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Journal articles on the topic 'Political'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

AGUIRRE, BASILIA, and FABIANA DA CUNHA SADDI. "A fantasia política ou a política da fantasia?" Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, no. 2 (June 1998): 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1275.

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RESUMO Este artigo é uma resposta ao comentário de Velloso ao nosso artigo publicado anteriormente sobre o II PND. Discordamos de Velloso em seu contra-argumento às nossas conclusões, pois o comentário não melhorou a discussão nem trouxe novos dados que desmentem nossas descobertas.

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2

Kishore, Jugal. "Politics of COVID-19: Political Epidemiology of and Pandemics." Epidemiology International 05, no. 04 (November 20, 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2455.7048.202025.

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3

Samadovich, Makhmudov Komal. "POLITICAL POWER, POLITICAL REGIME AND POLITICAL LEADER IDIOSYNCRATIC CRICKET." International Journal Of Management And Economics Fundamental 3, no. 12 (December 1, 2023): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijmef/volume03issue12-03.

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This article highlights the problems of the political regime, political power and political leadership, the relationship, actions, the essence of organizations, the specific role and functions of institutions of power in the formation of state power and management, and the implementation in practice.

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4

Lagerspetz, Eerik. "Is Political Theory Politically Interesting?" Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.6.1.1.

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5

Ghosh, Peter. "Political Thought that Mattered Politically." History of European Ideas 38, no. 2 (May 28, 2012): 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2011.646635.

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6

Krpec, Oldřich, and Vladan Hodulák. "Political Economy of Trade Policy - Institutions, Regulation, Social and Political Context." Politická ekonomie 60, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.830.

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7

Iovan, Martian. "The Political Culture; Politicial Socialization and Acculturation." Journal of Legal Studies 16, no. 29 (June 1, 2015): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2015-0004.

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Abstract In this article, the author, after having comparatively analyzed senses and significations of the concept of politic culture, as stated by several renowned authors in the world of science, proceeds to a differentiation of general political culture from those political cultures that are integrated into the lives of contemporary political agents (subcultures, political countercultures, marginal cultures, political cultures of public policy makers etc.) which coexist on the territory of a state. Using praxeological and systemic approaches, the author discusses the place and role of contemporary ideologies in their quality as a directional and dynamogenic factor in political practices, as well as political socialization and acculturation as methods of reproducing and developing political culture in accordance with the necessities imposed by the global development of society and by its subsystems. The formation of a solid political culture, through education and communication in general, both at individual and at social level, conditions the maturation of democracy, and the launching of public policies likely to solve individual and community issues.

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8

Rau, I. "SPEAKER-POLITICIAN: SOME POLITICAL SCIENCE REFLECTIONS." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 77, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2022-1.1728-8940.05.

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The article deals with the issues of oratory of a politician, which have not yet been sufficiently studied in socio-political science. The article deals in detail with the following issues: political speeches and their emotional assessment; discourse in political speeches; the concepts of justice and law in the speeches of politicians; some popular ideas about the features of modern society, to which a political speaker could refer, etc. The article notes that every politician who knows his own worth understands the value of an open dialogue with the opponent and the opposition: people, even the most intelligent and experienced, have the ability to err, or even lie, and the dialogue gives an opportunity to show this by the example of an opponent. When dealing with an opponent who is clearly deluded, who does not know the truth, it should be different from the one who is clearly lying, consciously asserts an untruth. Using the means of metalanguage, the speaker-politician can easily express the differences between these attitudes to the opponent. At the same time, the article also pays attention to controversial issues.

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9

Marques, Joan F. "How Politically Correct Is Political Correctness?" Business & Society 48, no. 2 (May 8, 2009): 257–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650307307155.

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10

Brown, Chris. "Thinking politically: Essays in political theory." Contemporary Political Theory 8, no. 2 (May 2009): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2008.53.

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11

Malinova, Olga, and Juliet Johnson. "Символическая политика как предмет political science и russian studies: исследования политического использования прошлого в постстветской России." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2020): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.02.01.

