Academic literature on the topic 'Politically correct terms'

Resumen Aunque el término corrección política es relativamente reciente, el asunto de la propia corrección política parece estar extendido en todas las culturas y en todas las épocas. No obstante, la consideración de qué sea lo políticamente correcto varía en función de las diferentes época, a otra, culturas (o lenguas) y de cómo nos enfrentamos cognitivamente a la realidad. Y esto ocurre por cuanto que cada grupo social intenta imponer al resto de los grupos sociales sus propios criterios sobre qué términos son políticamente correctos –y por tanto deben ser usados para expresar las propias creencias ideológicas– y qué términos son políticamente incorrectos –y por tanto deben ser censurados en la medida en que parecen atentar contra las propias creencias ideológicas. Y ello a pesar del famoso adagio latino “Verba non mutant substantiam rei”. Palabras clave: corrección política, control ideológico, cambios semánticos. Abstract In spite of the fact that the term political correctness is relatively recent, the matter of political correctness itself seems to be widespread all over the cultures and all over the epochs. However, the consideration of what is politically correct differs according to the different epochs, cultures (or languages) and according to how we cognitively face up to reality. And this happens inasmuch as every social group tries to impose the rest of social groups its own criteria about what terms are politically correct – and consequently have to be used in order to show their own ideological beliefs – and what terms are politically incorrect – and consequently have to be censored to the extent that they seem to infringe upon their own ideological beliefs. And this despite the well-known Latin adage: “Verba non mutant substantiam rei”. Key words: political correctness, ideological control, semantic changes.

The article aims to provide a basic framework for rendering politically correct vocabulary from English into Ukrainian in the context of media discourse. The difference regarding gender is that it is politically correct to avoid gendered words in English, while in Ukrainian, the opposite is true. Both English and Ukrainian now tend to use more respectful terms for the older population; words used to describe the LGBT+ community in Ukrainian are often borrowed from English through transcoding. The same applies to the vocabulary used to reduce discriminatory practices based on ethnicity or race. In terms of inclusive language, both the “people-first” and the “identity-first” approaches are acceptable in English, while only the former is in Ukrainian. The findings point out that while the politically correct vocabulary shares some similarities in the two languages, it also has differences that are to be examined in further research.

The problem of the research is the insufficient study of political correctness (PC) in the intercultural and linguistic aspects, as well as the urgent need to establish its status in the modern integrated culture. The relevance of the study is due to there is no unified approach to the analysis of the concept of PC in the political sphere. There is a special ideological cultural and behavioural linguistic tolerant tendency on the contrary to expressions subjected to public ostracism because the speeches of public figures contain too many politically incorrect statements. Thus, the “listener” may have an internal protest against the use of PC vocabulary in everyday life, although its use is forced upon society by all types of media. The study is touch upon the analysis of the vast corpus of statements by US President D. Trump on Twitter, as well as other open Internet sources. The problem of studying PC was dealt with as Russian scientists, such as A.B. Ostroukh, M. Yu. Palazhchenko, Yu.L. Gumanova, S.G. Ter Minasova, L.V. Tsurikova and others, as well as their foreign colleagues: Paul Berman, Deborah Cameron and others. The research aims to attempt to describe the PC category in terms of cultural, behavioural and linguistic perspectives. By the tasks set for the study, the following methods were used: descriptive method, methods of distributive, component, quantitative and comparative analysis. The results could be used in educational and methodological activities as well as preparation of materials on cultural linguistics, lexicology, linguistic stylistics submissions, etc. The further research course plans to establish the relationship between the occasional euphemistic vocabulary.

