theory. Self-Determination and Non-intervention. From the world of states to the citizens of the world. Inclusion and world arrangement: steps forward and failures. Something goes wrong in the current system of global governance: the democratic deficit. Recent failures in the global governance system: concentrated power and wide-spread suffering. Cosmopolitan Democracy and the question of inclusion and exclusion. The project of Cosmopolitan Democracy: interrelated levels of governance and the world constitution.

L'Unione Europea a partire dal Consiglio europeo di Lisbona (2000) ha posto come obiettivi della sua politica di "diventare l'economia basata sulla conoscenza più competitiva e dinamica del mondo, in grado di realizzare una crescita economica sostenibile con nuovi e migliori posti di lavoro e una maggiore coesione sociale […] al fine di sostenere l'occupazione, le riforme economiche". La ricerca che qui viene presentata è il risultato del progetto europeo ShareIT che ha avuto come finalità la promozione, attraverso una cooperazione interregionale tra i diversi Stati partecipanti, degli obiettivi generali posti nelle linee politiche europee. Sono riportati i risultati e le analisi critiche della ricerca relative al progetto realizzato in particolare nel Comune di Venezia. Le ICT e i social network sono sempre più diffusi in ogni aspetto della vita quotidiana ed è per questo che possono rivelarsi uno strumento efficace e positivo per promuovere l'inclusione sociale delle fasce marginali della popolazione come ad esempio anziani, migranti, donne, disabili. Data l'importanza di queste nuove forme di comunicazione il progetto va ad indagare se la e-inclusion di un determinato gruppo vulnerabile, nel nostro caso quello degli adolescenti migranti neoarrivati e di seconda generazione, sia una via percorribile per produrre una reale inclusione sociale.

This thesis explores ‘social inclusion’ as a political construction of the New Labour government between 1997 and 2007. The process of construction is frequently situated within policy from the Further Education (FE) sector. A critical discourse analysis of government documents, and interviews conducted with key policy makers, exposes the underlying ideologies and politics which were involved in the process of constructing social inclusion. The analysis reveals three dominant constructions of social inclusion that have emerged between 1997 and 2007. Most significant as a result of its recent emergence and pervasive impact, is the analysis of a psychological construction of social inclusion. This model constructs those labelled socially excluded as psychologically vulnerable; perhaps as a result of learning difficulties; a lack of self-esteem or selfconfidence; or low aspirations. FE is presented as bringing about social inclusion through offering young people guidance and support as well as raising the aspirations and self-esteem of students. A social model constructs inclusion as the development of social capital between individuals and communities, primarily through participation in FE. This thesis does not seek to laud the social model as a more positive alternative to educational instrumentalism but instead examines how a focus upon the act of participation allows for FE to become a process of social modification, which results in subject specific content being replaced with participation in any activity. An instrumental model equates social exclusion with unemployment and social inclusion with getting people re-engaged with the labour market. FE comes to be concerned with meeting the needs of the economy and providing unemployed people with the skills for employability they need to enter the workplace. This construction continues to dominate FE discourse and practice. Paradoxically, attempts to enhance employability skills, build social capital or to raise levels of self-esteem primarily through “pre-vocational” learning and training may reinforce social exclusion as those attending FE receive little in the way of high level knowledge or technical skills.

While the transition from a centrally planned command economy to a decentralized marketbased economy has had a negative impact on the party-state's power, there is ample evidence to indicate that it is not withering away. The most telling example in recent memory is the crackdown against Falun Gong. The party-state's efficient handling of the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) outbreaks in 2002/03 and 2003/04 and the one child policy are two more convincing examples. With this in mind, one might expect the party-state to be capable of implementing the shequ jiansbe (community development) policy, a key policy that is fully supported by the entire political apparatus and designed to shore up power at the grassroots level, with relative ease. The research I conducted for this dissertation, which includes 24 months of fieldwork in six urban Chinese centres, provides empirical evidence that this has not been the case in practice. While the shequ jiansbe policy has been successfully implemented in some locations, it has been a resounding failure in others. As such, an interesting paradox exists. It is clear that the party-state continues to rule with remarkable authority; yet, it has not been able to fully implement a policy that acts as a linchpin for its grassroots governance strategy. My research provides new insights into this issue by investigating the extent to which socioeconomic stratification and other variables are responsible for the policy's uneven performance. This is groundbreaking in that there is virtually no systematic research in the Chinese or English language literatures that has investigated how socio-economic stratification is influencing shequ jianshe - a surprising fact considering the saliency of inequality in China today. This dissertation also adopts, and builds on, Kenneth ]owitt's theory of inclusion to extrapolate the wider significance of these findings to the nature and direction of grassroots political change in China.

