Journal articles on the topic 'Politically correct terms'

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1

Chamizo Domínguez, Pedro Jesus, and Ursula Reutner. "La corrección política y el control ideológico-cognitivo de la realidad." ODISEA. Revista de estudios ingleses, no. 18 (April 26, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/odisea.v0i18.1896.

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Resumen Aunque el término corrección política es relativamente reciente, el asunto de la propia corrección política parece estar extendido en todas las culturas y en todas las épocas. No obstante, la consideración de qué sea lo políticamente correcto varía en función de las diferentes época, a otra, culturas (o lenguas) y de cómo nos enfrentamos cognitivamente a la realidad. Y esto ocurre por cuanto que cada grupo social intenta imponer al resto de los grupos sociales sus propios criterios sobre qué términos son políticamente correctos –y por tanto deben ser usados para expresar las propias creencias ideológicas– y qué términos son políticamente incorrectos –y por tanto deben ser censurados en la medida en que parecen atentar contra las propias creencias ideológicas. Y ello a pesar del famoso adagio latino “Verba non mutant substantiam rei”. Palabras clave: corrección política, control ideológico, cambios semánticos. Abstract In spite of the fact that the term political correctness is relatively recent, the matter of political correctness itself seems to be widespread all over the cultures and all over the epochs. However, the consideration of what is politically correct differs according to the different epochs, cultures (or languages) and according to how we cognitively face up to reality. And this happens inasmuch as every social group tries to impose the rest of social groups its own criteria about what terms are politically correct – and consequently have to be used in order to show their own ideological beliefs – and what terms are politically incorrect – and consequently have to be censored to the extent that they seem to infringe upon their own ideological beliefs. And this despite the well-known Latin adage: “Verba non mutant substantiam rei”. Key words: political correctness, ideological control, semantic changes.
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Серафин, Анастасія, and Наталія Гриців. "POLITICALLY CORRECT VOCABULARY IN MODERN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE MEDIA TEXT AND WAYS OF RENDERING IT INTO UKRAINIAN." Молодий вчений, no. 1 (101) (January 31, 2022): 186–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32839/2304-5809/2022-1-101-39.

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The article aims to provide a basic framework for rendering politically correct vocabulary from English into Ukrainian in the context of media discourse. The difference regarding gender is that it is politically correct to avoid gendered words in English, while in Ukrainian, the opposite is true. Both English and Ukrainian now tend to use more respectful terms for the older population; words used to describe the LGBT+ community in Ukrainian are often borrowed from English through transcoding. The same applies to the vocabulary used to reduce discriminatory practices based on ethnicity or race. In terms of inclusive language, both the “people-first” and the “identity-first” approaches are acceptable in English, while only the former is in Ukrainian. The findings point out that while the politically correct vocabulary shares some similarities in the two languages, it also has differences that are to be examined in further research.
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Melnikova, Kseniya, and Alla Guslyakova. "Linguistic features of a politically correct English language discourse." SHS Web of Conferences 88 (2020): 01034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208801034.

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The problem of the research is the insufficient study of political correctness (PC) in the intercultural and linguistic aspects, as well as the urgent need to establish its status in the modern integrated culture. The relevance of the study is due to there is no unified approach to the analysis of the concept of PC in the political sphere. There is a special ideological cultural and behavioural linguistic tolerant tendency on the contrary to expressions subjected to public ostracism because the speeches of public figures contain too many politically incorrect statements. Thus, the “listener” may have an internal protest against the use of PC vocabulary in everyday life, although its use is forced upon society by all types of media. The study is touch upon the analysis of the vast corpus of statements by US President D. Trump on Twitter, as well as other open Internet sources. The problem of studying PC was dealt with as Russian scientists, such as A.B. Ostroukh, M. Yu. Palazhchenko, Yu.L. Gumanova, S.G. Ter Minasova, L.V. Tsurikova and others, as well as their foreign colleagues: Paul Berman, Deborah Cameron and others. The research aims to attempt to describe the PC category in terms of cultural, behavioural and linguistic perspectives. By the tasks set for the study, the following methods were used: descriptive method, methods of distributive, component, quantitative and comparative analysis. The results could be used in educational and methodological activities as well as preparation of materials on cultural linguistics, lexicology, linguistic stylistics submissions, etc. The further research course plans to establish the relationship between the occasional euphemistic vocabulary.
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Melnikova, Kseniya, Alla Guslyakova, and Lucio Giuliodori. "Linguistic analysis in politically correct discourse (on the English language media content)." SHS Web of Conferences 88 (2020): 01012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208801012.

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The problem of the research is the insufficient study of political correctness (PC) in the intercultural and linguistic aspects, as well as the urgent need to establish its status in the modern integrated culture. The relevance of the study is due to there is no unified approach to the analysis of the concept of PC in the political sphere. There is a special ideological cultural and behavioral linguistic tolerant tendency in the contrary to expressions subjected to public ostracism due to the fact that the speeches of public figures contain too many politically incorrect statements. Thus, the “listener” may have an internal protest against the use of PC vocabulary in everyday life, although its use is forced upon society by all types of media. The study is touch upon the analysis of the vast corpus of statements by US President D. Trump on Twitter, as well as other open Internet sources. The problem of studying PC was dealt with as Russian scientists, such as A.B. Ostroukh, M. Yu. Palazhchenko, Yu.L. Gumanova, S.G. - Ter Minasova, L.V. Tsurikova and others, as well as their foreign colleagues: Paul Berman, Deborah Cameron and others. The aim of research is to attempt to describe the PC category in terms of cultural, behavioral and linguistic perspectives. In accordance with the tasks set for the study the following methods were used: descriptive method, methods of distributive, component, quantitative and comparative analysis. The results could be used in educational and methodological activities as well as preparation of materials on cultural linguistics, lexicology, linguistic stylistics submissions, etc. The further research course plans to establish the relationship between the occasional euphemistic vocabulary.
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5

Brooker, Dawn. "What is person-centred care in dementia?" Reviews in Clinical Gerontology 13, no. 3 (August 2003): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095925980400108x.

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The term person-centred care has become all-pervasive on the UK dementia care scene. It has been suggested that it has become synonymous with good quality care. It seems that any new approach in dementia care has to claim to be pc (person-centred) in order to be P.C. (politically correct). The term is used frequently in the aims and objectives for dementia care services and provision in the UK and the US, although what lies behind the rhetoric in terms of practice may be questionable.
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PEARSON, SUE. "'SEN - a politically correct phrase to replace terms such as disabled?' A study of the views of students entering a secondary PGCE course." Support for Learning 20, no. 1 (February 2005): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0268-2141.2005.00355.x.

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7

Poyraz, Suzan. "The Charge of Thought-Policing in Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 36, no. 1 (June 30, 2006): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v36i1.183526.