The problem of the research is the insufficient study of political correctness (PC) in the intercultural and linguistic aspects, as well as the urgent need to establish its status in the modern integrated culture. The relevance of the study is due to there is no unified approach to the analysis of the concept of PC in the political sphere. There is a special ideological cultural and behavioral linguistic tolerant tendency in the contrary to expressions subjected to public ostracism due to the fact that the speeches of public figures contain too many politically incorrect statements. Thus, the “listener” may have an internal protest against the use of PC vocabulary in everyday life, although its use is forced upon society by all types of media. The study is touch upon the analysis of the vast corpus of statements by US President D. Trump on Twitter, as well as other open Internet sources. The problem of studying PC was dealt with as Russian scientists, such as A.B. Ostroukh, M. Yu. Palazhchenko, Yu.L. Gumanova, S.G. - Ter Minasova, L.V. Tsurikova and others, as well as their foreign colleagues: Paul Berman, Deborah Cameron and others. The aim of research is to attempt to describe the PC category in terms of cultural, behavioral and linguistic perspectives. In accordance with the tasks set for the study the following methods were used: descriptive method, methods of distributive, component, quantitative and comparative analysis. The results could be used in educational and methodological activities as well as preparation of materials on cultural linguistics, lexicology, linguistic stylistics submissions, etc. The further research course plans to establish the relationship between the occasional euphemistic vocabulary.

The term person-centred care has become all-pervasive on the UK dementia care scene. It has been suggested that it has become synonymous with good quality care. It seems that any new approach in dementia care has to claim to be pc (person-centred) in order to be P.C. (politically correct). The term is used frequently in the aims and objectives for dementia care services and provision in the UK and the US, although what lies behind the rhetoric in terms of practice may be questionable.

A phrase used for internal criticism within leftist movements in the 70s and 80s, “politically correct,” has now become equivalent to thought policing in the minds of many professional academicians. Taking University of Toronto as an example, this essay questions whether the thought policing (as enforcement of political correctness) accusation is justified, and if so, in what forms such enforcement could take place, and whether any of those are defensible. Three possible forms of enforcement are identified as curricular occupation, language control, and conflict of rights; among these, the last is the most severe. In terms of rights, the issue of political correctness is usually framed as a conflict between expression rights and equality rights. In a university, restriction of expression rights is not justified. However, expression rights need not be characterized as conflicting with equality rights if both those charged with policing and those who charge them genuinely respect each others’ expression rights.

“Authenticity” is a term all too often misused and abused in the popular press, and thoroughly distorted and maligned in the academic milieu. This leads to the peculiar situation that one of the most common terms in both gastronomic writing and the popular culinary imagination has been almost completely excised from academic discourse by an overzealous ideology critique. This conceptual blind spot arose because the topic suggests a valorization of origins, hierarchies, and certitudes, all anathema to postmodern critique. I wish to propose a reconsideration of the term that saves its descriptive and theoretical values from both a naive, unreflective, often reactionary popular usage and from a stultifying politically correct automatism on the part of many scholars.

AbstractAfter critically reviewing the ongoing development of various publics in public theology, this article attempts to develop an additional public in nonanthropocentric terms in order to ground adequately public theology’s approach to the current climate crisis. Seeking a path between an account of Earth as a commons, with its emphasis on similarity and the diffractive method’s emphasis on the separateness of biodiverse lives, it argues that Merleau-Ponty’s articulation of the flesh of the world provides material for a politically engaged public theology. In emphasizing the separateness of embodied selves in the perceptual fields of embodied flesh, it develops an account of the ecosphere as an ontologically grounding public to correct the limitations of various ‘publics’ as human-centered institutions. In doing so, the transcendence of Earth’s embodied inhabitants is emphasized that conceives of public in terms of the connective tissues of more-than-human bodies.

Several of the articles in this issue encourage us to re-think taken for granted attitudes and practice, to jolt us out of complacency. Take ‘creativity’ for example. The word tends to get bandied around as a catch-all, so that it loses touch with any specific meaning. Jere Humphreys, in his Point for Debate, ‘Toward a reconstruction of ‘creativity’ in music education’ takes the long view, and ranges from Socrates, Plato and Aristotle to postmodernist ideologies. The basic tension (dualism) he identifies as being between realist and idealist positions, which leads him to conclude that creativity needs to be understood as a social construct. But there are no quick-fixes: to comprehend its significance requires us to consider psychological, cultural, and political/social and economic factors. Likewise,words such as ‘tradition’, ‘authenticity’ and ‘context’ tend to have politically correct connotations in connection with world music. But Huib Schippers, in his paper maintains that almost all music is transmitted out of context, and that the formal education system is a major exercise in recontextualisation. Music educators have to come to terms with what he calls the ‘global flow’.