La population noire colombienne représente le 18% des habitants de ce pays. Cette population est majoritaire dans la région du Pacifique. Cette thèse montre les mécanismes d'intégration du Pacifique à la société nationale et la construction historique de formes de participation et de leaderships politiques noirs que se sont développés dans la région jusqu'à la période contemporaine. Au début des années 1990 s'est produit un "point de rupture" que s'inscrit dans un contexte global qui accorde de l'attention à la question de la diversité ethnique et culturelle et de l'environnement. La Colombie signe en 1991 une Constitution présentée comme celle de la consolidation de la décentralisation, et la reconnaissance de la multiculturalité. Dans ce contexte, les "communautés noires" sont l'un des acteurs qui se construisent en tant que sujet politique différencié et le Pacifique devient territoire biodivers reconnu. Entre continuités et ruptures, le rôle du Pacifique au sein de la nation colombienne et les formes de participation politique des populations noires reflèteraient le caractère historiquement ambigu de leur inclusion dans la société. Ambigui͏̈té causée par une oscillation récurrente entre intégration et exclusion, entre reconnaissance et marginalisation. La violence est le seul aspect par rapport auquel l'intégration du Pacifique et de ses habitants semble peut-être ne plus revêtir le caractère ambigu de leur présence dans la société colombienne. Le Pacifique s'est converti en lieu stratégique du conflit armé que subit la Colombie et les populations noires sont parmi les secteurs de la société les plus affectés par ce fléau
The black population of Colombia represents about 18% of the national total. This population is a majority in the Pacific region of the country. This thesis presents an analysis of the mechanisms of integration of the Pacific region in the national society and of the historical construction of the forms of participation and black political leadership that have developed in the region to the present day. At the beginning of the 1990s, a "point of rupture" occurred within a global context in which questions of multiculturality and environment have achieved new levels of significance. In 1991, a new constitution was adopted in Colombia which was presented as the consolidation of a process of decentralisation and as the recognition of the country's ethnic and cultural diversity. In this context, "black communities" have become one of the social actors which are constituted as distinct political subjects and the Pacific region has become a territory recognised for its biodiversity. In a process of both continuity and rupture, the role played by the Pacific region in the nation and the forms of political participation of black populations both reflect the historically ambiguous character of their inclusion in society. This ambiguity is caused by the oscillation between integration and exclusion, between recognition and marginalisation. Violence appears to be the only way in which the integration of the Pacific and its inhabitants does not now display any such ambiguity. The Pacific region has become a strategic scene for the armed conflict which Colombia is suffering and the black populations of the region are one of the sectors most badly affected by this scourge

This study investigates inclusive educational understandings, practice and provision for children with autism in Palestine, using a qualitative, case study approach and a dimension of action research together with participants from two educational settings. In addition, data about the wider context was obtained through interviews, visits, observations and focus group discussions. Despite the extraordinarily difficult context, education was found to be highly valued and Palestinian educators, parents and decision-makers had achieved impressive progress. The research found that autism is an emerging field of interest with a widespread desire for better understanding. Autism was often perceived in terms of deficits, and the breadth, diversity and abilities within the autistic population were not well understood. Although there was general support for the official policy of inclusive education, autistic children were sometimes stigmatised, isolated and excluded. Notwithstanding many challenges, there were examples of dedicated but insecurely funded non-government provision. However, autism was not generally well understood or reliably identified and there was a lack of opportunity for sharing knowledge and practice. The action research dimension of the study identified features of successfully developing practice within two settings and considered the viability of replicating these more widely with in Palestine. Concluding recommendations call for development of knowledge and practice in Palestine, drawing on, but not dictated by, the international pool of knowledge on inclusive autism practice. The study highlights a need for better identification of autism; for building capacity for contextually-appropriate inclusive educational provision; and for reconceptualising inclusion as a process of enabling participation in education. It proposes that there is a need for collaboration between professionals, parents and people with autism to share knowledge and practice, and suggests that this could be achieved through a Communities of Practice approach. It also proposes that Palestinians have much to contribute to the international discourse on the inclusive education of autistic children.

I rom sono la più grande minoranza d’Europa, essi sono vittima di una serie di discriminazioni – abitative, lavorative, sanitarie ed educative – tra di loro interdipendenti, nonché oggetto di sentimenti razzisti che si declinano in una forma specifica chiamata antiziganismo. L’obiettivo di questo lavoro di ricerca è comprendere quali siano da un lato le tutele previste a livello internazionale, europeo, nazionale e locale attualmente presenti per questa popolazione, dall’altro l’attuazione delle politiche di inclusione; in particolare ci si concentrerà sulla città di Cagliari.