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A phrase used for internal criticism within leftist movements in the 70s and 80s, “politically correct,” has now become equivalent to thought policing in the minds of many professional academicians. Taking University of Toronto as an example, this essay questions whether the thought policing (as enforcement of political correctness) accusation is justified, and if so, in what forms such enforcement could take place, and whether any of those are defensible. Three possible forms of enforcement are identified as curricular occupation, language control, and conflict of rights; among these, the last is the most severe. In terms of rights, the issue of political correctness is usually framed as a conflict between expression rights and equality rights. In a university, restriction of expression rights is not justified. However, expression rights need not be characterized as conflicting with equality rights if both those charged with policing and those who charge them genuinely respect each others’ expression rights.
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Weiss, Allen S. "Authenticity." Gastronomica 11, no. 4 (2011): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2012.11.4.74.

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“Authenticity” is a term all too often misused and abused in the popular press, and thoroughly distorted and maligned in the academic milieu. This leads to the peculiar situation that one of the most common terms in both gastronomic writing and the popular culinary imagination has been almost completely excised from academic discourse by an overzealous ideology critique. This conceptual blind spot arose because the topic suggests a valorization of origins, hierarchies, and certitudes, all anathema to postmodern critique. I wish to propose a reconsideration of the term that saves its descriptive and theoretical values from both a naive, unreflective, often reactionary popular usage and from a stultifying politically correct automatism on the part of many scholars.
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Harvie, Timothy. "A Politics of Connected Flesh: Public Theology, Ecology, and Merleau-Ponty." International Journal of Public Theology 13, no. 4 (December 9, 2019): 494–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341592.

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AbstractAfter critically reviewing the ongoing development of various publics in public theology, this article attempts to develop an additional public in nonanthropocentric terms in order to ground adequately public theology’s approach to the current climate crisis. Seeking a path between an account of Earth as a commons, with its emphasis on similarity and the diffractive method’s emphasis on the separateness of biodiverse lives, it argues that Merleau-Ponty’s articulation of the flesh of the world provides material for a politically engaged public theology. In emphasizing the separateness of embodied selves in the perceptual fields of embodied flesh, it develops an account of the ecosphere as an ontologically grounding public to correct the limitations of various ‘publics’ as human-centered institutions. In doing so, the transcendence of Earth’s embodied inhabitants is emphasized that conceives of public in terms of the connective tissues of more-than-human bodies.
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COX, GORDON, and STEPHANIE PITTS. "Editorial." British Journal of Music Education 23, no. 3 (November 2006): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051706007145.

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Several of the articles in this issue encourage us to re-think taken for granted attitudes and practice, to jolt us out of complacency. Take ‘creativity’ for example. The word tends to get bandied around as a catch-all, so that it loses touch with any specific meaning. Jere Humphreys, in his Point for Debate, ‘Toward a reconstruction of ‘creativity’ in music education’ takes the long view, and ranges from Socrates, Plato and Aristotle to postmodernist ideologies. The basic tension (dualism) he identifies as being between realist and idealist positions, which leads him to conclude that creativity needs to be understood as a social construct. But there are no quick-fixes: to comprehend its significance requires us to consider psychological, cultural, and political/social and economic factors. Likewise,words such as ‘tradition’, ‘authenticity’ and ‘context’ tend to have politically correct connotations in connection with world music. But Huib Schippers, in his paper maintains that almost all music is transmitted out of context, and that the formal education system is a major exercise in recontextualisation. Music educators have to come to terms with what he calls the ‘global flow’.
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Jurgielewicz-Delegacz, Emilia. "The Notion of Disability in Selected Documents of International Organisations." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 58, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2019-0018.

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Abstract The paper focuses on the notion of disability in the documents of selected international organisations. The social model approach to disability has been implemented since the second half of the 20th century and consequently such terms as ‘invalid’, ‘madman’, ‘dumb’, ‘cripple’, ‘paralytic’, ‘the lame’ or ‘the blind’ were removed from the literature, legal acts, or documents of international organisations. Notions like ‘disability’, ‘disabled person’, or ‘a person with disability’ are considered ‘politically correct’ now. It is worth highlighting however that great emphasis is put to replace the term ‘a disabled person’ with the term ‘a person with a disability or disabilities” as the latter notion does not refer to the person’s characteristics with one adjective only, hence it does not stigmatize him/her either. The trend is reflected in the terminology used in the documents and acts introduced at the international level. Nevertheless, there are still a lot of difficulties with translation into other languages, which is also the Polish case.
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12

Leontovich, Olga A. "The dynamics of political correctness, inclusive language and freedom of speech." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 194–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-1-194-220.

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The study aims to research the historical dynamics of the notions political correctness, inclusive language and freedom of speech, as well as to reveal the mechanisms and new tendencies of their realization in public discourse. The sources of practical material are represented by: a) 126 journal and Internet articles; b) 12 speeches of famous US and British politicians, scholars and celebrities reflecting the notions under study. The leading methods include critical discourse analysis, definition and contextual analyses. The research indicates that during its long and contradictory history, the term political correctness had both positive and negative connotations. When the negative attitude started to prevail, it was replaced by the notions inclusion and inclusive language based on similar mechanisms: ban on the use of offensive terms denoting different aspects of peoples identity; avoidance of stereotypes and false semantic associations; abundant use of euphemisms, etc. The paper reveals the new trends in the English language (non-binary expression of gender; changes in the conceptualization of race, age and disability) and social practices meeting the requirements of inclusive communication. Whereas political correctness and inclusive language aim to protect vulnerable social groups and improve the social climate, they produce certain undesirable tendencies: breach between social groups caused by inefficient communication; reverse racism; complex relationship of political correctness with science, literature and education; its speculative use; and restrictions on freedom of speech. The study also sheds light on the problems of politically correct intercultural communication caused by the non-stop language change, differences in social norms, values, grammatical structures, semantics, and cultural associations.
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Wayne, Michael L. "Depicting the racist past in a "postracial" age." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 13 (July 20, 2017): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.13.06.

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This article examines the ways in which depictions of race and racism in some prime-time historical dramas promote contemporary postracial ideologies. Focusing on the portrayals of overt racism and interracial relationships in Hell on Wheels (2011–2016) and The Knick (2014–2015), the author argues that the use of morally ambiguous white, male protagonists in contexts associated with morally unambiguous racism allows these shows to acknowledge the centrality of racism in American history while simultaneously presenting racism in interpersonal rather than systemic terms. This representational strategy differs from the politically correct depictions of race and racism in historical dramas like Mad Men (2007–2015). As such, Hell on Wheels and The Knick reflect the paradox of postracial popular culture whereby depictions of racial animus and violence support viewers’ desires to forget about both race and racism. In contrast, the racial caste system in Deadwood (2004–2006) presents white supremacy and American history as inseparable. This article concludes by discussing some of the connections between these representational strategies and the shifting economic landscape of the post-network-era television.
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Beresnev, Vladimir D., and Natalya I. Beresneva. "«IMMORTAL REGIMENT»: SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT AND PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTION." Вестник Пермского университета. Философия. Психология. Социология, no. 1 (2019): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2078-7898/2019-1-67-74.