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12

Lammers, Joris, Alex Koch, Paul Conway, and Mark J. Brandt. "The Political Domain Appears Simpler to the Politically Extreme Than to Political Moderates." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 6 (November 22, 2016): 612–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616678456.

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How does political preference affect categorization in the political domain? Eight studies demonstrate that people on both ends of the political spectrum—strong Republicans and strong Democrats—form simpler and more clustered categories of political stimuli than do moderates and neutrals. This pattern was obtained regardless of whether stimuli were politicians (Study 1), social groups (Study 2), or newspapers (Study 3). Furthermore, both strong Republicans and strong Democrats were more likely to make inferences about the world based on their clustered categorization. This was found for estimating the likelihood that geographical location determines voting (Study 4), that political preference determines personal taste (Study 5), and that social relationships determine political preference (Study 6). The effect is amplified if political ideology is salient (Study 7) and remains after controlling for differences in political sophistication (Study 8). The political domain appears simpler to the politically extreme than to political moderates.

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13

Caldwell, Melissa M., Justus Lipsius, and Jan Waszink. "Politica: Six Books of Politics or Political Instruction." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477827.

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14

Karachun, Yuliia G., and Nataliia V. Davydenko. "POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: THEORY OF IDEOLOGICAL ASPECT." Alfred Nobel University Journal of Philology 2, no. 26/2 (December 26, 2023): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2523-4463-2023-2-26/2-9.

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The article aims to highlight the ideological aspect of functioning politically correct vocabulary in today’s political discourse. Realization of the set goal requires solving the following objectives: 1) to expand scholarly ideas about the interpretation of the linguistic phenomenon of political correctness as sociocultural and linguistic-behavioral ideology in political discourse; 2) based on the introduction of the concept “ideologeme”, to consider the classification of politically correct lexical units, used in political discourse. The study employs general scientific methods (analysis, generalization, systematization of scholarly literature on the issue under consideration), and special linguistic methods (method of distributional analysis, used to highlight the main semantic groups of politically correct vocabulary; elements of the component analysis, necessary to identify components of the meaning of politically correct vocabulary; method of linguostylistic analysis, used to study the functional features of politically correct vocabulary based on ideology). The study emphesizes that the phenomenon of political correctness can be considered as a set of linguistic and discursive components of the organization of the ideological life of modern society. It is able to ensure the creation of a system of values, the worldview, and in general, it involves the construction of reality. It also contributes to the dissemination and imposition of an opinion on one or another issue in society, mostly within the framework of political discourse. Political correctness deals with a situation in society where implicit rules of decency direct the ways of behavior in interactions between people of different races, genders, religions, and other potentially charged groups. It seems that political correctness in political discourse concerns all those areas where the interests of different groups of society collide on the issue of what is considered true or false, and who is considered “friend” or “stranger”. Political correctness as an ideology offers a polar view on social life, highlighting in it “good” (“right”) and “evil” (“bad”). Consequently, at the most abstract level, there are concepts that define the basic values of political correctness, as well as their “antipodes,” i.e., undesirable, unacceptable phenomena and attitudes that must be eradicated from social life (e.g., tolerant / intolerant, inclusive / exclusive). In general, it can be presented as a “good – evil” model of social life, which works and effectively serves the ideology of political correctness. Admittedly, the structure of the language of political correctness is not as homogeneous as it is commonly believed. Two broad layers of politically correct lexis that perform qualitatively different roles are considered: politically correct vocabulary, which includes the “acceptable” names of sociocultural phenomena, and politically correct ideologemes that are used to directly form a politically correct worldview. Ideologemes, as a result of the interaction of language and ideology, represent the optimal means for establishing the dominant worldview in the country, influence the transformation of the addressee’s already existing political worldview, explicitly or implicitly represent the basic ideological and value attitudes of a society. If politically correct vocabulary itself is an example of the “acceptable” language concerning different matters of life, then the ideologemes of political correctness set standards for assessing heterogeneous sociocultural phenomena. In turn, the attitudes and principles embedded in the ideologemes are implemented in the creation of politically correct vocabulary. Thus, ideologemes form the core of the linguistic representation of the ideology of political correctness. Their most common word-formation models involve exploiting the suffix -ism, the -free and -phobia components, the words “bias” and “sensitivity”. It can be argued that the ideologeme is a characteristic element of the global political context, since it is a kind of reference to a particular era, its meaning is detached from the direct meanings of the lexical units that make it up. An adequate understanding of the ideologeme is possible only in the context of the corresponding ideology and the context of a certain period of history.