Abstract This research aims at deconstructing the processes of inclusion/exclusion and recognition (formal and informa) of Albanian immigrants as political subjects in two different contexts: Italy (Padua) and the United Kingdom (London). For Italy it represents an overlooked field, while for the United Kingdom it has been approached since early '90 . Indeed several authors recognize how the political subjectivity of immigrants has been an under explored topic for decades in both sides of Atlantic (Bloemraad et al., 2008; Però and Solomos, 2010; Morales and Giugni, 2010). Martiniello (2005) underlines how social scientists have had an influential role in constructing and representing immigrants as ‘apolitical’ by focusing research mainly on other dimensions of social integration such as labor market, education, family reunification, cultural integration, civic participation etc. Moreover the dominant paradigm of approaching the political participation of immigrants so far is the quantitative one which has been widely criticized as leading to positivistic and deterministic readings of social processes (Mollenkopf, 2013). Departing from these premises the study is positioned at a theoretical cross-road that intersects: study of citizenship as status, belongings and political participation (Kymlicka e Norman, 2000; Carens 2000) also shedding light on local and transnational political practices and forms of belongings. A qualitative approach has been chosen, in order to deconstruct processes concerning the three dimensions of citizenship as status, belongings and political participation as it is represented by the mainstream Occidental scientific literature. Seventy five interviews has been conducted. Fifty as biographical live stories (Bichi, 2000, 2002) with first generation Albanians not visibly involved and twenty five semi structural interviews (Della Porta, 2010; Flick, 2011) with people visibly involved in politics or as community leaders. Albanian-origin participants are first-generation immigrants, (Friedman 1997; Van Hear 2014) the overall sample was formed in order to reflect the differences within this same community (Glick Schiller, 2012, Dancynger, 2013) without overlooking that many Albanian immigrants experienced de-skilling and downward social mobility, particularly in the Italian context. Hence particular attention is at ‘social locations (Yuval –Davis, 2006) gained through axes of class, gender and racialisation. The research shed lights on the processes concerning the recognition as political subjects for third country nationals as Albanians, which passes in both countries, through the formal recognition as citizens (citizenship as status). Hence citizenship emerges as the conditio sine qua non in order to access conventional forms of political participation such as passive and active voting. In other words holding the citizenship status emerge as a basic tool to have political voice and representation and for political local and trasnational agency since it assures from the risk of a possible deportation due to the involvement in political activities (Just e Anderson, 2012). Moreover, findings confirm those studies that assume how integration and transnational practices are not a zero sum game (Grillo, 2007; Vertovec, 2009) but on the contrary the more integrated a subject is the more he/she involves in transnational activities in a circular way. Even though the study shows also how not all immigrants are transnational or cosmopolitans (Werbner, 2000) On the other side by unpacking the relations between citizenship-belonging and political participation, this study shows how focusing only on status is not sufficient to explore the multiple dimensions of the politics of belongings (Yuval-Davis, 2006) and the construction of the national political community. Citizenship here emerges also as a control device that reproduces the nation-state borders (Kofman, 2005), underlines who belongs and who do not to the political community, and creates new borders, among who do hold or not the passport , or to a wider extent among long term resident and new comers. In this picture the recognition as full political actors is negotiated in the ‘local micro politics of everyday interactions’ (Vertovec 2007: 1046) hence also through horizontal interactions (Kabber 2005; Neveu 2005). Moreover it shows how all three levels of the politics of belongings and citizenship: local, national and transnational play an important role in improving or obstructing the visibile/non positioning of immigrants as citizens with full political rights. In particular, results show how for this community, in particular the journey from invisibility to visibility (Staeheli, Mitchel e Nagel (2009:633) as political subjects, has meant passing through several ‘gates’ (Joppke, 2010) and has been different in the two study contexts. For Italy it meant being worthy migrants by 'whitening' the label Albanians = ‘criminals’. While for United Kingdom it meant to overcome the representation as 'victims' for having been categorized as political refugees. Both these social representations emerge as decisive in the co-construction of Albanians as pheriferical or invisible political actors. Moreover, we found political integration and voting, in particular, are closely