Магістерська дисертація складається зі вступу, трьох розділів, висновків до кожного з них, загальних висновків, та списку використаної літератури, який налічує 100 джерел, 4 додатки. Загальний обсяг роботи 223 сторінок. Однією з актуальних проблем сучасного мовознавства залишається дослідження співвідношення мови та культури, оскільки мова є дзеркалом культури, в якому відбивається суспільна самосвідомість, спосіб життя, традиції, мораль, система цінностей і світогляд. Протягом останніх десятиліть в світі, зокрема в англомовних країнах, надзвичайної популярності набув новий культурний і мовний феномен «політична коректність». Актуальність теми роботи зумовлена інтересом до дослідження політкоректної лексики в сучасній англійській мові, що, своєю чергою, пояснюється зростаючими процесами глобалізації та міжнародної інтеграції і співпраці в суспільстві. Теоретичною основою нашого дослідження є теорії та положення, розроблені сучасними вітчизняними та закордонними мовознавцями та перекладознавцями: М. Бауманом, С. Г. Тер-Мінасовою, О. Б. Сінькевичем, В. Б. Великородою, Т. Р. Кияком, О. В. Завадською, З. С. Трофімовою, Я. С. Бондарук, Р. Й. Вишнівським, Т. Лоусоном, Д. Герродом, М. Г. Комлєвим та Ф. Беквітом. Об’єктом дослідження є політкоректна лексика в англомовних медійних текстах. Предметом дослідження виступають лінгвокультурологічні та прагматичні особливості функціонування та перекладу політкоректної лексики в англомовних медійних текстах. Мета роботи полягає у вивченні функціональних особливостей політкоректної лексики в англомовних медійних текстах та шляхів її відтворення українською мовою з огляду на лінгвокультурологічні розбіжності. Досягнення поставленої мети передбачає вирішення таких завдань: 1) з’ясувати соціокультурні передумови виникнення явища політкоректності та розглянути політкоректність як лінгвістичний феномен; 2) вивчити особливості загального поняття «медійний текст»; 3) обґрунтувати вживання політкоректної мови в англомовному медійному тексті; 4) дослідити класифікації політкоректних одиниць та їхнє функціональне призначення в англомовних медійних текстах; 5) проаналізувати шляхи відтворення англомовних політкоректних термінів українською мовою. Наукова новизна дисертаційного дослідження полягає в комплексному описі політкоректних одиниць медійних текстів, зокрема в детальному аналізі їх перекладу. Вперше досліджено прагматичний потенціал політкоректної лексики за допомогою корпусного методу. Практичне значення здобутих результатів полягає у тому, що дисертація збагачує дослідницький досвід сучасної германістики новими знаннями про політкоректність її репрезентацію в сучасній англійській мові. Отримані результати поглиблюють уявлення про закономірність функціонування англомовних політкоректних одиниць, особливості їх перекладу українською мовою та можуть бути використані в освітньому процесі, зокрема в теоретичних та практичних курсах теорії та практики перекладу, мовної комунікації та лінгвокультурології (розділ ІІІ. Шляхи перекладу політкоректної лексики сучасних англомовних медійних текстів українською мовою). Матеріалом дослідження є 470 політкоректних дібраних методом суцільної вибірки з 90 медіатекстів, зокрема видань The Economist, The Guardian, The Daily Mail, Princeton Info, The Washington Post, The American Prospect, The Bolton News та текстів BBC та СNN. Методи дослідження. У роботі застосовано загальнонаукові (аналіз, синтез, індукція, дедукція, узагальнення) та власне лінгвістичні методи. За допомогою методу суцільної вибірки були виокремлені одиниці аналізу. Описовий метод дозволив здійснити таксономію та інтерпретацію політкоректних одиниць. Контекстуальний метод допоміг у визначенні лінгвальних і позалінгвальних особливостей мовних одиниць; кількісний аналіз – у встановленні частотності застосування перекладацьких трансформацій; корпусний – в обґрунтуванні прагматичного потенціалу політкоректної мови в медійному тексті, визначенні лексичних та семантичних особливостей політкоректних термінів та встановленні сучасних тенденцій вживання політкоректних слів. Апробація результатів дослідження. Основні методологічні, теоретичні результати і концептуальні положення дослідження обговорювалися на: ІІ Всеукраїнській студентській науково-практичній конференції «Наука ХХІ століття: виклики, пріоритети, перспективи досліджень»; IV Всеукраїнській студентській науково-практичній конференції «Студент як суб’єкт процесу модернізації вищої освіти ХХІ століття: візії, цінності, пріоритетні завдання». Публікації. Основні положення і результати дисертаційного дослідження висвітлено в 3 публікаціях, з яких: 1 стаття у науковому фаховому виданні України, 2 – у збірниках матеріалів всеукраїнських науково-практичних конференцій.