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15

Silvester, Jo, Madeleine Wyatt, and Ray Randall. "Politician personality, Machiavellianism, and political skill as predictors of performance ratings in political roles." Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology 87, no. 2 (October 9, 2013): 258–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joop.12038.

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16

Walsh, Mary. "Political Theory, Political Freedom and the Political." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2009): 537–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903100788.

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17

PARRY, D. L. L. "POLITICAL CULTURE, POLITICAL CLASS, AND POLITICAL COMMUNITY." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 311–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007760.

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The past in French history. By Robert Gildea. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994. Pp. xiv+418. £30.00. ISBN 0-300-05799-7Napoleon and his artists. By Timothy Wilson-Smith. London: Constable, 1996. Pp. xxx+306. £23.00. ISBN 0-094-76110-8Revolution and the meanings of freedom in the nineteenth century. Edited by Isser Woloch. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. Pp. viii+447. £40.00. ISBN 0-804-72748-1Over the past twenty years, Keith Baker, François Furet, Lynn Hunt, Mona Ozouf et al. have argued that the French Revolution gave birth to a new political culture, and by implication that one should study politics through this culture rather than through l'histoire événementielle of ministries and elections. The three books reviewed here all relate to political culture in the wake of the French Revolution, explicitly in The past in French history and implicitly in the other two volumes: under Napoleon, artistic culture was politicized and regimented, and after his fall nineteenth-century Europe was left to nurse the awkward offspring of 1789, the ideologies of revolution and freedom. Yet whilst these books provide fine studies of political culture, they make only passing references to two less clearly defined concepts which may be necessary adjuncts to such an approach. The first is that of a ‘political class’, meaning those who occupy office, usually by election and regardless of party, which enables one to put l'histoire événementielle aside, since elections or changes of cabinet are merely reshuffles within the political class. The second concept concerns the communities that create political cultures. What, though, creates these communities?

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18

Richardson, Glenn. "Political Advertisements, Political Cognition and Political Communication." Political Communication 15, sup1 (December 1998): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1998.11672657.

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19

Treadway, Darren C., Wayne A. Hochwarter, Charles J. Kacmar, and Gerald R. Ferris. "Political will, political skill, and political behavior." Journal of Organizational Behavior 26, no. 3 (2005): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/job.310.

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20

Ivanova, L. A. "Regional political process: features, structure and influence of political elites." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 2 (42) (2023): 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.17.

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The article analyzes the features of regional political processes. The process of transformation costs in the political process is shown. The influence of the level and quality of political elites on the decision-making process is shown. The process of elite formation, including recruitment, imitating institutionalization, is considered. The role of social institutions for entering into power is shown. The differentiation methods and ways of recruiting political elites are exposed, the principles of elites (formal and informal) are outlined.

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21

Harymawan, Iman, and John Nowland. "Political connections and earnings quality." International Journal of Accounting & Information Management 24, no. 4 (October 3, 2016): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijaim-05-2016-0056.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate how the earnings quality of politically connected firms is affected by changes in political stability and government effectiveness in a developing country. Design/methodology/approach This study uses a sample of 2,073 firm-year observations from 349 firms listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2003 to 2012 to examine how political stability and government effectiveness affect the earnings quality of politically connected firms, relative to non-politically connected firms. A two-stage model is used to address self-selection issues in the choice of firms to establish political connections. Findings This study finds that increased government effectiveness reduces the benefits of political connections, requiring politically connected firms to be more responsive to market pressures and resulting in higher earnings quality. However, increased political stability enhances the certainty of benefits from political connections, reducing the need for politically connected firms to respond to market pressures and resulting in lower earnings quality. Research limitations/implications For policymakers, these results indicate that different dimensions of political and economic development can affect the incentives of firms with political connections in different ways. Originality/value This study finds that the earnings quality of politically connected firms increases as government effectiveness improves, but it decreases as the political environment becomes more stable.