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The reason for writing the article was the discussion in the regional and federal media about the «Immortal Regiment» movement. The article deals with the socio-cultural and philosophical foundations of the event. Scientifically, it is a ritual, and its content can be considered in terms of the theory of collective memory. According to the authors, as an action based on the synthesis of individual and collective memory of the participants, the movement appears to be a practical embodiment of N. Fedorov’s «philosophy of the common cause». If we extrapolate the trends considered in the article to several decades ahead, we can predict the transformation of the event into an unofficially celebrated day of all those killed in wars and disasters not only in Russia and the former Soviet Union but also in other foreign countries. We can expect an increase in the variety of interpretations of the «Immortal Regiment» movement and, as a result, emergence of various conflicts on this ground. In this regard, philosophy, cultural studies and other humanities are facing a practical task of developing a concept of the holiday that would be politically correct and resistant to multicultural influence.
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Castellanos Llanos, Gabriela. "¿«Lenguajes incluyentes», o lenguajes «políticamente correctos»?: cómo construir equidad en el discurso." La Manzana de la Discordia 4, no. 2 (March 16, 2016): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v4i2.1452.

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Resumen: Este trabajo examina el debate sobre ellenguaje incluyente o «políticamente correcto», paraluego ahondar en la problemática desde una nuevaperspectiva. Se contemplan los diversos argumentos quese presentan y las controversias que se han suscitado,planteando qué puede argüirse razonablemente a favorde una y otra posición, sin perder nunca de vista la metade contribuir a la equidad discursiva, y de lograr elreconocimiento para grupos que padecen subordinaciónsocio-cultural por razones de género, raza, etnia uorientación sexual.. Para comenzar, se establecenalgunas distinciones importantes entre los términos quese emplean para hablar de estos fenómenos, incluyendola diferencia entre eufemismo, hipocresía e inclusión.Posteriormente se distingue entre los tipos de perjuiciosocasionados por el lenguaje excluyente: insulto,inferiorización e invisibilización, así como el androcentrismo,la subordinación y el control mediante ellenguaje. Finalmente, se ofrecen recomendaciones paraevitar la discriminación y la falta de reconocimiento ypara construir equidad de manera creativa y positivamediante el discurso.Palabras clave: discurso, lenguaje incluyente yexcluyente, reconocimiento, género.Abstract: This paper examines the debate on inclusiveor politically correct language, in order to delve intothe problem from a new perspective. The differentarguments and controversies and their pros and consare contemplated, without losing sight of the goal ofcontributing to discursive fairness and achievingrecognition for groups that are socially and culturallysubordinated because of gender, race, ethnicity andsexual orientation. Important distinctions areestablished between such terms as euphemism, hypocrisyand inclusion. The types of damages occasioned byexcluding language are differentiated: insult, inferiorizationand invisibilization, as well as androcentrism,subordination and control by means of language. Finally,recommendations are offered in order to avoiddiscrimination and non-recognition and to build fairnessin discourse in a creative and positive manner.Key words: discourse, inclusive and excludinglanguage, recognition, gender.
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Zeromskyte, Ruta, and Wolfgang Wagner. "When a majority becomes a minority: Essentialist intergroup stereotyping in an inverted power differential." Culture & Psychology 23, no. 1 (September 29, 2016): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x16650810.

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This study is on the relationship between a dominant nominal Lithuanian majority and a Polish minority in regions with either a straight dominance of the majority or with a high proportion of minority members, who outnumber the national majority. Compared to ‘normal’ regions, the latter situation creates an inverted power differential that we expect to have an impact on how the two groups essentialize their own and the other group’s ethnic identity, how they stereotype the out-group and how they cope with the perceived change in power balance by more or less disparaging the others. We analysed the discourse in eight focus group discussions with members of both groups comprising a total of 66 participants. As expected, the nominal minority exhibited a tendency to self-essentialize more than the majority in general. Members of the Lithuanian majority that was locally outnumbered by the minority also self-essentialized but to a lesser degree and additionally used marked arguments of in-group favouritism at the Poles’ expense in their discourse. Members of the unambiguous majority were the most ‘politically correct’ participants by conspicuously favouring a non-generalising and anti-essentialist conversation. The findings are discussed in terms of inter-group relations and implications for politics.
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McCormack, Gerard. "Breaking Up Is Hard to Do – What Brexit Means for UK Insolvency and Restructuring Law." European Company and Financial Law Review 18, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 338–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ecfr-2021-0018.

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Abstract This paper asks whether the UK can maintain its insolvency and restructuring pre-eminence post Brexit i. e. after Britain’s departure from the European Union (EU). In the past 20 years or so, the UK is said to have become the insolvency and restructuring capital of Europe or in less politically correct terms, the bankruptcy brothel of Europe. In part, this is because of the European Insolvency Regulation which provides for automatic recognition of insolvency proceedings opened in a EU Member State in the other EU Member States. Such proceedings may make provision for the discharge of debts and the restructuring of financial obligations.The specific insolvency law regime is part of a more general European Private International Law framework. With Brexit, the UK has now left this framework without any negotiated replacement agreement, a so-called ‘skinny’ Brexit. The loss of the ability to deal with insolvencies and corporate restructurings through a single process, with automatic recognition across the EU, may make it more complex, lengthy and expensive to resolve cross-border cases. It gives rise to the prospect of parallel proceedings in different jurisdictions. The paper also addresses how any disadvantages associated with the ‘skinny’ Brexit may be alleviated.
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Tejerina, Guido. "Contemporary Trends in Spanish Language and Social Changes in the Spanish-habitat Society." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 1037–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2019-10-4-1037-1047.

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Language is the first social science that man possesses. Languages change, usually very slowly, sometimes very quickly. There are many reasons why a language can change. An obvious reason is the connection between language and social consciousness. Then, the author is dedicated to the investigation of changes in the Spanish language that reflect those of society. The relevance of the subject is even more evident if we remember the speed with which social relations are changing in our time, new technologies are born, new media appear. The language accepted, adopted and sheltered new definitions of activities that are direct daughters of modern communication technologies. Its power of sociabilization and viralization impacted the anatomy of a language that lives in constant transformation. Language is a living entity, it grows, it transforms, adopts new terms. If it were not, we would continue speaking in Latin. To achieve the objective of identifying the connection between language changes and those of society, the author uses the following methods. On the one hand, he observes the changes in the meaning of words imposed by politicians to achieve a kind of nebula that we call politically correct. On the other hand, he comments on the new words that appear in the language thanks to technological development, through social networks and youth jargon. The last part is about language discrimination. To identify and describe the changes in language, the author analyzes from the linguistic point of view the speeches of modern political figures, newspaper texts and publications in social networks. As a result, the author clearly shows the connection of modern trends in the Spanish language with changes in society.
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Harbisher, Ben. "Unthinking Extremism: Britain's Fusion Intelligence Complex and the Radicalizing Narratives that Legitimize Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 13, no. 3/4 (October 26, 2015): 474–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v13i3/4.5436.