<br>The master's dissertation consists of an introduction, three chapters, conclusions to each chapter, general conclusions, and list of references that includes 100 points and 4 applications. The paper amounts to 223 pages. One of the current issues of modern linguistics is the study of the relation of a language and culture since the language is a mirror of the culture, which reflects the social consciousness, lifestyle, traditions, morals, the system of values and worldview. In the world, particularly in the English-speaking countries, a new cultural and linguistic phenomenon "political correctness" has gained immense popularity over the last decades. The significant topicality is presented by the interest in the study of politically correct vocabulary in modern English, which, in its turn, is explained by the fast-growing processes of globalization and international integration and cooperation in society. The theoretical basis of our research includes the theories and statements developed by modern domestic and foreign linguists and translators: M. Bauman, S. G. Ter-Minasova, O. B. Sinkevich, V. B. Velikoroda, T. R. Kiyak, O. V. Zavadskaya, S. S. Trofimova, J. S. Bondaruk, R. Y. Vishnevsky, T. Lewisohn, D. Gerrod, M. G. Komlev, and F. Beckwith. The object of the study is politically correct terms in English media texts. The subject of the study is linguocultural and pragmatic peculiarities of the functioning and translation of politically correct terms in English media texts. The aim of the research is to study the functional features of politically correct terms in English media texts and ways of their translation in Ukrainian with regard to the linguocultural differences. Achieving this goal involves the solution of the following tasks: 1) to determine socio-cultural preconditions of occurrence of the phenomenon of political correctness and consider political correctness as a linguistic phenomenon; 2) to study the features of the general notion of "media text"; 3) to substantiate the use of politically correct language in the English media text; 4) to classify the politically correct units and their functional purpose in English media texts; 5) to analyze the ways of English politically correct terms translation in Ukrainian. The scientific novelty of the dissertation research lies in the comprehensive description of the politically correct units of media texts, in a detailed analysis of their translation in particular. For the first time, the pragmatic potential of the politically correct vocabulary is studied with the application of the corpus method. The practical value of the obtained results is that the dissertation enriches the research of contemporary Germanic literature with new knowledge about political correctness and its representation in modern English. The obtained results deepen the comprehension of the functioning pattern of English politically correct terms and the peculiarities of their translation into Ukrainian and can be used in the educational process, particularly in the theoretical and practical courses of the theory and practice of translation, communication and linguocultural studies (Chapter III. The Ways of translation of the politically correct terms of modern English media texts in Ukrainian). The research material amounts to 470 politically correct terms selected from 90 media texts, including The Economist, The Guardian, The Daily Mail, Princeton Info, The Washington Post, The American Prospect, The Bolton News and BBC and CNN, by a multistage sampling approach. Research methods. In this work, general (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, generalization) and linguistic methods are applied. Units of analysis were determined by means of a continuous sampling method. The descriptive method allowed to present the taxonomy and interpretation of politically correct units. The contextual method helped in the determination of the linguistic and extra-linguistic features of politically correct units; quantitative analysis - in the determination of the frequency of translation transformations application; corpusmethod facilitated the study of the pragmatic potential of the politically correct language in the media text, determining the lexical and semantic peculiarities of politically correct terms, and establishing modern trends in the politically correctness. The main methodological and theoretical results and conceptualities of the study were discussed at: II All-Ukrainian Student Scientific and Practical Conference "The Science of the 21st Century: Challenges, Priorities, Perspectives of Research"; IV All-Ukrainian student scientific and practical conference "Student as a subject of the process of modernization of higher education of the XXI century: visions, values, priority tasks". Publications. The main statements and results of the dissertation research are presented in 3 publications, of which: 1 article in the scientific professional edition of Ukraine, 2 - in collections of materials of all-Ukrainian scientific and practical conferences.