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22

Ramírez Franco, Luz Dary, María Inés Picazo Verdejo, and Antonio Sánchez Andrés. "Convergence of political parties and the neoliberal policies: the cases of Latin America, USA and Europe." IBEROAMERICA, no. 1 (2023): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37656/s20768400-2023-1-06.

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23

Petersen, Michael Bang, and Lene Aarøe. "Is the Political Animal Politically Ignorant? Applying Evolutionary Psychology to the Study of Political Attitudes." Evolutionary Psychology 10, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 147470491201000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147470491201000504.

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As evidenced by research in evolutionary psychology, humans have evolved sophisticated psychological mechanisms tailored to solve enduring adaptive problems of social life. Many of these social problems are political in nature and relate to the distribution of costs and benefits within and between groups. In that sense, evolutionary psychology suggests that humans are, by nature, political animals. By implication, a straightforward application of evolutionary psychology to the study of public opinion seems to entail that modern individuals find politics intrinsically interesting. Yet, as documented by more than fifty years of research in political science, people lack knowledge of basic features of the political process and the ability to form consistent political attitudes. By reviewing and integrating research in evolutionary psychology and public opinion, we describe (1) why modern mass politics often fail to activate evolved mechanisms and (2) the conditions in which these mechanisms are in fact triggered.

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24

Hartford, Robert. "A Political Standard for Absolute Political Freedom." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 11, no. 1 (July 1, 2011): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41560402.

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Abstract This paper derives political freedoms from the ethics of egoism, demonstrates the equivalence of absolute political freedom and Liberty, and advocates absolute political freedom as a moral ideal. Protection of voluntary consent along an individual's entire politically legitimate valuing chain provides a standard for identifying political freedoms. Actions meeting the standard are political freedoms. Actions violating the standard are violations of political freedom. As a political standard, protection of voluntary consent is presented as superior to either the non-initiation of force or the non-aggression axiom.

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25

Hartford, Robert. "A Political Standard for Absolute Political Freedom." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 11, no. 1 (July 1, 2011): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaynrandstud.11.1.0045.

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Abstract This paper derives political freedoms from the ethics of egoism, demonstrates the equivalence of absolute political freedom and Liberty, and advocates absolute political freedom as a moral ideal. Protection of voluntary consent along an individual's entire politically legitimate valuing chain provides a standard for identifying political freedoms. Actions meeting the standard are political freedoms. Actions violating the standard are violations of political freedom. As a political standard, protection of voluntary consent is presented as superior to either the non-initiation of force or the non-aggression axiom.

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26

Ware, Susan. "Political Partnerships, Political History." Reviews in American History 40, no. 2 (2012): 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2012.0027.

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27

Rollins, Joe. "Political Science, Political Sex." PS: Political Science & Politics 44, no. 01 (January 2011): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001800.

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28

Quinton, Nicholas. "Political criteria, political praxis." Political Geography 32 (January 2013): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2012.10.001.

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29

McQuade, Joseph. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE, POLITICAL VIOLENCE." Sikh Formations 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2014.890799.

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30

Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.

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31

Hurst, Mary Jane, and John Wilson. "Politically Speaking: The Pragmatic Analysis of Political Language." Language 68, no. 1 (March 1992): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416409.

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32

Pinkney, Robert. "The British Civil Service: Political or Politically Neutral?" Teaching Public Administration 9, no. 2 (September 1989): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014473948900900204.

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33

Redlawsk, David P. "Political Scientist or Politician: Why Not Be Both?" PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 01 (January 2018): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096517001834.

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34

Gruber, Helmut. "Politically speaking. The pragmatic analysis of political language." Journal of Pragmatics 19, no. 4 (April 1993): 371–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(93)90094-6.

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35

Cannon, Joan Bartczak, and Mary Ann Marusich-Smith. "Political marriages: When the wife is the politician." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 6, no. 3 (1986): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1986.9970463.

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36

Doldor, Elena. "From Politically Naive to Politically Mature: Examining Leaders' Political Maturation Journey." Academy of Management Proceedings 2014, no. 1 (January 2014): 15031. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2014.15031abstract.