linked to participants’ personal biographies and social positioning in the country of immigration, political socialization and memories of life in the country of origin, and social and cultural capital, which played an important role in dissociating voting preferences from immigrant identity and stigma. Thus, those voting for right-wing parties were more focused on their personal status in the country of residence [vertical political integration], while those opting for the left-wing political orientations were more considerate of their immigrant origin and the collective interests of minorities [circular political integration]. The younger and more highly skilled, in turn, act as ‘political subjects uninfluenced by the immigrant origins [authentic political integration]. The social reality is highly dynamic and we prospect for future decades a more structured local, national and transnational political agency (Barnett, 2013) which might lead to a wider political recognition and representation of double citizens. Quantitative research is needed in particular for the Italian context in order to grasp the changing geographies of the electorate and also of the society, but left alone this studies might tell less about the underneath social process. In our view, future research should further investigate the processes of inclusion/exclusion through integrated approaches quali - quanti in a cross- national and cross-community perspective. Key words: Albanians, Padua, London, political subjectivities, political transnational agency, political resilience, politics of citizenship, politics of belongings, political integration
SINTESI Questa ricerca si pone l’obiettivo di decostruire i processi di inclusione/esclusione e di riconoscimento (formale e informale) degli immigrati albanesi come attori politici in due differenti contesti: Italia (Padova) e Regno Unito (Londra). Riguardo al contesto italiano in particolare si tratta di un argomento sotto considerato mentre nel Regno Unito è stato indirizzato dall’inizio degli anni ’90 del 1900. Infatti diversi autori sottolineano come il tema degli immigrati in quanto soggettività politiche è stato limitatamente esplorato in entrambe le coste dell’Atlantico (Bloemraad et al., 2008; Però and Solomos, 2010; Morales and Giugni, 2010). Martiniello (2005) mantiene che gli scienziati sociali nel focalizzare gli studi riguardo all’integrazione principalmente su altre dimensioni come l’integrazione nel mercato del lavoro, nella formazione, nella scuola, i ricongiungimenti familiari, l’integrazione culturale o la partecipazione civica, abbiano avuto un ruolo influente nel costruire e rappresentare gli immigrati come ‘apolitici’. Inoltre il paradigma dominante nello studio della partecipazione politica degli immigrati è quello quantitativo, il quale è stato ampiamente criticato per portare a una lettura positivistica e determinista dei processi sociali (Mollenkopf, 2013). Partendo da queste premesse, questo studio si pone pertanto a un crocevia teorico tra: lo studio della cittadinanza come status, l’esplorazione delle forme di appartenenza, le pratiche e i legami transnazionali ed anche l’esplorazione delle pratiche di partecipazione politica sia (Kymlicka e Norman, 2000; Carens 2000) mettendo il luce anche le pratiche di partecipazione e appartenenza a livello locale e transnazionale. Per rispondere alle domande di ricerca che mirano a decostruire i processi riguardanti ciascuna delle tre dimensioni della cittadinanza (status, appartenenza, partecipazione politica) per come descritte nel dibattito scientifico mainstream in Occidente, si è preferito un approccio qualitativo. Sono state condotte settantacinque interviste. Cinquanta come narrazioni biografiche (Bichi, 2000, 2002) con albanesi non visibilmente impegnati e venticinque interviste semi strutturate (Della Porta, 2010; Flick, 2011) visibilmente impegnati in politica e come leader di comunità. Tutti gli albanesi sono primo migranti (Friedman 1997; Van Hear 2014) e il target gruppo è stato composto cercando di riflettere le differenziazioni interne alla comunità (Glick Schiller, 2012, Dancyner, 2013) senza sottovalutare che in particolare per il contesto italiano molti albanesi abbiano vissuto processi di ‘de-skilling’ o di discesa rispetto allo mobilità sociale. Particolare attenzione è stata dedicata alle ‘social locations’ (Yuval –Davis, 2006) lungo le linee di classe, genere e i processi di racialisation nei due contesti. La ricerca mete in luce i processi di riconoscimento come attori politici per i cittadini di paesi terzi, come gli albanesi, i quali implicano in primo luogo il riconoscimento formale come cittadini (cittadinanza come status). Quindi la cittadinanza emerge come il sine qua non per avere accesso alla partecipazione politica convenzionale (in particolare il voto attivo e passivo). In altri termini avere la cittadinanza risulta essere uno strumento basilare per avere voice e rappresentanza politica ed anche per impegnarsi in forme di agency politica locale o transnazionale, in quanto assicura da deportazioni o ritorsioni (Just e Anderson, 2012) Inoltre i risultati confermano quei posizionamenti teorici che sottolineano come la relazione tra integrazione e pratiche transazionali non é un gioco a somma zero (Grillo, 2007; Vertovec, 