Dante’s Gluttons: Food and Society from the Convivio to the Comedy explores how in his work medieval Italian poet Dante Alighieri (1265-1321) uses food to articulate, reinforce, criticize, and correct the social, political, and cultural values of his time. Combining medieval history, food studies, and literary criticism, Dante’s Gluttons historicizes food and eating in Dante, beginning in his earliest collected poetry and arriving at the end of his major work. For Dante, the consumption of food is not a frivolity, but a crux of life in the most profound sense of the term, and gluttony is the abdication of civic and spiritual responsibility and a danger to the individual body and soul as well as to the collective. This book establishes how one of the world’s preeminent authors uses the intimacy and universality of food as a touchstone, communicating through a gastronomic language rooted in the deeply human relationship with material sustenance.

The controversy about political correctness is being carried on in politics and the society, in science and culture; it affects the use of language and the presentation of images in general and the public opinion in concrete terms. From a linguistic point of view, the efforts regarding language corrections and in particular the discussions regarding a gender-correct use of language are of special interest. Yet, the discussion also arises in educational and religion-specific contexts as well as in the political dispute with and about right-wing populism. The public debate regarding taboos and the breaking of taboos in journalism as well as in literature and visual arts also belong to the issue. With contributions by Georg Albert, Frank Polzenhagen, Jan Georg Schneider, Svenja Hermes und Katharina Turgay, Franziska Carls, Elzbieta Adamiak, Thomas Müller-Schneider, Martin Lange, Timo S. Werner, Lothar Bluhm, Marie Schröer und Gregor Schuhen, Jürgen Raab, Markus Schiefer Ferrari, Alexander Linke

This book discusses political corruption and anticorruption as a matter of a public ethics of office. It shows how political corruption is the Trojan horse that undermines public institutions from within via the interrelated action of the officeholders. Even well-designed institutions may go off track if the officeholders fail to uphold by their conduct a public ethics of office accountability. Most current discussions of political corruption and of why it is wrong have concentrated either on explaining and assessing it in terms of an individual’s corrupt character and motives or a dysfunction of institutional procedures. This book brings out the common normative root of these two manifestations of political corruption. It discusses them as instances of the same relationally wrongful practice that consists in an unaccountable use of the power of office by officeholders in public institutions. From this perspective, political corruption is an internal enemy of public institutions that can only be opposed by mobilizing officeholders to engage in answerability practices. In this way, officeholders are responsible for working together to maintain an interactively just institutional system.

Embracing risk and ambiguity, rather than closure and certainty, a third typology of reconciliation theorists have emerged. Calling themselves agonists, they emphasize that reconciliation is fundamentally open-ended, deliberative, and has to strive consciously to include “conflict through other means.” Seen through this lens, reconciliation is more a process-oriented activity than an outcomes-driven one. Agonist reconciliation understands its inception as the call, amid conflict, to political community. Its unfolding is described as incessant discourse and debate, and its promise is understood as the commitment never to stop debating the terms of togetherness in a given context. My criticism of this position rests on two points: underestimating what it takes to overcome violence, and its one-sided emphasis on process at the expense of any predetermined outcomes—a situation that would, I argue, be unacceptable especially to those victims of oppression who correctly demand redress and justice as definite predetermined outcomes of reconciliation.

Reform capacity—the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole—can be achieved in two different ways. One method is to build institutions that concentrate power, enabling governments to ignore losers from reform. The other method, which governments rely more on in systems where power is shared, is to build institutions that enable governments to compensate losers from reform. The book discusses numerous empirical examples of how governments have built support for reforms by compensating losers. These examples are drawn from several different policy areas, including trade and labor market policy, fiscal policy, social policy, and tax and economic policy. If political decision-makers in power-sharing democracies are able to solve the bargaining problems that can sometimes complicate negotiations between winners and losers, power-sharing systems have certain advantages over power-concentration systems. Power sharing can lead to high reform capacity in societies where interest groups are powerful enough to block reforms. Power sharing can also lead to high reform capacity when reforms have short-term costs and long-term benefits, since it helps to correct some of the short-sightedness inherent in democratic policymaking.