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37

Doldor, Elena. "From Politically Naïve to Politically Mature: Conceptualizing Leaders’ Political Maturation Journey." British Journal of Management 28, no. 4 (March 14, 2017): 666–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8551.12219.

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38

Lorch, Benjamin. "Xenophon's Socrates on Political Ambition and Political Philosophy." Review of Politics 72, no. 2 (2010): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000021.

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AbstractThis essay investigates Xenophon's claim in the Memorabilia that political ambition is a qualification for the study of political philosophy, through an examination of three conversations between Socrates and politically ambitious men. These conversations reveal that the basis for the ambition to serve the public welfare is a concern not only with one's political community but also with one's own character and its excellence or virtue. Politically ambitious men hold virtue to be the greatest good, but they may not know what virtue is. For someone who is conscious of his concern with virtue and of his ignorance of virtue, there is no more urgent task than to search for the knowledge of virtue through the study of political philosophy.

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39

Jevtić, Miroljub. "POLITICAL SCIENCE AND RELIGION." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2007): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0101059j.

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Political science is In same time old and young science. Old, if we have in mind politics as subject of research, and young if we think about institutions in which politics is only subject of research or education. Having in mind religion as subject of political science,s research, we can easily conclude that all books in early history of mankind, which were dedicated to political topics, had for the first subject religion. That is clear if we remember that firsts form of politicals organisations in old Babylon, Egypt and Israel... were inseparable connected with gods. Gods gave legitimacy to those states. But so political sciences institutions in generally so Politology of religion, or politologie des religions in French, was born late. The firsts subjects of research in politicals sciences institutions were: state, political regimes, political parties, theory of politics, political systems, etc. Religion was studied very rarely. Modern political science was born under influence of french intellectuals: Dederot, Rousseau, Voltaire etc. They considered that religion will disappear with education and development. Their compatriot Alexis de Tocqueville thought contrary to their prognosis. The time gave right to Tocqueville. In the second part of XX century when the world develompent was highest, religion maintained its position in big part of globe and became stronger in a lot of states. That created big challenge for political science. Many of politicals scientis started with research concerning influence of religion into politics. That create, as the first step, centers for research of relations among religion and politics as is “labaratoire RELIGION ET POLITIQUE at “Institute d'etudes politiques” in Paris or “L'Observatoire du Religieux” at “Institut d'etudes politique” in Aix en provence en France, and finally that created special scientific discipline among political sciencies which name is “Politology of religion” or “Politologie des religions” in french.

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40

Milošević Đorđević, Jasna, Francesca Di Napoli, and Živojin Đurić. "Endorsement and Social Role of the Ethos of Conflict in Serbia." Politička misao 59, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 192–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.59.4.09.

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The study’s aims are to analyze the endorsement of the ethos of conflict (EoC )‎narrative in the Serbian-Albanian conflict among the adults in Serbia, its relation ‎to political conservatism, and its role in pushing conservative political action. A total of N = 1613 adults (aged 18+) were recruited for face-to-face interviewing, ‎in a representative sampling procedure, in December 2019 in Serbia.‎ The results show high endorsement of EoC in the Serbian-Albanian fray; the‎ mediation effect of EoC (having both high EoC and high conservatism is associated‎ with greater political activism); the relation between EoC and political‎ activism is moderated by age (the older population endorsing higher EoC‎ was more politically active). In the future, we should address more actively the‎ mobilizers of reactionary political actions in public and individual spheres, to‎ better understand the mechanisms for achieving long-term peace.‎

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41

Assylbekovna, Kamaldinova Aikerim, Nassimova Gulnar Orlenbaevna, Saitova Nina Alekseevna, and Khalikova Shakhnaza Bahitzhanovna. "Development of political culture of Kazakhstani students: Political and cultural determinants." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 148–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i2.427.

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42

Ha, Sangbok. "Political Modernity and the Sacred-A Preliminary Study for a New Understanding of Modern Politics-." Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 9, no. 4 (August 30, 2018): 843–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.9.4.59.