2010) ma al contrario più un soggetto è integrato più si impegna in pratiche transnazionali in un moto circolare. Allo stesso modo lo studio conferma come non tutti i migranti siano transnazionali o cosmopoliti allo stesso modo (Werbner, 2000). Dall’altro lato scomporre la relazione cittadinanza – appartenenza e partecipazione politica focalizzandosi solo sullo status non è sufficiente per comprendere le molteplici dimensioni della ‘politics of belongings’ (Yuval-Davis, 2006) e della costruzione della comunità politica. La cittadinanza qui emerge infatti anche come un dispositivo di controllo, che riproduce i confini della nazione (Kofman, 2005), che sottolinea chi appartiene e chi no, e ne ripropone dei nuovi, intracomunitari questa volta tra chi possiede il passaporto e chi non, ad ampio spettro anche lungo residenti e ‘nuovi arrivati’. In questo quadro il riconoscimento come soggettività politiche viene negoziato ‘nella micro politica delle interazioni quotidiane’ Vertovec, 2007:1046), quindi anche nelle interazioni orizzontali e quotidiane (Kabber 2005; Neveu 2005). La ricerca dimostra come tutti e tre i livelli locale, Paese, transnazionale della politics of belonging e di cittadinanza hanno un ruolo importante nel vincolare o sostenere il posizionamento visibile/non dei migranti come cittadini con pieni diritti politici. In particolare, i risultati mettono in luce come il viaggio dall’invisibilità alla visibilità (Staeheli, Mitchel e Nagel (2009:633) come attori politici, in entrambi i contesti, abbia passare per molteplici ‘gate’ (Joppke, 2010) e sia stato diverso nei due contesi. Se per il contesto italiano ha significato rendersi meritevoli, attraverso un processo di ‘sbiancamento’ dello stigma: albanesi=criminali. Per il Regno Unito si tratta di ricostituirsi attori politici uscendo e superando la categoria della ‘vittima’ in quanto rifugiati politici. Entrambe queste rappresentazioni sociali emergono come decisive nell’ aver contribuito alla co-costruzione di un posizionamento periferico o di non visibilità degli albanesi come attori politici. Inoltre abbiamo visto come in entrambi i contesti le traiettorie dell’inclusione come attori politici e il voto, in particolare, sono strettamente connessi anche alle biografie personali dei partecipanti, al loro posizionamento sociale, alle memorie della socializzazione politica nel paese di origine al capitale socio-culturale. Elemento quest’ultimo che per i più giovani in particolare giocano un ruolo decisivo nell’elaborare delle preferenze di voto dissociate dalla propria identità anche di migrante e dallo stigma. Cosi tre traiettorie tipo sono state individuate circa i percorsi di integrazione politica nei due contesti -studio, coloro che votano per il centro destra, sembrano più attenti al loro status socio-economico nel paese di residenza [integrazione politica verticale], chi opta per il centro-sinistra porta argomentazioni che mettono in connessione con la propria esperienza di immigrato/a e con altre comunità di immigrati [integrazione politica circolare], i giovani altamente qualificati sembrano elaborare le proprie preferenze di voto senza tenere in considerazione l’esperienza dell’emigrazione [autentica affiliazione politica]. La realtà è molto dinamica per cui si prospetta che la comunità in entrambi i contesti presto metterà in campo delle pratiche di partecipazione più visibili e più strutturate sia localmente che transnazionalmente (Barnett, 2013). Ricerche quantitative sono necessarie, in particolare per il contesto italiano, per comprendere le geografie mobili della società e dell’elettorato, ma da sole esse presentano diversi limiti tra qui quello di dirci poco dei processi sociali sotterranei. Per le ricerche future in questa direzione sarebbe auspicabile un approccio integrato quali – quanti con una prospettiva ‘cross – national’ e ‘cross – community’. Parole chiave: Albanesi, Londra, Padova, inclusione, soggettività politiche, agency politica transnazionale, resilienza politica, politiche di cittadinanza, politiche di appartenenza, integrazione politica

This dissertation discusses the ways and the extent to which transmedia storytelling and transmedia participation can benefit the peacebuilding processes in post-genocide societies. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Kigali, Rwanda during a period of three months between February and May in 2019, this dissertation aims to shed light on the digital practices of young Rwandans. The research included both online and offline ethnography with secondary school students aged between 13 and 19 who participated in transmedia storytelling workshops where they interacted with nonfiction transmedia projects about the genocides in Rwanda, Guatemala, and Cambodia, and created content about topics they found interesting in relation to post-genocide reconciliation and peacebuilding in these societies. Focus group discussions and interviews were also used as methods to gain a deeper understanding of these teenagers’ online activities and approaches to digital technologies. The results show that although young people acquire diverse transmedia skills, their digital inclusion and transmedia participation for peacebuilding are affected by the socio-economic and political context in post-genocide Rwanda.