AbstractRomanian education policy was notoriously plagued by instability and a tendency to escape the normal policymaking cycle via top-down highly politicised reforms. After almost three decades, a new initiative by the President of Romania attempts to promote a more inclusive style of policymaking that would ensure wider societal support to upcoming educational reforms. The purpose of this article is to set the background to the wider discussion on Romanian higher education, placing it inside the context of the country�s efforts to reform its schools and universities via the Educated Romania project, on which the authors had the privilege of working. It aims to create a long-term, structured vision on which to centre future education reforms and to correct some of the imbalances that have emerged in Romanian education over the past few decades. The conclusion also analyses the chances of its survival in the current Romanian political and administrative status-quo.

AbstractThis chapter examines further considerations derived from the research.Institutional factors related to religion exert a stronger structural and long-term influence on prosperity (competitiveness and corruption) than the cultural influence of religion (adherents).Prosperity and educational differences between Protestants (higher) and Roman Catholics (lower) are still evident in Germany and Switzerland. Such differences are even more prominent comparing national levels (cross-country) throughout Europe and the Americas.Thousands of years of hegemony characterise the Roman Catholic Church as a global political-religious institution. The associated corruption in all the countries under its influence may well be related to the corrupt fruits for which “we shall know them” in the parable of Jesus (King James Bible, 1769, Matthew 7:15–23). Among others, these fruits have also been the abuse scandals, maintenance of ignorance, and persecution of God’s Word, in the name of Jesus Christ.The results of this study open up various avenues for future research. The QCA evidence generated here allows further analysis of every country in Europe and the Americas. Future research might also continue to apply the vast amount of information collected and already codified in this study.

This contribution studies the debated terms “politically correct” and “cancel culture” on Twitter and in particular investigates the meaning that people give when they label something or someone as politically correct or indicate a case of cancel culture in the Italian context, where they are not yet widespread as they are in the USA and Britain. A textual analysis of a corpus of tweets selected through a set of hashtags was carried out to identify thematic clusters to understand features and meanings given to these expressions, along with their ways of using in the various situations and contexts. The main results show different meanings of the term, in the negative sense as a limitation of freedom of speech, and in a positive sense as the exclusion of some terms that may offend some people or groups. In this case, the meaning of a word is relative and depends on the situation and context in which it is used. Furthermore, the recourse in the discourses of cancel culture is only rhetorical; there are no actions of cancellation or boycott of someone or something.

In 2012, a Fairleigh Dickinson University (FDU) survey made head­lines. The headlines questioned Fox News viewers’ intelligence. The Nation’s headline read: “It’s Official: Watching Fox Makes You Stupider.” It claimed that “[a] ccording to a new study by Farleigh Dickinson University, Fox viewers are the least knowledgeable audience of any outlet, and they know even less about politics and current events than people who watch no news at all.” It concluded that Fox News “fails the fundamental test of journalism: Are you informing your audience?” The Huffington Post (2012) claimed that “people who only watch Fox News are less informed than all other news consumers.” The New York Times’ Timothy Egan (2014) repeated the assertion. Conservative-leaning publications interpreted FDU’s findings differently. The Examiner’s headline read “Democrats Use Biased ‘Study’ to Smear Fox News.” It claimed that the pollsters “abandoned all integrity to vindictively trash Fox News and peddle the partisan smear that anyone who watches ‘right-wing propaganda’ (anything that includes multiple sides of the story) is stupid.” FDU’s report on its Public Mind Poll (2012) focused not on how respondents answered individual recall questions, but on an aggregate PK scale that FDU manufactured. Like nearly all published PK scales, FDU’s scale was formed by adding the number of correct answers respondents gave to a small set of recall questions. Such scales typically range in value from zero-to-five or zero-to-seven, with the high number representing the total number of recall questions included in the scale. If a respondent answers no questions correctly, they get a score of zero. If they answer all questions correctly, they get the highest possible score. PK scales are regularly used to represent “the range of factual information about politics that is stored in long-term memory.” FDU’s report and the subsequent media reports are based on the finding that Fox News viewers scored lower on FDU’s PK scale than did viewers of other networks. In this chapter, I examine this case and other claims that are based on PK scales.