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The aim of this paper is to examine how Britain's Public Authorities and private investors alike have come to define common activists as terrorists, using a range of security methods that have gained surprising ground during the past decade. In short, newfound terms such as "extremism" have been popularised to condemn the activities of groups such as al Qaeda and ISIS (Islamic State), but at the same time have been applied to campaigners for the 'far less politically correct deterrence of dissenting public discourse' (Leman-Langlois, 2009). This paper therefore argues that with the application of terms such as "extremists" to Britain's campaigners, these signifiers have notably radicalized protest groups - not by virtue of their actions per se[1], but by way of the very deliberate repositioning of activists within national security and counter-terrorism frameworks. Nevertheless, it should be recognised that while such narratives are being disseminated at both a national and regional level in the UK, they also form part of a wider Strategic Dialogue, which occurs throughout the West[2]. Indeed the ultimately aim of such practices is to criminalize all forms of extremism (including public acts of direct action), for their capacity to incite civil unrest. Fundamentally speaking, while significant work has been undertaken by leading academics from Europe, Canada, and the USA, relatively little is known about Britain's fusion intelligence centres, in which case the following paper aims to make a valuable contribution to this emerging trend in the policing of domestic affairs, by highlighting the operational protocols and legitimizing narratives that are in use today.[1] Though the strategic dissemination of this dialogue, forms part of an overall campaign to reduce popular sympathy for demonstrators.[2] See the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), regarding the international mobilization of counter-terrorism/ extremism narratives.
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Kurian, Anna. "The problem with Aaron: stereotypes in a postcolonial classroom." English Teaching: Practice & Critique 14, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/etpc-12-2014-0006.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to focus on a particular problem that arose in the course of teaching Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus to an MA English class in India. The insistence that Aaron could only be “read” in terms of already available stereotypes created a conflict with the nuanced depiction of Aaron within the text, leading to this essay. Design/methodology/approach – The paper narrativizes the events and process by which the classes arrived at their interpretations regarding Aaron, the Moor in Titus Andronicus, and shows how contextual and textual evidence is overlooked in favour of other frames in reading a text. Findings – It was seen that theoretical frames, in this case colonial and postcolonial, offer a certain ease of interpretation, irrespective of the text: key features within the text are often glossed over in the desire to posit a reading that is politically correct. Fidelity to the text and ethical considerations can be ignored in favour of easy readings, with frames that are already available to students being superimposed on the text. Originality/value – While theoretical schools and framing devices offer additional modes of interpretation, they can also be used in a reductive manner, without attention to textual detail or social context. This essay will help teachers of English to think about the necessity of teaching students that a theoretical frame cannot be the only tool that determines a text’s interpretation.
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Jędrzejko, Paweł. "Translocality/Methodology. The Americas, or Experiencing the World." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10013.

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The Americas offer a peculiar stage for translocal methodologies. If we agree that the products of Chinese American culture—which, in the course of the last 170 years of interaction, has evolved into a unique, American, phenomenon—can not be labeled as “Made in China,” then contemporary Chinese medicine in the Americas cannot legitimately be perceived solely as an ‘import.’ Beyond doubt, phenomena such as the emergence of the American College of Traditional Chinese Medicine at the California Institute of Integral Studies testify to the fact that the once ‘exotic’ forms of therapy are now being granted a status parallel to those developed throughout the history of Western medicine. Increasingly, as translocal, they are becoming recognized as non-foreign elements of the glocal culture. Similarly, the exploration of the physical world, which, to an experienced dancer of Bharatanatyam, Odissi, or any other of the dominant forms of the classical Indian dance is an obvious function of his or her own experience of the ‘body-in-the-world,’ has, translocally, opened up an altogether new space of profound understanding of ourselves in our environment. It is not about the fashionable, politically correct, ‘openness to other cultures’; it is about the opening up to a parallel meditative experience of the “bodymind,” which neither excludes nor isolates the sphere of emotions from the reality of what-is-being-experienced. Or, to express it in terms more easily comprehensible to a Western reader, dance may prove to be a methodology (not just a method) serving the purpose of a more profound understanding of the complexity and unity of the universe, and a language to express this understanding. Making the most of available traditions might produce much greater benefits than remaining locked within just one, Western, Anglonormative, library of concepts. In the context of the ongoing debate on transnational American Studies, the article offers an insight into how the worldwide studies of the Americas and translocality intersect, and how such a perspective may contribute to the multifaceted process of the decolonization, understood both literally and intellectually.
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Jędrzejko, Paweł. "Translocality/Methodology. The Americas, or Experiencing the World." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10013.

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The Americas offer a peculiar stage for translocal methodologies. If we agree that the products of Chinese American culture—which, in the course of the last 170 years of interaction, has evolved into a unique, American, phenomenon—can not be labeled as “Made in China,” then contemporary Chinese medicine in the Americas cannot legitimately be perceived solely as an ‘import.’ Beyond doubt, phenomena such as the emergence of the American College of Traditional Chinese Medicine at the California Institute of Integral Studies testify to the fact that the once ‘exotic’ forms of therapy are now being granted a status parallel to those developed throughout the history of Western medicine. Increasingly, as translocal, they are becoming recognized as non-foreign elements of the glocal culture. Similarly, the exploration of the physical world, which, to an experienced dancer of Bharatanatyam, Odissi, or any other of the dominant forms of the classical Indian dance is an obvious function of his or her own experience of the ‘body-in-the-world,’ has, translocally, opened up an altogether new space of profound understanding of ourselves in our environment. It is not about the fashionable, politically correct, ‘openness to other cultures’; it is about the opening up to a parallel meditative experience of the “bodymind,” which neither excludes nor isolates the sphere of emotions from the reality of what-is-being-experienced. Or, to express it in terms more easily comprehensible to a Western reader, dance may prove to be a methodology (not just a method) serving the purpose of a more profound understanding of the complexity and unity of the universe, and a language to express this understanding. Making the most of available traditions might produce much greater benefits than remaining locked within just one, Western, Anglonormative, library of concepts. In the context of the ongoing debate on transnational American Studies, the article offers an insight into how the worldwide studies of the Americas and translocality intersect, and how such a perspective may contribute to the multifaceted process of the decolonization, understood both literally and intellectually.
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Lau, Richard R., and David P. Redlawsk. "Voting Correctly." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 585–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952076.

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The average voter falls far short of the prescriptions of classic democratic theory in terms of interest, knowledge, and participation in politics. We suggest a more realistic standard: Citizens fulfill their democratic duties if, most of the time, they vote “correctly.” Relying on an operationalization of correct voting based on fully informed interests, we present experimental data showing that, most of the time, people do indeed manage to vote correctly. We also show that voters' determinations of their correct vote choices can be predicted reasonably well with widely available survey data. We illustrate how this measure can be used to determine the proportion of the electorate voting correctly, which we calculate at about 75% for the five American presidential elections between 1972 and 1988. With a standard for correct vote decisions, political science can turn to exploring the factors that make it more likely that people will vote correctly.
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Марцева, Т. А., Ю. В. Кобенко, О. В. Солодовникова, and Е. С. Рябова. "EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL CORRECTNESS PHENOMENON IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (ON MATERIAL OF PARALYMPIC VOCABULARY)." НАУЧНЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ЛИНГВИСТИЧЕСКИЕ И МЕТОДИКО-ДИДАКТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, no. 4(48) (December 22, 2020): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/vstu.2020.65.47.001.