Aquesta tesis analitza les formes i el grau en que la narrativa transmèdia i la participació transmèdia poden beneficiar els processos de construcció de pau a les societats post-genocidi. A partir de la investigació etnogràfica realitzada a Kigali, Ruanda, durant un període de tres mesos entre febrer i maig del 2019, aquesta tesis té com a objectiu aportar llum sobre les pràctiques digitals dels joves ruandesos. La investigació va incloure etnografia virtual i presencial amb estudiants d’educació secundària d’entre 13 i 19 anys que van participar en tallers de narrativa transmèdia, on van interactuar amb projectes transmèdia de no ficció sobre els genocidis a Ruanda, Guatemala i Cambodja, i van crear contingut sobre temes que van trobar interessants en relació a la reconciliació post-genocidi i a la construcció de la pau en aquestes societats. També es van utilitzar entrevistes i grups de discussió com a mètode que permeten aprofundir en la comprensió de les activitats i els enfocaments en línia d’aquestes adolescents sobre les tecnologies digitals. Els resultats mostren que, malgrat que els joves adquireixen diverses habilitats transmèdia, la seva inclusió digital i la seva participació transmèdia per a la construcció de pau es veuen afectades pel context socioeconòmic i polític de la Ruanda post-genocidi.
Esta tesis analiza las formas y el grado en que la narrativa transmedia y la participación transmedia pueden favorecer los procesos de construcción de la paz en una sociedad post-genocidio. Basándose en una investigación etnográfica realizada en Kigali, Ruanda, durante un período de tres meses entre febrero y mayo de 2019, esta tesis tiene como objetivo arrojar luz sobre las prácticas digitales de los jóvenes ruandeses. La investigación incluyó etnografía virtual y presencial con estudiantes de secundaria de entre 13 y 19 años, los cuales participaron en talleres narrativos donde interactuaron con proyectos transmedia de no ficción sobre los genocidios en Ruanda, Guatemala y Camboya; asimismo, crearon contenidos sobre temas relacionados con la reconciliación y la construcción de la paz después del genocidio en dichas sociedades. Las discusiones en grupos focales y las entrevistas también se utilizaron como método para alcanzar una comprensión profunda de las actividades en línea de estos adolescentes y su forma de abordar las tecnologías digitales. Los resultados muestran que, aunque los jóvenes adquieren diversas habilidades transmedia, su inclusión digital y su participación transmedia para la construcción de paz se ven afectadas por el contexto socioeconómico y político en la Ruanda posterior al genocidio.

From war-wounded soldiers' stories of heroic sacrifice, to disability rights activists' calls to action, practices of disability defy definition. The current World Health Organization definition of disability centres on the lack of ability; but there is more to disability than that. While activists have tried to move our understandings of disability away from bodies into the social realm, I would suggest that disability is better understood as a convergence between the body and the socio-political cum religious discourses which inform 'normal' bodily presentation. Therefore this thesis examines the intersection between a plurality of disability discourses and the ways that persons with disabilities engage or disengage themselves from these discourses according to their religious and political inclinations. My research is based on two years of fieldwork in Lebanon where I conducted unstructured interviews and engaged in participant observation with individuals and groups working with disability. I worked with disability rights activists, and residents at "rehabilitation" hospitals, as well as people outside any type of group or organization who did not always define themselves as 'disabled'. Situated at the cross-roads of the Middle East and Europe, Lebanon's Muslim, secular and Christian communities identify with decidedly different ideologies. Twenty years after the civil war, many of these communities remain antagonistic. Disability in Lebanon serves as an alternative lens through which to view these competing ideologies, therefore exposing the tension between traditional versus cosmopolitan concepts of the body and individual, the fissures between different communities, and also between these communities and the state. By tracing personal narratives of disability I show how disabled men and woman actively engage with discourses of disability. I found that disabled people discarded negative beliefs about bodily deviation, and utilized more enabling discourses in order to craft themselves as good and "functioning" citizens of the state. The struggle between different disability groups showed that they are fighting for more than a place for disabled people in society, but also sought to claim the image of the nation itself. Those disability groups which were oriented toward Lebanon's structure of sectarian governance were more successful than those based on alternative structures of plurality and self-asserted non-sectarianism. By placing these competing narratives of disability within a historical frame my research bridges ethnographic analyses of the body with the social and political discourses, which imbue these bodies with meaning. Further, by examining the ways in which Lebanon's different communities negotiate their relative positions within the current "disabled" state, my research adds to an understanding of how not only people, but communities re-imagine, re-create and re-enable the nation.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências da Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Florianópolis, 2010
Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-25T02:42:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 286527.pdf: 7532581 bytes, checksum: f283545ef67e938b00e0537916f74fbb (MD5)
A presente pesquisa objetivou compreender as políticas de educação especial voltadas à educação infantil no Brasil. O período de estudo delimitou-se à primeira década dos anos 2000, quando se percebe vasta documentação introduzida nos meios educacionais, com o intuito de direcionar a política de educação especial, em sua perspectiva inclusiva, na educação básica. Para delimitação do objeto de pesquisa, foram debatidos alguns pontos de tensão, que constituem a educação infantil e a educação especial. O acesso, a diversificação das instituições de educação infantil e a ausência de consenso pedagógico na área foram apresentados neste estudo como questões candentes no campo da educação infantil. No campo das políticas voltadas para a educação especial brasileira, tratou-se do debate por meio da documentação nacional, que institui as diretrizes para esta modalidade de educação básica, particularmente aquelas que integram a coleção Educação Infantil: saberes e práticas da inclusão. O processo de investigação constituiu-se de análise documental de fontes nacionais e internacionais, com base na análise de discurso proposta por Fairclough (2001) e Orlandi (2009). A análise desta pesquisa partiu do pressuposto, segundo o qual as reformas sofridas pelo Estado brasileiro, nestas últimas décadas, a política educacional indicada aos países em desenvolvimento, por organismos internacionais, e as concepções e proposições amplamente difundidas por órgãos oficiais estão imbricadas no processo de constituição da EI inclusiva em nosso país. Compreendeu-se que os termos criança, aluno, deficiência, educação infantil, inclusão e educação inclusiva foram conceitos-chave na divulgação da política de educação especial para a educação infantil numa perspectiva inclusiva. O presente estudo possibilitou caracterizar a proposição política para a educação infantil brasileira na perspectiva inclusiva, mediante a identificação e apreensão dos conceitos que embasam o discurso político e a proposta de estruturação dos serviços de educação especial na creche e pré-escola da rede regular de ensino. A pesquisa revelou que a proposição política para a educação infantil inclusiva se materializa na subordinação dos saberes às práticas e da disponibilização dos serviços tradicionais da Educação especial na creche e pré-escola, às quais é imputado o lugar de convívio harmonioso da diversidade.

Banco do Nordeste do Brasil
The objective of this survey is to evaluate the drawing of a productive and controlled micro credit program from Banco do Nordeste do Brasil, Crediamigo Program, showing how a developing public bank implements a generation of yields with some micro credit politics. That attends to the society yearning and to the mission of the bank itself of develop the region and at the same time pays the invested capitals making possible the sustainability of public politics. To the theme development it was reached the origin of the microcredit in Brazil, through a historical and economical context of the country that culminates in a helpful situation to the genesis of Crediamigo Program. Besides, there is a development presentation in the financial institution âNordeste Bankâ, with national and international partnersâ support. At the end, there are related the results of the research that shows âBNBâ as a financial institution with a capable vocation of developing the region through the concession of a productive credit, that implementing its micro credit politics, banned several paradigms, so far had as absolute truths. It has being presented also the conclusion about the social reaching of CrediamigoProgram and its sustainability as productive and controlled micro credit politics
O objetivo deste trabalho à avaliar o desenho do programa de microcrÃdito produtivo e orientado do Banco do Nordeste, o Programa Crediamigo, mostrando como um banco pÃblico de desenvolvimento implementou uma polÃtica de microcrÃdito para geraÃÃo de renda que atende os anseios da sociedade e a prÃpria missÃo do Banco em desenvolver a regiÃo e que ao mesmo tempo remunera os capitais investidos, possibilitando a sustentabilidade da polÃtica pÃblica. Para o desenvolvimento do tema foi resgatada a origem do microcrÃdito no Brasil atravÃs da contextualizaÃÃo histÃrica e econÃmica do paÃs, que culminou em uma conjuntura favorÃvel à gÃnese do Programa Crediamigo, alÃm disso, apresenta-se o seu desenvolvimento na instituiÃÃo financeira Banco do Nordeste, com apoio de parceiros nacionais e internacionais. Ao final, sÃo relatados os resultados da pesquisa a qual mostra o BNB como uma instituiÃÃo financeira com comprovada vocaÃÃo para desenvolver a regiÃo atravÃs da concessÃo de crÃdito produtivo, que ao implementar sua polÃtica de microcrÃdito quebrou vÃrios paradigmas atà entÃo tidos como verdades absolutas. Apresentamos tambÃm as conclusÃes sobre o alcance social do Programa Crediamigo e sua sustentabilidade como polÃtica de microcrÃdito produtivo orientado