This chapter argues that it is not possible—or normatively desirable—to find a “correct” theory of intergenerational justice applicable to all people at all times. What we should do (now) for the future is not a question that can be answered definitively, or in abstract or philosophical terms, because answers to this question will depend on the circumstances that individuals and collectivities find themselves in, and on what past political actors have (or have not) done. Instead of searching for a “correct” theory of intergenerational justice we should, as a matter of principle and practice, seek to strike a balance between the legitimate concerns of the present and the potential interests of the future as we understand them. But judgments about how to strike this balance should be made in inclusive deliberative arenas and not formulated (or “discovered”) by philosophers working in isolation from affected publics.

The purpose of the paper is to determine the features of the translation of technical terms from English into Ukrainian. A term is a word or phrase that expresses a clearly defined concept in a particular field of science, technology, art, socio-political life, and so on. Scientific and technical terminology is a wide layer of vocabulary that develops intensively and actively interacts with other layers of the vocabulary of the language, primarily with common vocabulary. Unlike commonly used words, terms are usually unambiguous, they are not characterized by expression. Some terms have lost a purely special character and are widely used in various parts of speech, while others retain a narrowly specialized use. Peculiarities of terms, as well as their translation into Ukrainian were studied by such linguists as G. Bezhenar, I. Beloded, I.Volkova, M.Volodina, B.Golovin, V.Danylenko, А. Dyakov, T Kiyak, R. Korobin, D Lotte, A. Naumenko, O. Oguy, E. Pirikov and others. Terms, as specific lexical units of language, are characterized by such features as accuracy, unambiguity, systematicity, objectivity and motivation. Translation of complex terms consists of two main procedures - analytical and synthetic. An important role in the translation of phrases is played by the analytical stage - the translation of its individual components. And for this it is necessary to correctly define the components of a complex term, because they can be not only words but also phrases that are part of a complex term. The main means of translating terms-phrases are descriptive method, transcription and tracing. The most difficult to translate are terms that have different meanings not only in different fields of science and technology, but even in one field. The main problem of translation of terms and terms-phrases is their ambiguity not only among different branches of science, but also within the technical field itself. Terms are units of language and professional knowledge that ensure the effectiveness of intercultural communication. For this reason, the greatest practical significance in the translation of scientific and technical texts is the equivalent translation of terminology. Differences in the lexical structure and morphosyntactic structure of terms have objective linguistic reasons: English terms, the structure of which includes a substantive defining component (noun or noun group), cannot be translated into Ukrainian without differences in morphosyntactic structure due to differences in the grammatical structure of languages.

This chapter discusses the origin, definitions, and issues associated with the term Islamism. It argues that an understanding or explanation of Islamism requires attending not only to the multiple and various ways Islamist thinkers reinterpret Islam but also to the specific conditions and cultures in which they are embedded and the partisans and audiences they seek to address. These conditions and contexts determine the extent to which an Islamist framework resonates with Muslims who live in a wide range of cultural contexts and geographic locations. Such resonances are, in turn, facilitated by a concatenation of forces that mark this particular moment in history. These include the ways in which contemporary global inequalities compound the legacy of European colonialism to reproduce a sense of Muslim powerlessness relative to the West; ongoing Euro-American political and financial support of corrupt autocrats, many of whom preside over nation-states stitched together by Western fiat; and the persistence of authoritarian regimes eager to control domestic unrest by catalyzing “Muslim rage” toward external targets.

This chapter picks up a claim made in the previous chapter—that a term like philosophos would have been coined in response to certain sorts of unusual activity. It accumulates the earliest evidence that the Pythagoreans would have been excellent targets of this term. This is because their public face was politically notorious and influential, with their cohesion and even efficacy seeming to depend on their pedagogical and research exercises. The chapter thereby develops Walter Burkert's acknowledgment of the organized political side of their existence. Additional evidence comes from what looks to be Aristotle's support of Heraclides' account, if Iamblichus' late citations of Aristotle can be reconstructed correctly. Burkert asserts that Pythagoras was not really a philosopher; what concerns this chapter is only the beliefs that observers had about him and the names that they had reason to call him—since, for his contemporaries, philosophos hardly meant what academic philosophers now mean by “philosopher.”