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Постановка задачи. В работе рассматривается историческая трансформация представлений о политкорректности в англоязычной культуре, являющейся в настоящее время доминирующей «глобальной» культурой. В отечественной лингвистике существует ряд синонимичных терминов для номинации данного явления: коммуникативная корректность, языковая толерантность, языковой такт. Результаты. Отношение к политкорректности значительно эволюционировало с момента ее зарождения в англоязычной среде в 1980е гг. Изначально явление рассматривали в качестве способа обеспечения взаимоуважения и терпимости в международном поликультурном и мультилингвальном пространстве. В начале XXI в. отмечается ироничное восприятие политкорректности, вызванное гиперкорректностью, желанием завуалировать все неоднозначные проявления действительности. Тем не менее политкорректное отношение необходимо для таких социальных категорий индивидов, как люди с ограниченными возможностями. Выбор паралимпийского дискурса в качестве источника материала по политкорректности обусловлен статусом английского языка, выступающего единственным официальным языком паралимпийского движения. Международный паралимпийский комитет - управляющий орган паралимпийского движения и посредник между спортсменами с инвалидностью и общественностью - также выполняет функцию субъекта языковой политики. Данная организация стала инициатором лингвистических экспериментов по поиску подходящих номинаций для спортсменов-участников данных соревнований. Выводы. Динамика номинаций спортсменов с инвалидностью демонстрирует эволюцию от лексем с негативной коннотацией, распространенных до 1960 гг., чрезмерно осторожных номинаций, употребляемых в 1980е - 2000е гг., до откровенных и эксплицитных лексических единиц, используемых в настоящее время. Паралимпийский дискурс представляется питательной средой для генерации и апробации таких номинаций, откуда они позже распространяются на людей с инвалидностью в целом. Изменения интралингвистического характера повлияли на трансформацию в мировоззренческих установках и отношении к людям с ограниченными возможностями. Таким образом, через лингвистические новшества осуществляется пропагандистская деятельность паралимпийского комитета, вызывающая в конечном итоге изменения экстралингвистического порядка. Formulation of the problem. The article looks into the changes in attitudes to political correctness in English linguistic culture, presently considered the dominant “global” culture. Russian linguistics offers a range of synonymous terms to nominate this phenomenon: communicative correctness, language tolerance, language ethics, etc. Results. The attitude to political correctness has evolved significantly since its appearance in English-speaking environment in the 1980s. It was initially viewed as the means of providing and securing tolerance and respect in the international multicultural and multilingual community. The turn of the 21 century showed ironic perception of political correctness caused by hypercorrectness and desire to conceal the controversial facts of the real life. However, tolerant attitude is crucial for such social categories as people with disabilities. The decision to analyze the Paralympic discourse in search for the examples of politically correct nominations is caused by the status of English language - the only official language of the Paralympic movement. International Paralympic Committee - the managing structure of the Paralympics and the intermediary between para-athletes and society also performs the function of the agent of language policy. This organization initiated linguistic experiments to search the appropriate nominations of para-sportspeople. Conclusion. The range of nominations demonstrates evolution from the lexemes with negative connotations, widely used up to the 1960s, extremely cautious nominations, spread in English throughout 1980s - 2000s to explicit lexical units used nowadays. Paralympic discourse has become the medium that stimulates emergence and practical evaluation of such nominations. It is also the platform for their further spread to be used as the nominations of all people with disabilities. Intralinguistic changes have influenced the mentality of English-speakers and their attitude to people with disabilities. This is an example of the propaganda performed by the International Paralympic Committee, which leads to the extralinguistic changes.
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25

Sandford, Stella. "Contradiction of Terms: Feminist Theory, Philosophy and Transdisciplinarity." Theory, Culture & Society 32, no. 5-6 (July 28, 2015): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276415594238.

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This article addresses the question of the relation between disciplines and transdisciplinary practices and concepts through a discussion of the relationship between philosophy and the emblematically transdisciplinary practice of feminist theory, via a discussion of interdisciplinarity and related terms in gender studies. It argues that the tendency of philosophy to reject feminist theory, as alien to it as a discipline, is in a sense correct, to the extent that the two defining features of feminist theory – its constitutive tie to a political agenda for social change and the transdisciplinary character of many of its central concepts – are indeed at odds with, and pose a threat to, the traditional insularity of the discipline of philosophy. If feminist philosophy incorporates feminist theory, its transdisciplinary aspects thus open it up to an unavoidable contradiction. Nonetheless, I will argue, this is a contradiction that can and must be endured and made productive.
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Kolb, Miranda R., and Lyn M. van Swol. "Manipulating a synchronous or separatist group orientation to improve performance on a hidden profile task." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 1 (May 19, 2016): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216647188.

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Effective use of available information is a problem that plagues group decision-making tasks. Groups heavily favor shared information, or information that is known to all group members, which can lead to incorrect decisions and selection of inferior alternatives. However, groups may be less prone to overlooking unshared information if they are focused to value uniqueness and novel input from group members. The present research demonstrates that groups that value uniqueness, or a separatist orientation, correctly solved a hidden profile task more often than groups with a synchronous orientation, or groups that value similarity. Separatist groups repeated more unshared information than synchronous overall. Separatists also repeated more shared information than synchronous groups. Further, groups with a correct minority member also repeated more unshared information than groups with either a majority correct or no correct members. Results are discussed in terms of group focus and biases that affect the discussion of information.
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Grannis, Rick. "4. Paths and Semipaths: Reconceptualizing Structural Cohesion in Terms of Directed Relations." Sociological Methodology 39, no. 1 (August 2009): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9531.2009.01213.x.

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In a groundbreaking article, Moody and White (2003) introduced the concept of structural cohesion, simultaneously characterizing emergent communities and their internally embedded layers by the number of node-independent paths interconnecting individuals. Like many studies, however, they “corrected” the directionality discovered in some of their data. While often done for important purposes, doing so potentially confounds structural cohesion with unrelated concepts. Some relations, especially those relating to the dynamic aspects of social life, are inherently directed, in whole or in part, and it may prove worthwhile to respect this directionality. In this article, I recast structural cohesion in terms of directed social relations and identify four distinct ways of measuring it. In two example data sets—hiring relations among graduate programs and trust relations among neighborhood residents—I show that only strong embeddedness, a type of structural cohesion emerging from directed relations, proves to be a powerful, robust, independent explanatory factor. I further show that if the directionality in the data in these examples had been “corrected,” the importance of structural cohesion would have been dramatically undervalued.
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Morrison, Alexandra. "Rescuing politics from liberalism." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 5 (December 18, 2017): 528–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453717730875.

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Both Judith Butler and Chantal Mouffe challenge liberal conceptions of politics based on their ontological descriptions of the political. Mouffe argues that the failure of liberalism to grasp the agonistic character of political life means that properly political conflicts get translated into moral terms. Mouffe thinks that the way to correct our “post-political” problems (like alt-right movements) is to avoid translating political conflicts into a moral register. I challenge Mouffe’s separation of ethics and politics by invoking Butler’s more nuanced account of the ethical sphere. I demonstrate that Mouffe does not consider that there are different orders of moral claims (for example, the claims that others have on us to treat them with justice and dignity, claims that at least implicitly demand not to be weighed in terms of economic or political utility); nor does Mouffe consider that there are different orders of affect, some of which cannot be simply opposed to rationality.
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FOSSEN, THOMAS. "Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 824–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000273.