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43

Ilieva, Sonya. "CHANGE OF POLITICAL SYSTEM: MODERNIZATION OF DEMOCRACY TO MERITО-DEMOCRACY PAPER AT SOCIOLOGY OF POLITICS." Journal scientific and applied research 4, no. 1 (October 10, 2013): 200–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/jsar.v4i1.100.

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24 years after the changes in Bulgaria nationals are again in the streets calling for change in the system. The public debate is clear that this change is meant only as a change in the voting system - from party lists to the majority model. The author of the paper, however, believes that it is not only this, but for a comprehensive review of the democratic model to be placed in the light of meritocracy. The basic idea is the following: is needed modernization of democracy as a system based on meritocratic elements. This is a reasonfor a new type The Social Contract - a fusion of the positive components of meritocracy and democracy. This means to keep the basic democratic values of democracy, but to give power of knowing their proven expertise and intellectual people to be defined by democratic election procedures competitions to fill the positions and test expertise.

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Rao, Rojukurthi Sudhakar. "Comparing-Contrasting-Differential-Analysis in Political Science of African Politicians post-Colonialism-Globalization Domestic Politics." International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 5, no. 1 (January 24, 2024): 5684–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.5.0124.0367.

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Bode, Leticia. "Gateway Political Behaviors: The Frequency and Consequences of Low-Cost Political Engagement on Social Media." Social Media + Society 3, no. 4 (October 2017): 205630511774334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117743349.

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The purpose of this article is to determine to what extent engagement in easy political behaviors on social media occurs across the range of political interest, what predicts such engagement, and what effect such engagement may have on other political behaviors. It pits the idea that social media may activate the politically uninterested against the idea that social media is just another outlet for the politically interested to demonstrate their engagement. Analyzing survey data collected by the Pew Research Center, it concludes that many people, including the politically uninterested, do engage in easy political behaviors like liking and commenting on political content on social media. When they do, it can lead to greater political activity offline. However, those most likely to engage in easy political behaviors are also those who engage in harder political behaviors, offering support for both the interest and activation hypotheses.

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Moshak, D. S. "Modern political manipulations: political-communication and political-technological dimensions." Politicus, no. 4 (2020): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2020-4.6.

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Farruxovna, Abdunayimova Dinara. "Interconnection of political communication, political culture and political ideology." Asian Journal of Multidimensional Research (AJMR) 9, no. 4 (2020): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2278-4853.2020.00121.4.

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Kim, Doo-Rae. "Are politically neutral bureaucrats feasible in Korea? : A critical understanding of political neutrality and political control." Korean Public Administration Review 54, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18333/kpar.54.2.3.

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Podvoisky, L. Ya. "The political carnival and the culture of political elites – review of the book by P.L. Karabushchenko "Carnival Political Culture" (2022)." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 3 (43) (2023): 162–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.15.

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The recently observed increase in the carnival political culture primarily affects the behaviour of ruling political elites of the so-called "Collective West". First of all, it is manifested in the penetration of elements of absurdity and political deviation into political practice, which has an impact on the sharp decrease of the quality of professional competence of the elites and their leaders. In the media these "politicians" have long been associated with expressions such as "political clown", "political buffoon", and his team is a kind of "theatre of the absurd", etc., which describe such irresponsible behaviour from an extremely negative point of view. This study is the first in the scientific literature to systematically address not only the contemporary features of carnival political culture, but also to thoroughly examine its historical roots. It is the first monograph to analyse the essence of political carnival and carnival political culture. It is the analysis of this work that this review is devoted to.

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Kiss, Sam. "Political Realism and Political Reasons." Social Theory and Practice 47, no. 1 (2021): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract2021121113.

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Some people, we may call them realists, endorse the priority thesis. This thesis says political reasons (distinct from moral, prudential, aesthetic, economic, and other kinds of reason) have normative priority whenever we assess political situations. Any putative political reasons, I argue, must satisfy an autonomy condition and an identity condition. I argue that no realist account of political reasons shows such reasons are distinct and autonomous as of yet. One account, the practice-based account, may have the wherewithal to show political reasons are distinct. I also say some things about the relations between identity, autonomy, and priority.

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