последствия реформ 1990-х гг. в России невозможно не затронуть при анализе темы «Приватизация» в контексте образовательного процесса. Эта информация поможет сформировать правильный социально-экономический взгляд на процессы в обществе того времени. С точки зрения политических и идеологических характеристик, приватизация стала официальной политикой, осуществляемой на основе утвержденной стратегии, разработанного законодательства, под воздействием определенных политических интересов и субъектов. Официально провозглашенные цели приватизации находились в рамках национальных интересов России, а механизмы ее проведения сохраняли видимость социальной справедливости при разделе государственной собственности. it is impossible not to touch upon the consequences of the reforms of the 1990s in Russia when analyzing the topic "Privatization" in the context of the educational process. This information will help to form a correct socio-economic view of the processes in society at that time. In terms of political and ideological characteristics, privatization became an official policy, carried out based on an approved strategy, developed legislation, under the influence of certain political interests and actors. Officially proclaimed goals of privatization were within the national interests of Russia, and the mechanisms of its implementation preserved the appearance of social justice in the division of state property.

This paper provides an overview of the current status of radioactive waste management in the UK from the point of view of Nirex, the organisation responsible for providing safe, environmentally sound and publicly acceptable options for the long-term management of radioactive materials. Essentially, it argues that: • the waste exists and must be dealt with in an ethical manner; • legitimacy is the key to public acceptance of any attempt to solve the waste issue; and • credible options and a new political will allow, and indeed, compel this generation to deal with it. In doing this, the paper takes account of a number of recent announcements and ongoing developments in the UK nuclear industry, in particular: • the recent announcement that Nirex is to be made independent of industry; • the Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and Devolved Administrations’ Managing Radioactive Waste Safely consultation exercise; • the creation of the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management to oversee the consultation; • the creation of the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority to manage the civil nuclear site clean-up programme; • proposals for improved regulation of Intermediate Level Waste conditioning and packaging; and • proposals by the European Commission for a new radioactive waste Directive. These institutional and policy changes amount to an evolution of the back-end of the fuel cycle that represents the most radical transformation in the UK nuclear industry for many years. In a large part, this is a transformation made necessary by past failures in trying to impose a solution on the general public. Therefore, in order for these changes to result in a successful long-term radioactive waste management programme, it is necessary to pay as much attention to political and social concerns as scientific and technical ones. Primarily it is crucial that all parties involved act in an open and transparent manner so that the decisions made achieve a high degree of legitimacy and thus public acceptance. Crucially too, the problem must be framed in the correct term — that the waste exists irrespective of the future of nuclear power and that this is an issue that must be addressed now. Thus there is a legitimacy of purpose and scope in moving forward that addresses the ethical imperative of this generation dealing with the waste. Put together with the action the government is taking to create the necessary institutional framework, Nirex believes that for the first time in a generation the UK has the building blocks in place to find a publicly acceptable, long-term solution for radioactive waste.

The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is a complex legal-institutional system that, on the one hand, offers industrialized countries options for cost-effective emission reductions and, on the other, provides developing countries with opportunities for sustainable development. Investors face the difficulty of identifying suitable CDM projects from approximately 130 possible host countries and nearly 60 possible project activities. In order to develop points of reference for strategic investments, this paper identifies and categorizes the risks arising in the value creation process of bilateral energy projects into four action-related levels. At the host level, the focus is on political-institutional and sector-specific risks, while at the investor state level, the legal design of the CDM's complementary function is relevant. The project level covers technology- and process-related risks, with the identification of the reference case and the proof of additionality posing particular problems. The future design of the CDM and the reform of the procedure at the UNFCCC level pose a fundamental risk. A two-stage assessment procedure is proposed for risk assessment: a rough analysis captures sociographic, climate policy, institutional and sector-specific criteria of the host. The differentiation of the project stage allows the localization of the project in the value chain and a differentiation regarding the use of methods. The assessment of project registration is based on the methods used and gives recognition rates per method and project category; project performance is measured in terms of the ratio of emission reductions actually realized to those planned in the project documentation. A detailed analysis following the coarse analysis provides qualitative guidance for project evaluation. These include the Executive Board's methodological principles, correct application of methodologies, identification of the reference case, proof of additionality, as well as the financial conditions of the relevant sector and publicity-related aspects. Despite individual hosts and project technologies, the developed two-step risk analysis allows, with relatively little effort and in line with business practice, an initial assessment of CDM project risks, so that overall it lays a fundamental building block for the elaboration of a strategic implementation and sustainable investment under the CDM.