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There are at least two politically salient senses of “representation”—acting-for-others and portraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (x represents y), while portrayals are triadic (x represents y as z). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward’s claims-based approach on three points, introducing the “characterization” to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the “referent” in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can be both prior to representation and constituted by it, and to recover Pitkin’s idea that representatives ought to be “responsive” to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.
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Edie, Carlene J. "Retrospective in Commemoration of Carl Stone: Jamaican Pioneer of Political Culture." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 2 (1997): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166513.

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The late Professor Carl Stone was perhaps best known in the academic community as a political behavioralist who pioneered the systematic study of voting behavior in Jamaica, using the Michigan model of opinion research. In the Caribbean, he was famous for his "hitting the nail on the head" election predictions, correctly predicting, in terms of the victorious party, the outcome of all national elections held in Jamaica between 1976 and 1993 and, in several instances, in terms of constituency seats and percentage of votes received.
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31

Connelly, James. "Patrolling the Boundaries of Politics: Collingwood, Political Analysis and Political Action." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 7, no. 1 (February 2005): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00167.x.

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Debates over whether a certain thing is (or ought to be) construed as ‘political’ are frequent and frequently interminable. This article argues that approaches to the proper understanding, scope and application of political concepts should recognise that they are both normative and contestable and also that, because they are employed by both theorist and theorised, they can never be sharply defined. It is argued that many debates achieve no theoretical closure because the terms of discussion are confined by a certain understanding of concepts as empirical and classificatory. This article examines these issues by using the work of R.G. Collingwood to suggest that conceptual overlap is inevitable and also that the theoretical analysis of politics should distinguish between the empirical and the theoretical phase of the concept. Philosophically, politics is not a separate sphere of activity but a dimension of all activity, and the correct way to understand politics is to understand it as activity, not as substance. For certain empirical purposes we categorise some things as political and others as non-political, but in doing so we should be careful whether we are doing so philosophically, historically or through stipulative definition. This article does not seek to cover all ramifications of the debate or its later literature, but to suggest that Collingwood's approach has something to contribute to the analysis of political concepts.
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Liao, Zhipeng. "ADAPTIVE GMM SHRINKAGE ESTIMATION WITH CONSISTENT MOMENT SELECTION." Econometric Theory 29, no. 5 (February 25, 2013): 857–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266466612000783.

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This paper proposes a generalized method of moments (GMM) shrinkage method to efficiently estimate the unknown parameters θo identified by some moment restrictions, when there is another set of possibly misspecified moment conditions. We show that our method enjoys oracle-like properties; i.e., it consistently selects the correct moment conditions in the second set and at the same time, its estimator is as efficient as the GMM estimator based on all correct moment conditions. For empirical implementation, we provide a simple data-driven procedure for selecting the tuning parameters of the penalty function. We also establish oracle properties of the GMM shrinkage method in the practically important scenario where the moment conditions in the first set fail to strongly identify θo. The simulation results show that the method works well in terms of correct moment selection and the finite sample properties of its estimators. As an empirical illustration, we apply our method to estimate the life-cycle labor supply equation studied in MaCurdy (1981, Journal of Political Economy 89(6), 1059–1085) and Altonji (1986, Journal of Political Economy 94(3), 176–215). Our empirical findings support the validity of the instrumental variables used in both papers and confirm that wage is an endogenous variable in the labor supply equation.
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33

Nielsen, Carsten Fogh. "Kant and the Practical Man." Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 50, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300-05001008.

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The Appendix to Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace is commonly viewed as an explication of the systematic relations between political practice and normative political theory. This paper provides an alternative interpretation of Kant’s main aim in the Appendix which is to provide an argument against the so-called “practical man.” The practical man believes that human nature precludes normative political ideals from ever playing a significant role within political practice. Drawing on the 1793 text “On the common saying: That may be correct in theory, but is of no use in practice,” the paper argues that Kant’s argument against the practical man is based on a proto-phenomenological analysis of moral experience. The practical man’s attempt to describe political practice in purely non-normative terms is, Kant believes, necessarily self-undermining because it denies one of the most basic aspects of human life; the inherent and inescapable normativity of practical reason.
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Krężołek, Dominik. "Selected GARCH‑type Models in the Metals Market – Backtesting of Value‑at‑Risk." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica 5, no. 331 (January 19, 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6018.331.12.

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Risk analysis in the financial market requires the correct evaluation of volatility in terms of both prices and asset returns. Disturbances in quality of information, the economic and political situation and investment speculations cause incredible difficulties in accurate forecasting. From the investor’s point of view, the key issue is to minimise the risk of huge losses. This article presents the results of using some selected GARCH‑type models, ARMA‑GARCH and ARMA‑APARCH, in evaluating volatility of asset returns in the metals market. To assess the level of risk, the Value‑at‑Risk measure is used. The comparison between real and estimated losses (in terms of VaR) is made using the backtesting procedure.
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Simmons, A. John. "CONSENT THEORY FOR LIBERTARIANS." Social Philosophy and Policy 22, no. 1 (January 2005): 330–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041130.

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This paper argues that libertarian political philosophers, including Robert Nozick, have erred in neglecting the problem of political obligation and that they ought to embrace an actual consent theory of political obligation and state legitimacy. It argues as well that if they followed this recommendation, their position on the subject would be correct. I identify the tension in libertarian (and especially Nozick's) thought between its minimalist and its consensualist strains and argue that, on libertarianism's own terms, the consensualist strain ought to prevail. I then describe the form of the consent theory that I recommend to libertarians. The paper concludes with an extended defense of this form of consent theory against contemporary liberal-egalitarian criticisms of it (both explicit and implicit), including those of Dworkin, Rawls, and their followers.
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Turovska, Liudmyla. "Terminographical problems of social and political dictionary compiling." Terminological Bulletin, no. 5 (2019): 341–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37919/2221-8807-2019-5-47.

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The paper raises the question of the normative representation of socio-political terms in modern explanatory dictionaries, the elaboration of a correct definition that would reflect the key characteristics of the latest lexemes. Among the special features of socio-political nomination we can emphasize the following: high instability, if to compare with other groups of vocabulary; specifics of communicative influence; names emergence before the establishment of the phenomena itself; desemantization of frequently used words and phrases. Among the most important principles of dictionary compiling we point out: 1) the team of compilers formation (specialists in the field of knowledge to be covered by dictionary, who is responsible for selecting terms for the dictionary, and for the professional correctness and objectivity of the definitions; a linguist-terminologist who recommends which term to use by agreeing it with a definition and terms of other languages; Ukrainian philologist, who edits terms and their definition according to the norms of modern Ukrainian language; a programmer who provides the implementation of the project at a computer level that makes it possible substantially to improve the work of the group); 2) the creation of a dictionary database (the use of all available branch dictionaries (translated, interpretative, encyclopaedic); the use of scientific literature and periodicals (for example, there are many terms in the periodicity that have already been distributed but have not yet found their place in dictionaries), direct work with informants – specialists of the relevant branch, who will complement the existing bank with the frequently used terms, or with the terms difficult to translate into Ukrainian, the latest in the branch, do not have a unique interpretation among specialists etc.; 3) working out definitions; 4) choosing appropriate Ukrainian term or translating into Ukrainian. The analysis of the latest lexical material in comparison with the data of the earlier dictionaries makes it possible to talk about changes in the meaning of a number of words and phrases (including Sovietisms), about the emergence or actualization of political meanings in words from outside of the political sphere, about the complication of systemic links between the words of one nest, the blurring of the semantics of some units. The absolute unification of definition is impossible because of certain restrictions, such as: 1. the semantics of some words is not limited to the certain standard interpretation, it requires the introduction of a new generic concept into the definition; 2. the word with political semantics should organically fit into the vocabulary system, which includes the vocabulary of other thematic groups. In a language, a term may belong to several different fields of knowledge or have several meanings, only one of which belongs to the group under consideration. The standard definition can only be used unchanged if it is potentially can be used in different thematic groups and covers the semantics of a word that goes beyond the scope of politics, or if the political and non-political meanings can be clearly deduced in the dictionary article. It can be argued that the problem of unifying definitions at the level of the main part of the term-fund remains open in terminology, despite the fact that possible solutions to this problem have been repeatedly violated in the scientific literature. In addition, the study and practical application of extra-intronging factors of creation and use of certain terms helps to unify the terminology system itself.
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37