L’ambition des politiques sociales actuelles est de réduire les inégalités dans l’accès aux droits : renforcer l'accès à une pleine citoyenneté aux personnes handicapées et tendre vers une société inclusive. Reflet d’un changement de paradigme, le terme « inclusion » succède à celui d’« intégration». Autrement dit, ce n’est plus à l’individu « différent » de s’adapter à un système dit « normal », mais à la société de faire en sorte d'inclure toute personne quelles que soient ses particularités : la solidarité est l’affaire de tous. À La Réunion, les politiques inclusives s’inscrivent dans un contexte sociologique particulier. L’île présente des particularismes dus à une histoire coloniale récente, suivie d’un développement socioéconomique accéléré depuis la départementalisation en 1946. Ce DROM – Département Région Outre-Mer – présente les atouts d’une société industrielle mais n’en reste pas moins dépourvue de ressources propres. Un métissage de la population, une multiplicité, une mixité de pratiques culturelles et cultuelles sur ce petit territoire viennent rappeler la singularité des Réunionnais. La lecture du handicap et son traitement social en sont fortement imprégnés. Cette société qui a développé un mode de fonctionnement particulier, a fabriqué des espaces inclusifs qui ne correspondent pas toujours aux exigences et codes de la société française métropolitaine. Ces espaces viennent se poser parfois en dualité avec l’école, ce qui place les enfants handicapés mentaux sur la liminalité, sorte de sas entre les deux sphères, familiale et scolaire, mais dans lequel certains élèves stagnent. Les dispositifs actuels en faveur de l’inclusion amènent les acteurs impliqués, familles et professionnels, enseignants et travailleurs sociaux, à œuvrer pour une meilleure inclusion
Social policies nowadays aim at reducing inequalities in access to rights: reinforce access to full citizenship for people with disabilities and build an inclusive society. The concept of "inclusion" is gradually substituting that of "integration", following the change of paradigm. In other words, it is no longer up to the person with “special needs” to adapt himself to a so-called "normal" system. It’s up to society to ensure that everybody is included, regardless of his particularities. Solidarity is everyone's responsibility. The sociological context of Reunion Island is quite particular: it has known a colonial history before its accession to the statute of French department in 1946, which has accelerated its socio-economic development. This Overseas Department presents the advantages of an industrial society, without any natural resources. The various cultural and religious practices in such a small territory due to the melding of populations make the people of Reunion island singular. Their representation of handicap and its social treatment are strongly influenced. This society has developed spheres of inclusion with particular codes that are quite different from those of the French metropolitan society. Therefore, these particular codes are sometimes different from those practiced in school. And children with mental disabilities live in a sort of airlock between the family and school spheres, where some students stagnate, in the liminality. Nowadays all stakeholders, families, teachers and social workers, try to rely on new schemes to achieve a better inclusion for these children

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:39:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiano Pedroso.pdf: 455772 bytes, checksum: 6bc8cf8d8ce7ef6d61c795ff0c293a61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-20
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This was an attempt to figure out the current model of inclusive education and its specialized educational services as support for people with special educational needs (SEN) in the city of Barueri, SP. Based on local legislation and documents produced by the Secretary for Education and by the Secretary for the Rights of Disabled People, the functioning of specialized support offered in the regular educational system as well as the current demands of students with SEN attending inclusive education in that city were known, described and analyzed. Data analysis we adopted the mixed model, with analysis inductive qualitative approach, although data were collected and arranged in a deductive quantitative dimension. Results have made possible the observation of advances in the education of people with SEN, with visible increase of resources and number of attended people, but signalizing some incompatibilities between practice and law. Further investigations are necessary for a better comprehension of the school quotidian and the services supporting the special education in the model of the inclusive education, including the necessity of more effective practices optimizing the academic spaces in regard to the basic aspects providing social healthy friendship between special students and their peers and academic success in terms of formal contents.
Na presente pesquisa, objetivou-se retratar o atual modelo da educação inclusiva e de seus serviços educacionais de apoio especializado para pessoas com necessidades educacionais especiais (NEE) do município de Barueri, SP. Visou-se conhecer, descrever e analisar, pela via da legislação municipal e dos documentos produzidos pela Secretaria de Educação e pela Secretaria dos Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência (SDPD), o funcionamento dos serviços de apoio especializado na rede regular de ensino, assim como a demanda atual de alunados com NEE atendidos no referido município na proposta de educação especial, modelo educação inclusiva. Para tanto, foi adotado o modelo misto, com análise qualitativa indutiva dos dados que, todavia, foram levantados e tratados na dimensão quantitativa dedutiva. Como resultados, foi possível observar avanços no caminhar da educação das pessoas com NEE no município, com aumento visível de recursos e de atendidos, mas com algumas incongruências entre a práxis observada e a legislação vigente. Novos estudos são necessários para melhor compreensão do cotidiano escolar e dos serviços de apoio à educação especial, no modelo da educação inclusiva, destacando-se a necessidade de práticas mais efetivas para a otimização do espaço acadêmico nos aspectos de base que propiciam a convivência cidadã do alunado com seus pares e o sucesso acadêmico frente aos conteúdos formais.