Bazzicalupo, Laura. "The real of fake news." Soft Power 6, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14718/softpower.2019.6.2.9.

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Fake news generated nowadays broad debates. The spread of fake news intertwines with the phenomenon of populism and the crisis of democracy. Indeed, the cornerstone of democracy, the freedom of public opinion, is the assumption that authenticity of facts is not altered. The separation of opinions from facts as the basis of democratic participation in political scene is the emblematic position of Hannah Arendt. But If it is acceptable that fake news must be countered by correct realism, we must be aware of the mutual implication of both terms at stake: subjects and reality. What is the real of fake news?
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Malay, Vera. "SOVIET DIPLOMACY IN SPAIN: FROM THE PROCLAMATION OF THE SECOND REPUBLIC TO THE POPULAR FRONT." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-91-107.

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Based on the analysis of published and archival materials of the WUAs of the Russian Federation (7 funds) and Western European foreign poli-cy documents, the article traces the activities of Soviet diplomacy in Spain during the Civil War of 1936-1939. The tactics of the Soviet en-voy, Consul General in Barcelona, temporary attorneys, their interac-tion with Spanish politicians, military, contradictions between Soviet representatives in Madrid and Barcelona are analyzed. The activity of professional diplomats Rosenberg M., Gaikis L., Antonov-Ovseenko V. in Spain was not always correct and tolerant in political and diplo-matic terms.
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Hutin, Anatoly F., and Marina V. Bryantseva. "Nazism, fascism, nationalism: analytical approach to conceptual historical categories in the study of humanitarian discipline." Problems of Modern Education (Problemy Sovremennogo Obrazovaniya), no. 2, 2020 (2020): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2218-8711-2020-2-66-76.

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The article discusses some theoretical aspects of the social policy of the state, conceptual categories from the perspective of teaching humanitarian historical disciplines at the university, shows the negativity of Nazism, fascism and nationalism as unacceptable socio-political phenomena for the development of a civilized society, social structure, which is relevant not only in a cognitive sense, from the point of view of the analytics of the problem, which is extremely important, but necessary in order to form a historical and genetic memory of the people, a correct assessment of the events of the historical past and present, analysis and forecasting of the near future in terms of preventing social and political conflicts in society, as well as with the aim of increasing the general level of training of highly qualified personnel in the direction “Pedagogical Education”.
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40

Yoran, Aharon. "Forty Years of Corporation Law." Israel Law Review 24, no. 3-4 (1990): 726–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700010189.

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The principal thesis expressed by Professor Procaccia is that when establishing rules, their economic and political significance should be considered. Accordingly, the agency problem would be solved by developing a collective enforcement mechanism (the derivative action), and by creating rules that would enable the market for corporate control to function. Under his system, it is unimportant which specific rules of liability are set by the legislature since, in any case, the market mechanism will correct the rules. It is pointless, therefore, to “waste energy” on laying down primary principles of liability.The author has made a valuable contribution in presenting new approaches and their consequences: the previous school, the economic analysis of law, and the new school, critical legal studies. However, when he applies the implications of analysis in terms of these new concepts to corporation law in Israel, Prof. Procaccia fails to examine the question of the relevance and applicability of the models. The economic analysis of law model becomes irrelevant when the market fails. In such a case, the market mechanism does not work to correct the primary rules.
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Lee, Paula Young. "The Social Architect and the Myopic Mason: The Spatial Politics of the Muséum d'Histoire naturelle in Nineteenth-Century Paris." Science in Context 20, no. 4 (November 9, 2007): 601–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889707001469.

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ArgumentDuring the first half of the nineteenth century, the Muséum d'Histoire naturelle was both workplace and home to functionalist Georges Cuvier and morphologist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, whose doctrinal differences became enmeshed with political dialogues regarding social reform. Surprisingly, the public not only viewed the arrangement of the collections in terms of the social platforms they were understood to be supporting, but critiqued the Muséum's buildings as expressions of their anatomical dispute. The Revolutions of 1830 and 1848 pushed these critiques forward, suggesting to some observers that true reform of the natural sciences would begin by reforming the Muséum's architectural program, thereby placing the goals of Comparative Anatomy in correct relationship to human progress.
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Carlson, Erik, and Jens Johansson. "Bontly on Harm and the Non-Identity Problem." Utilitas 31, no. 4 (July 22, 2019): 477–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820819000220.

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AbstractThe ‘non-identity problem’ raises a well-known challenge to the person-affecting view, according to which an action can be wrong only if it affects someone for the worse. In a recent article, however, Thomas D. Bontly proposes a novel way to solve the non-identity problem in person-affecting terms. Bontly's argument is based on a contrastive causal account of harm. In this response, we argue that Bontly's argument fails even assuming that the contrastive causal account is correct.
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BRANDA, Alina. "Disciplinary Challenges in Folklore Studies in Romania after 1945. Two Case Studies from the Cluj Folklore Archive (Arhiva de Folclor din Cluj)." Territorial Identity and Development 6, no. 2 (September 11, 2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.23740/tid220213.

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"The main goal of this paper is to adequately understand the shifts produced after 1945 in Folklore Studies (Ethnology) in terms of research topics, methodologies, approaches, and scientific policies, in connection with the new political and ideological context. In particular it aims at discussing how, why and to what extent the Cluj Folklore Archive could be defined as a cultural institution playing an important role at the regional level whilst contributing to a correct socio- cultural understanding of Transylvania in relation to the other Romanian provinces. Content analysis will be the main methodology used, whereas the intricate connections and relationships among archives, memory, and territorial and cultural identities shown in the sources will support the process of understanding, deepening, and widening the researched topic."
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44

Lee, Mi-Kyoung. "What Aristotle Learned from Plato about Justice and Laws." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 3 (September 9, 2021): 535–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340349.

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Abstract In this paper I consider Aristotle’s solutions to two questions about justice and the laws: why think that obeying the law is just? And why think that doing what is just will promote one’s happiness? I analyze Aristotle’s solutions to these two problems in terms of four claims concerning the laws that come from Plato and underwrite Aristotle’s optimism about the potential for politikê epistêmê to issue in laws which are objectively correct.
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45

Crivelli, Pramila, and Luca Rubini. "‘Flying High in a Plane’ Appellate Body Report, European Communities and Certain Member States – Measures Affecting Trade in Large Civil Aircraft." World Trade Review 19, no. 2 (April 2020): 316–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745620000063.

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AbstractThis article reviews the Appellate Body decision in the implementation phase of the EC–Aircraft dispute. Focusing on some of the key findings, we assess whether they are legally and economically correct. We conclude that (a) though still unclear, the test for establishing de facto contingency on import substitution subsidies is probably too demanding; (b) though legitimate, the interpretation of the remedy of removal of the adverse effects for actionable subsidies is the weakest and most deferential possible; (c) the hesitation in confirming that quantitative methods are the key tool to define the relevant market is unwelcome; and (d) the Appellate Body correctly recognize the importance for Panels to consider, in the context of the serious prejudice analysis, whether the like product of the complainant has been subsidized. Most importantly, the analysis of this case, set within the broader jurisprudence and practice, has led us to conclude that WTO subsidy disciplines are not particularly strong. The review of the main economic theories justifying subsidy control (strategic trade policy, terms of trade, private information, commitment theory) has shown that no single theory is able to fully account for subsidies and the need to control them. The key question is the definition of what we want to achieve by controlling subsidies, which is the main message sent to the policy-makers and negotiators that are currently considering law reform.
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Mestanza-Ramón, Sanchez Capa, Figueroa Saavedra, and Rojas Paredes. "Integrated Coastal Zone Management in Continental Ecuador and Galapagos Islands: Challenges and Opportunities in a Changing Tourism and Economic Context." Sustainability 11, no. 22 (November 13, 2019): 6386. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11226386.

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The objective of the study is to analyze integrated coastal zone management in mainland Ecuador and the Galapagos Islands, and to discuss its challenges and opportunities in the face of constant changes in tourism and economic realities. The methodology used is based on the analysis of ten key elements to analyze national coastal management: policies, regulations, institutions, strategies, instruments, information, education, resources, managers, and participation. The main results indicate that Ecuador received support in terms of training and international financing for ICZM, but this has not been sufficient to guarantee correct management, due to a high discontinuity in economic and administrative political factors. All this has harmed the development of tourism and the dynamization of the economy in coastal areas. It is advisable to apply new policies where gastronomic and cultural aspects are strengthened.
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47

Nelson, Bryan. "Lefort, Abensour and the question: What is ‘savage’ democracy?" Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 7 (February 17, 2019): 844–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719828035.

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One of the more perplexing terms to appear across Claude Lefort’s later oeuvre, ‘wild’ or ‘savage’ democracy ( démocratie sauvage) has proved a difficult and divisive facet of Lefort’s political philosophy. Enigmatic, provocative, stubbornly undefined, while savage democracy is often simply ignored by many scholars of Lefort’s work, others, such as Miguel Abensour, place it at the very centre of their interpretation of his thought. This essay confronts the question directly. What is savage democracy? What is it that Lefort invites us to think with this curious phrase? How does it relate to his larger theory of democracy as a symbolic mutation or form of society? And is Abensour, who provides the most exhaustive analysis of the concept, correct to identity savage democracy as the key to grasping democracy as a spontaneous and emancipatory political activity? Considering both its conceptual origins and historical associations, this article contends that beyond a mere descriptive qualifier, savage democracy may ultimately be understood as a philosophical vehicle through which we are compelled to conceive democracy according to its most creative and transformative dimensions and capacities.
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48

Swift, Roger. "THOMAS CARLYLE, CHARTISM, AND THE IRISH IN EARLY VICTORIAN ENGLAND." Victorian Literature and Culture 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150301291050.

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Crowds of miserable Irish darken all our towns.—ChartismTHUS WROTE THOMAS CARLYLE in his famous long pamphlet Chartism, published in December 1839. But what moved Carlyle, the intellectual hero of the age, to direct attention in Chartism to the Irish presence in the early Victorian city? Why did he present the Irish in England in such negative terms? Was his analysis correct? And what was the wider significance of his interpretation? These, as Carlyle might have said, are measurable questions and they form the essential framework of this paper. Yet it is impossible to respond to these questions without first examining the contemporary social, economic, and political contexts within which Chartism was written; Carlyle’s development as an historian in the early 1830s; and the purpose of Chartism, including the chapter on the Irish entitled “The Finest Peasantry in the World.”
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Hussain, Ejaz. "Will Change in Government Affect China–Pakistan Economic Corridor? The BRI, CPEC and the Khan Government: An Analysis." Chinese Journal of International Review 01, no. 02 (September 5, 2019): 1950004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2630531319500045.

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China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was formally launched in 2015. From the very outset, skeptics raised doubts about its sustainability and meaningfulness for particularly Pakistani society, economy and the state. Nevertheless, the Sharif government in strategic interaction with its Chinese counterpart ably thwarted such controversies and ensured execution of the CPEC projects in different parts of Pakistan. Though within Pakistan, political opposition and certain nationalist political and social forces voiced their related concerns, for instance, to the “route” alignment, the federal and Punjab government led by the Sharifs held ground and accorded priority to sustain the Corridor by engaging local and provincial stakeholders. However, this was not the case with the Khan government whose commerce advisor doubted the negotiated terms and conditions of the CPEC and, therefore, called for its revision to provide a fair deal to the Pakistani side. Why did the Khan government adopt such a policy? How does such a discourse affect China–Pakistan relation in general and CPEC and the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) in particular? What made the Khan government correct its path ultimately? In other words, does change in government impact CPEC negatively? This paper attempts to address these questions empirically.
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Dolhoruchenko, Kateryna. "Approaches to understanding the terms-concepts «legal actuality» and «legal reality» and the problem of methodological correctness of their use in historical and legal research." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-80-87.

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The author has clarified the semantic load and content of the terms «reality» and «actuality», and identified their common and distinctive features. She has considered doctrinal approaches to the definition of the terms «legal actuality» and «legal reality». Based on their analysis, her own approach to understanding the content of the category «legal reality» has been suggested. The necessity of differentiation and further correct use of the categories «actuality» and «reality» within the framework of historical and legal research has been proved. The content of the term-concept «legal actuality», its structure and characteristics have been determined. In accordance with the established historical and legal paradigm, it has been determined that only everything possible, objective, already feasible can be valid. The meaning of the term-concept «legal actuality» has been revealed as a system of actually existing or existed phenomena and processes, legal in their essence or nature, which are determined by continuous changes (development) and a specific period of time. The author's position on the methodological correctness of the use of these terms in historical and legal research has been formulated. A characteristic feature of knowledge of the phenomena and processes of historical and legal reality is retrospectiveness. Cognition is carried out from the present to the past, from consequences to causes. At the same time, the perspective nature of such knowledge (especially in the history of Ukrainian political and legal thought) has been revealed, thanks to which modern historical and legal research focuses on patterns, causes and consequences of changes in feasible (real) phenomena and processes in state and law in a particular period.
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